Choque

Choque

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The Untold Story of Jiu-Jitsu in Brazil

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Volume 1

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1856-1949

Roberto Pedreira

2014

ALSO BY ROBERTO PEDREIRA

Jiu-Jitsu in the South Zone 1997-2008

© 2014 by Roberto Pedreira.

All rights reserved

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Cover by Derek Mayhew

To those who are about to rock.

Contents

Preface

Chapter 1: 1856-1899

Chapter 2: 1900-1908

Chapter 3: 1909

Chapter 4: 1910-1913

Chapter 5: 1914

Chapter 6: 1915

Chapter 7: 1916-1927

Chapter 8: 1928

Chapter 9: 1929

Chapter 10: 1930

Chapter 11: 1931

Chapter 12: 1932

Chapter 13: 1933

Chapter 14: 1934

Chapter 15: 1935

Chapter 16: 1936

Chapter 17: 1937

Chapter 18: 1938

Chapter 19 1939

Chapter 20: 1940

Chapter 21: 1941

Chapter 22: 1942-1945

Chapter 23: 1946

Chapter 24: 1947

Chapter 25: 1948

Chapter 26: 1949

Epilogue: The Past and Future of Jiu-Jitsu

Appendix 1: Fighters

Appendix 2: Fights

Appendix 3: Lineages

Appendix 4: Glossary

Chapter Notes

References

Author

Acknowledgements

Illustrations

Preface

Choque: The Untold Story of Jiu-Jitsu in Brazil (hereafter Choque) began as a short historical introduction to Jiu-Jitsu in the South Zone 1997-2008. After writing 60 pages I realized that I hadn’t included a single concrete, specific, reliably referenced fact for anything that happened before 1951. The limited information available was uniformly of questionable quality, and was almost entirely marketing and advertising materials for one particular school or another. The combination of misinformation, dubious sources, gaps, and contradictions, made it difficult to write a historical introduction.

The occasional exception was suggestive rather than reliable. In a series of articles written between 1997 and 2008 and published between 2000 and 2008, The Global Training Report (GTR) internet site provided some alternatives to the prevailing view. But GTR did not claim to be authoritative. GTR simply reported what its representative, Robert Pedreira (the author of Jiu-Jitsu in the South Zone and Choque, saw, read, and was told while in Brazil between 1997 and 2008. No one was trying to deceive him. They simply didn’t have the answers. In most cases they didn’t care.

With rare exceptions, the source of almost all available information was the same in every case. That was Rorion’s Gracie’s “documercial” (a commercial disguised as a documentary), known as Gracies in Action in two volumes, released in 1988 and to a lesser degree Pat Jordan’s 1989 Playboy article on Rorion Gracie. The handful of articles written in Brazil addressing history were written after UFC 1 in 1993. They were unavoidably influenced by Rorion Gracie’s version of events, primarily because it was the only version there was. In most cases, they had no other sources of information. At least one individual with first-hand knowledge regarded the story as fantasy. Others disagreed with particular aspects of the story, mainly in the matter of who should get credit for what.

The only way to find out the truth about jiu-jitsu in Brazil was to go back to independent sources, and as far back as the sources went. That is what Choque is about.1

Choque is organized chronologically rather than thematically. Rather than focusing on a particular event or individual, it describes everything of relevance within every year between 1856 and 1949, with the following exceptions. Chapter 1 treats the period from 1856 to 1899. During this period, organizational structures, venues, expectations, and cultural practices were established. They included the novel European concepts of “leisure”, “family entertainment”, “sport” and “physical culture”, among others. Essential forms of media, transportation, and technology evolved. Slavery was abolished (May 13, 1888) and the First Republic was created (November 15, 1889) which contributed to the formation of an incipient middle-class with modest amounts of disposable income, which stimulated the growth of professional fighting as one form of spectator entertainment. Certain individuals who would play major roles in the later evolution of the business of professional jiu-jitsu appeared. Paschoal Segreto was foremost among those.

Chapter 2 delves more specifically into this topic, which is absolutely essential for understanding what followed. Chapter 3 deals with the rise and fall of the first jiu-jitsu representative in Brazil, in 1909. He was Sada Miyako. Chapter 4 focuses on the period 1910-1913, when jiu-jitsu was an obscure and little-practiced amateur sport championed by an esgrimista [fencer] named Mario Aleixo. Chapter 5 deals with Mitsuyo Maeda (more commonly called Conde Koma in Brazil) and his first “troupe” of jiu-jitsu fighters in São Paulo in 1914. Chapter 6 deals with Conde Koma and his second troupe in Rio in 1915. Chapter 7 treats the period from 1915 to 1927, up to the arrival of the next Japanese master, Geo Omori.

After chapter 7, all subsequent chapters focus on periods of a single year (the one exception being chapter 22, the war years (1942-1945), in which for obvious reasons, professional sports and entertainment were curtailed or modified to meet the objectives of the war effort.

Appendix 1 lists every known jiu-jitsu representative in Brazil between 1856 and 1949, as well as all of their opponents from rival styles (including those who did not have a style). The list also includes important promoters, managers, writers, organizations, referees, and the names and addresses of major venues, gyms, and academies.

Appendix 2 provides a list of all known and confirmed contests between jiu-jitsu representatives and any other stylist. Contests that were announced before and on the scheduled day, but no report of a result has been found, are included as “unconfirmed”.

Appendix 3 attempts to reconstruct lineages of teachers and students.

Appendix 4 is a historical glossary, containing words used between 1856 and 1949 to describe jiu-jitsu and other fighting techniques, and other relevant terminology.

The epilogue sums up the story in very general terms and sets the stage for Choque: The Untold Story of Jiu-Jitsu in Brazil, Volume 2 1950-1999.

Sources are provided in the Notes section. Substantive notes are also included.

The Illustrations section contains newspaper clippings from 1879 to 1922 and after.

E-books do not have page numbers, but readers can find most of what they need by using Appendices 1 and 2 and then referring to the appropriate chapter. The print version of Choque contains a conventional, old-school index.

Some readers may feel that Choque contains too much information and too much detail. It is true that there are copious amounts of both. That was a deliberate decision. In view of how little reliable factual information there is on the subject, I resolved to include everything of potential interest for the benefit of future researchers. Much of the detail and specifics (including most of the original Portuguese material) is contained in the notes section. Readers who do not need this information or level of detail can feel free to ignore it.

Spelling in Brazilian newspapers was erratic, and essentially a matter of personal preference. There was no national standard, particularly before 1943, and the earlier we look, the more idiosyncratic the spelling appears. Newspapers had their own spelling conventions and sometimes asked their readers what they preferred. One newspaper conducted a survey in March of 1940, offering a chance to win a 6-valve Fada radio in a lottery, for readers who would say whether or not they preferred a newer simplified orthography.2 The result revealed that a majority (75%) preferred a simplified orthography, which the newspaper adopted from April 16.3

In some cases, or many, no one really knew how a name was spelled, and it might be written two or three or more different ways in the same article (and still other ways in headlines and photo captions). I made no attempt to modernize or standardize spellings, especially names, where in many cases there probably was no one correct spelling. The selections quoted are reproduced as they were originally printed, including errors, as it is generally impossible to distinguish between errors and the normal spelling style of the time. Exceptions are when the meaning of the content is significantly altered or unintelligible. In those cases, I provided a clarifying note, if possible, or the legend [sic], meaning “that’s the way it was”.

The conventions of international copyright law and the Lei de Direito Autoral (Lei 9.610 de 19 de fevereiro de 1998) have been observed in reproducing photographs that might conceivably still be protected by copyright, or whose status is unascertainable.

Readers with research intentions should note that most of the supporting material, including original Portuguese language texts, are provided in the notes section. In the electronic version each chapter concludes with the phrase “Chapter Notes”, which links to the appropriate chapter notes. Individual note superscripts in the text are not linked to notes in the notes section. For example, “Chapter 2 Notes” at the end of Chapter 2, will link to the section “Chapter 2 Notes” in the Notes section. However, the superscript 10 (e.g., example10) is not linked to note 10 in the notes section. In the print version, readers will simply open the book to the referenced page.

Preface Notes

Chapter 1

1856-1899

By 1909, Rio and a few other cities in Brazil were well supplied with professional fighting. But between 1856 and 1909, there was only luta romana and occasionally savate (from 1864) generally as part of esgrima (fencing). They were presented via circuses and variety shows. Eventually, individuals began offering instruction in some arts. Under the influence of the English concept of sport and the various continental concepts of “physical culture”,1 clubs and associations were formed and incorporated the fights (luta romana, esgrima, and luta livre) into their menu of offerings. Sport was viewed as an activity, or “school,” where both leaders and followers learned moral and spiritual lessons. Winning was one possible outcome of competition but it was secondary to learning the lessons of “life” and developing “character”.2 Of course, gamblers had their own perspective on that, and paying customers had still another. In this way a “combat art”, or form of fighting, could be modified to serve many purposes.

Circuses and variety shows were sites for family entertainment, as a typical theater, Gabinete de Illusão, at 33 rua do Cano, 1st floor, emphasized: “This entertainment is for families. People who are not decently dressed will not be admitted”.3 The entertainment consisted of trained animals, singers, dancers, illusionists, freaks, exotic foreigners, comedians, clowns, musicians, dramatic and comic actors, trick riders, acrobats, contortionists, magicians, precocious children, strong men, in short, anything and everything that could be found in any of the many circuses and myriad vaudeville theaters and music halls of the period in any European or North American city.

Significantly, for the purpose of this book, that included professors of esgrima (fencing) and foot fighting (savate), and after 1856, luta romana. Within a short period, luta romana was a standard and nearly ubiquitous offering.

By 1909 (in Brazil) luta romana had become and remained the foremost style of entertainment fighting, or professional wrestling, but not the only one. It was augmented by luta livre (also called “catch as catch can”, “catch”, and “luta livre Americana”). Luta de jiu-jitsu, or simply “jiu-jitsu” made its stage debut in 1909, as did “luta de box”. Capoeiragem was associated with slaves or their descendants. It was not thought of as a sport or as a form of family entertainment, or something that a respectable person would want to be associated with.

The Victorian concept of sport had not yet arrived in Brazil, as eager as upper-class Brazilians were to adopt the latest fads and fashions from Europe. The notion of physical exertion as a sophisticated leisure time activity must have seemed quite bizarre to middle-class Brazilians (or rather people with enough money to be able to afford entertainment) at that time. Sports and “physical culture” seemed too much like labor, which was something to be done by slaves, and slaves were a familiar part of everyday life, up until May 13, 1888.4

Slaves often did not like being enslaved. They sometimes ran away. Slaves were valuable property, so “owners” sought to recover them, frequently by placing an “Escravo Fugido” [runaway slave] or “Preto Fugido” [runaway black man] ad in newspapers. Just above the announcement for the day’s lucta romana show at Theatro de S. Jose, in São Paulo, featuring the brothers Hogle and Keef (the sixth of ten acts that day), there was an offer of a generous reward [uma boa gratificação] for the return of a runaway slave named Rufina. Rufina was about 35-40 years old, tall, big [corpo grosso], had good teeth and a “grey” [parda] complexion.5 Similar ads were not uncommon.

Also in every edition of every newspaper were ads for the rental or sale of slaves. Escravos[male slaves] could be rented to perform whatever work they were capable of。Escravas [females slaves], or negrinhas [young black girls] girls, took care of children, did housework, and breast-fed babies. Moleques [black boys] could be employed peddling vegetables or other work that did not require adult strength. People also placed ads seeking to buy or lease slaves. Notices for slave auctions were not unusual.6

This was the social context in which luta romana arrived.7

Luta romana was Greco-roman wrestling (although it was known by various names). The rules of the sport were established in 1848.8 It was then essentially what it is now, upper-body wrestling. At first it was described simply as “two gladiators”. Eventually, after Brazilians had become familiar with the concepts of sport and physical culture, its sportive aspects were elucidated. But it is likely that fans got the general gist of the game, which was two large men each trying to put the other on the ground by a combination of lifting, pushing, and pulling, and similar such maneuvers. This took several decades however.

Luta romana was introduced in Brazil on Sunday December 14, 1856, at Circo Olympico at rua da Guarda Velha, by a company directed by Alexandre Luande. Nothing about luta romana was described in the advertisement for the show. It was simply one act among many.9 It is very possible that audiences did not know what it was other than a novel entertainment act from Europe.

By December 2, 1859 the pattern had been set. Circo Olympic (this time at Rua Nova de Conde), luta romana was described as “dous gladiadores” [two gladiators] identified by name as Angelo Onofre and Jacintho de Mendonça. They were referred to as “artistas” rather than fighters.10 What they saw was a stage show, and it is likely that it was interpreted, like everything that was presented on the same stages or areas set aside for performances, as a dramatic or comic performance rather than an athletic contest.

Savate was introduced no later than 1862, as part of esgrima [fencing] shows and contests, which were invariably acts in the same circuses and theater shows that featured luta romana.

On Sunday June 8, 1862, at 11:00 a.m., at Pavilhão Fluminense, C. Dengrement gave a demonstration of games of weapons [armas], savate and punching [jogo de soccos]. He was assisted by a team from the French ship Franceza Bayard. The weapons included florete, espada, baioneta, bengala, and pao. It was a series of “assaltos” (the Portugeuse version of the French word used to denote a friendly fencing contests, or exhibitions, later expanded to mean the distinct periods, separated by rest periods, or “rounds” during which the match took place).11

Entrance was 3$. The public was invited to watch, or if they preferred, to participate. (Gentlemen who were interested in participating were asked to register at the house of C. Dengremont at rua do Fogo n. 29. 1863.12

The brothers Hogle and Keef from North America performed a lucta romana, the ninth of ten acts that day October 13, 1863 at Theatro de S. Jose, in São Paulo.13

On January 31, 1864, Angelo Onofre and Jacintho de Mendonça were back with Circo Olympico at rua da Guard Velha.14

A few years later, the performances were being described both as assaltos and as jogos (games). On Sunday November 1, 1868, Circo Olympico at rua da Guard Velha, presented an extraordinary and great show consisting of “games” [jogos] and matches [assaltos] of blade fighting, luta romana savate, and punching, featuring French, Spanish, and Portuguese artists. M. Felippe and an unnamed amateur would offer games of savate [jogo de savate] and punching [jogo de socco]. The final performance was a Portuguese sticking fighting match. There would also be performances of horsemanship, gymnastics, acrobatics, contortion, balancing, and dancing. It was scheduled for 2:30, if it didn’t rain.15

By 1872, it had become important to present performers as international masters and champions One typical example was G. Gontie, who performed exhibition matches [assaltos] of savate and socco and demonstrations of weapons such as florete, espada, bengala, and pao. Gontie was billed as ex-mestre de esgrima do exercito francez da Africa [French African Army] who studied in many countries including Hong Kong, Japan, Batavia, and India. He was assisted by masters from the French frigates Jean-Bart and Venus, and by English and American sailors [marinheiros]. The esgrima and savate demonstrations were preceded by an orchestra performance and comedy in three acts. The show was held at Theatro S. Luiz on Tuesday December 17, 1872.16

In 1879 Theatro Circo, 94 on rua do Lavradio 94, hosted the Grande Companhia Norte-Americana, which in addition to gymnastics [variados exercicios gymnasticos] provided “real luta romana” [a verdadeira luta romana]. The invincible Italian fighter Jose Parodi [O Invencibel lutador Jose Parodi ] offered 400$ to any strong man who would test him.

Two men signed up. They were the famed Hercules “The Greek” Henrique [o Grego], and Carlos Donadei. The match was scheduled for Saturday September 6, 1879.17 They signed up the next day as well.18

On September 14, Francisco Pinto Nogueira from Portugal challenged Parodi, who accepted. The match was held at Theatro Circo Monday September 16, 1879.19 On Saturday, October 18, 1879 Jose Parodi was scheduled to face Domingos M. de Amancio “O Mortero”.20 On Sunday October 19, 1879, Parodi would face Francisco Pereira Dias at Skating-Rink Nictheroy.21

Most shows took place in Rio and to a lesser extent São Paulo. Rio was the political capital of the country and the major population and business center as well. But some troupes did venture outside Rio and São Paulo, at least to coastal cities on route to other destinations.

On December 24, 1879, at the Circo no Tivoly, in Fortaleza, the “Human Cannon [Homem Canhão], sr. Battaglia offered 500$ to anyone who could beat him in lucta romana [ofereca o premio de 500$00 a pessoa que o vencer de lucta romana]. His troupe-mate Sansão demonstrated his arms of steel [braços de ferro] by bending two types of steel bars. Skeptics in the audience were invited to submit their own bars, which Sansão would bend.22

On Wednesday August 3, 1881 at the Polytheama Fluminense, Bartoletti defeated a masked amateur (later revealed to be Gariglio Antonio, from Turim, Italy, 30 years old, married, and residing at rua dos Invalidos, n. 6.23

On Saturday November 12, 1881, The Polytheama presented a match of luta romana, followed by a costume mask ball [ha hoje luta romana e baile á phantazia].24

On Saturday May 20, 1882, Grande Pavilhão Hespanhol on rua do Imperador, presented a “real desafio de luta romana,” pitting D. Maximo Rodriquez, “the Hercules Hespanhol” against the fearless [destemido] Italian Jose Magnani.25 A week later (Sunday May 28, 1882), Rodriguez was preparing to take on Luiz da Costa. The management asked the public to remain respectably under control during the match so that the fighters could concentrate.26

On Saturday April 16, 1882, Polytheama Fluminense 94 on rua do Lavradio presented a parody of a great luta romana [Parodia a grande luta romana (Qual será mais valente?)], and a stick fighting game [jogo do pãu], disputed by Ribeiro, Teixeira, and others, and also three comedy performances and a symphony.27

On Sunday September 28, 1884 it was announced that Silva Pereira would soon be disputing some “Roman games” [jogos romanos] with Nunes do Lucinda at Palacete do rua Lavradio.28

Ordinary people probably weren’t very capable of distinguishing genuine contests from staged matches, but by 1887, they seemed to understand that luta romana performances were not “real” fights, although it is unknown to what extent they believed that they were staged.

On Monday August 22, 1887, at 2:00 in the afternoon, police arrived at a house at rua do Lavradio n. 97, where two tough guys [valentões] named Jose Martins Simões and Sebastião Lopes Castanheira were engaged in luta romana training, not for show, but for real [exercicios de luta romana, mas luta de verdade]. The fight must have been violent, because they were arrested without further ado [“quando chegou a policia e, sem mais, os foi levando].29

On Sunday April 20, the Real Companhia Equestre Italiana made its debut at Poltheama Fluminense in Rio. The company was directed by F. Cantoni, and had a cast of 120 performers, including 25 clowns, 25 females, 50 horses, and a strongman named Giuilo Sali. He was not merely an artist [artista], but an athlete-fighter as well [athleta lutador]. Sali had won a prize in Melbourne, and was the only rival to the celebrated Sandon of London (probably referring to Eugene Sandow). The advertisement implied that there were ten other artist-athlete-fighters in the company (Stanislau, Daniel, Corset, François, Nuti, Casi, Tusi, Santi, Sabatiani, and Hector).30

On Friday May 23, 1890, the management of Polytheama Fluminense (Srs. F. Cantoni and C. da Silva) invited any strong man or professional fighter to measure forces with their luta romana champion Giulio Sali. If anyone managed to throw him to the ground, according to the rules of luta romana, they would receive a large prize. So that no one would go home without being properly entertained, there would also be clowns, singers, acrobats, and animals including four Russian horses.31

On Wednesday June 11, Sali took on two challengers. One was San Martin de Fonseca of Brazil. The other was Pedro Vannotti of Italy. Pedro had already met the celebrated Bartoletti in a previous epoch (ja lutou n’outra epoca com o celebre Bartoletti), implying that he was experienced, but old. Sali defeated both without difficulty [sem dificuldade].32

Another who rose to the challenge was the well-known local athlete Otto Schoneer, who was reputed to be one of the strongest men in Rio. The encounter would be a 15 minute luta romana match, at Polytheama Fluminense on Friday June 13, “according to the correct rules of that noble art of measuring forces”. Members of the German colony in Rio would be placing their bets on Otto. Either Otto and Sali fought twice or the match was postponed, because they met (or were scheduled to meet) on Wednesday June 15.33

Otto either liked fighting Sali or coveted the 800$ prize money [Estão depositados 800$ para o vencedor]. He sent a letter to Correio do Povo and Gazeta de Noticias challenging him again, prompting F. Cantoni and C. da Silva to promote another match on Wednesday June 25.34

Luta romana continued as one circus and stage show attraction among many others. There were many circuses from Europe and North America and they toured constantly, staying in one place for as long as their contract specified, based on the local promoters knowledge of indigenous conditions.35 All offered similar attractions and were always open to anything that could increase their gate, with the caveat that their entertainment was for nice, middle-class families. There wasn’t a great deal of differentiation because audiences tended to enjoy the same sorts of shows. Accordingly, performers developed skills that were marketable. Sufficient leisure time and disposable income to attend shows tended to be found among the middle-class and above. Circuses and stage show companies followed the money.

Luta romana matches and challenges were presented in September of 1891, at the Eldorado. On September 15, the German Hercules Roberte was scheduled to meet Carlos Bergam from Rio-Grande. On September 16, also from Rio-Grande, Guilherme Muller, would meet anyone who wanted to try him [aceita-se desafio com qualquer pessoa]. On Friday September 18, Saturday September 19, and Saturday September 26, Guilhereme and Roberte would be facing each other and also accepting challenges.36

On Tuesday December 4, 1894 at Theatro S. Pedro de Alacantara, the Grande Companhia Norte Americana under the direction of Frank A. Gardner made its debut. The group included a monkey named Jessie, the man of rubber Frank Naska [o homem com os ossos de borracha], and acrobats, dogs, snakes, gymnasts, and horse-riders. It also included the invincible fighter [o invencivel lutador] Samsão “Hercules” William, who immediately announced that he feared no man in luta romana [declara que não respeita a pessoa alguma em luta romana].37

Samsão William undoubtedly intended his statement as an invitation to local tough guys. On Monday December 17, 1894, the company took a day off. The next day, Tuesday December 18, it had been arranged for a fighter named Mac Sham to face Samsão William.38

Mr. Entertainment

In 1895 the most important single individual in the history of jiu-jitsu in Brazil attracted the attention of the press. His name was Paschoal Segreto.

Paschoal Segreto and his brothers opened a restaurant called Café America on rua Sete de Setembro n. 213, specializing in cold food, milk from Minas, Italian wines, chocolate, porridge, and coffee.39

In 1897 Segreto was operating a salão de novidades [amusement house], called Animatographo Lumiere, showing the latest movies from around the world.40 The motion picture entertainment business had just been created the previous year.41 Paschoal Segreto was not a man who wasted time when there was entertainment to be presented and money to be made. In October of 1897, he commissioned Esperidiano Paulo to go to Europe to buy the equipment necessary to make Brazilian movies for his theater.42 He did not want to be limited to exhibition alone when there were profits to be made in production and distribution as well. Segreto was a not a man who thought small.

Cariocas knew Segreto and associated him with quality entertainment. Within three months, between 5,000 and 6,000 people per day were enjoying movies in his theater Super Lumiere.43 By the end of March the number of daily patrons was up to 12,000, eager to watch the movies from Europe that Segreto was importing, always bigger and better [mais gordo, mais bonito].44

On September 4, Segreto’s brother Alfonso, left for New York and Paris in search of new acts to offer middle-class Cariocas.45 Eventually these would include fights and fighters of all persuasions: Luta romana, luta de box, lute livre, and even the exotic Japanese game of defense and physical culture known as “jiu-jitsu”.

There is no record of any fighting taking place in any of Paschoal Segreto’s establishments during the 19th century, which by 1898 included “Paris no Rio”. That was about to change.

Chapter 1 Notes

Chapter 2

1900-1908

On January 1, a new century began but nothing really changed in Rio. Luta romana still ruled the variety show stages. The single most important individual in the history of jiu-jitsu in Brazil came into his stride. It was at this point that Paschoal Segreto began offering fights to middle-class Carioca families.

By 1901, Segreto’s venues included the Parque Fluminense and the Moulin Rouge. On Monday April 29, 1901, Segreto presented something that was a familiar sight in Rio and a few other larger Brazilian cities, but was new to him. It was lucta romana. The first match, at Moulin Rouge, was Porthos versus Juan Forbes (also known as John Forbes, and Hercules Forbes).1

The combination of Paschoal Segreto and fighting became an unstoppable force.

Campeonato

A pattern was quickly established. The first fight ended inconclusively after three rounds. Another fight would be held without a time limit until one or the other won. Representatives of the press were invited to serve as judges, thereby ensuring publicity both before and after the fight. If they worked gratis, Segreto also saved money.2

The fight lasted less than 2 minutes. Forbes lifted Porthos by the waist and dumped him on the ground [Forbes agerrou-se a Porthos, levantou-o pela cintura e estatelou-o no soalho]. The excitement, or disappointment, was too much for Porthos’ friend and supporter, the well-known Italian journalist, designer, and caricaturist, Alfredo Loriot. Loriot, only 35 years of age, more or less, suffered a heart attack and died.3

The show must go on. On Tuesday May 7, 1901, at Moulin Rouge, John Forbes gave a demonstration of the 32 attacks and 32 defenses of luta romana [32 ataques and 32 defesas que compõem a dita escola]. 4

There was a five-year gap in the ads, but “campeonatos” generally marked or were contained within the period of a “temporada” or “season”, of which there was one per year (individual contests could of course be held at any time).

The Third Campeonato Internacional de Luta Romana began Saturday October 6, 1906 at Moulin Rouge.5

The Fourth Grande Campeonato Internacional de Luta Romana began Tuesday August 13, 1907. The participating lutadores were Amalhou from Africa, Ottinger from Germany, D’Anvers from Belgium, and Calvet, Caseaux, Omer, Paul Pons, Le Boucher, and Limousin, all from France.6

Ticket prices ranged from 2$ for general admission [ingressos] to 20$ for ringside box seats [camarotes avant-scene] with other viewing options priced accordingly.7

On Wednesday August 21, 1907, newspapers announced that the campeonato would continue.8

One could add examples ad infinitum. The point is that in Brazil, until 1909, professional fighting meant luta romana (or, as it was also written “lucta” romana). People were not unaware of jiu-jitsu. It simply took some time and effort to market it as professional fighting.

Jiu-Jitsu

Brazilian government and military officials had been aware of jiu-jitsu since even before the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905^9 as a form of physical training for the military and a form of combatives for the civil police, and probably, as was true in other countries, as a recruitment aid and something to keep the troops productively occupied when not performing their duties.

Japan’s successes in the war, its first “test” against a “Western power, made a deep impression on Europeans and Americans, and on the political and military leaders of Brazil as well. The fact that Japan had gone from Asian back-water to world power in 35 years made many people eager to learn the secret of their success, or at least to consider what might be learned from their example. It was obvious that they had mastered the arts of science and technology in the service of war. But that was not new; indeed they learned from the West.

More intriguing to many people were the distinctly Japanese characteristics that they had retained in the process of their rapid modernization. Jiu-Jitsu seemed to be one of those things.

Jiu-Jitsu was already known in England and America through the work of a few men who had earlier learned in Japan after the opening of the ports subsequent to Perry’s visits in 1853-54. The numbers of serious jiu-jitsu students were undoubtledly few. Most economic immigrants or diplomatic visitors seemed to have scant interest it jiu-jitsu, assuming that they noticed it at all.10

The distinguished Brazilian historian and career diplomat Manoel Oliveira Lima served in Japan from 1901 to 1903.11 Before his next posting in Peru, he presented a series of public lectures in Rio about Japan. One took place at 2:00 p.m., on Sunday August 2, 1903, at “salão de honra da Escola Senador Correia“. The subjects of his lectures were “Modern Japan compared to Ancient Japan” [O Japão moderno comparado com o antigo”] and “Potential Relations between Brazil and Japan” [As relacões possiveis entre o Brasil e o Japão].12 According to one researcher, he briefly mentioned jiu-jitsu as being an Asian version of “capoeira”.13

Interest was heightened by Japan’s success against Russia in 1904-1905. Japan, a country of small polite people had defeated big brutish Russia. Some writers attributed this result to the quality of Japan’s fighting men and their “ju-jitsu” training.14

Many books about jiu-jitsu were written in English during and immediately following the Russo-Japanese War.15 Some were in print even earlier.16

The most popular were those of H. Irving Hancock. One was translated into Portuguese and available in Brazil by June of 1906. The book was Jiu-Jitsu: Educação Physica Japoneza. The translators were Brazilian naval officers Santos Porto and (Francisco) Radler de Aquino.17 Capitão tenente Porto and 1st tenente Radler translated the sub-title as “The system of exercises, diet, and general way of life, that has made the people of the Mikado the healthiest, strongest, and happiest men and women in the world [“O systema de exercicios, alimentação e modo geral de vida, que fez do povo da Mikado os mais sadios, os mais fortes e mais felizes homens e mulheres do mundo”].

Hancock had incorrectly translated of “jiu-jitsu” as “muscle breaking”. Santos Porto and Radler de Aquino translated Hancok’s incorrect translation literally, as “quebrar-musculos”, a clear indication that future jiu-jitsu masters in Brazil who used this phrase^18 were influenced by and may have acquired their “conhecimentos” [knowledge] from Hancock, and by this translation in particular.

Other translations of Hancock’s books were available by 1912, and the original English versions and French translations of some of these books were available no later than April 1908.19

A Brazilian who wanted to master the scientific Japanese game of defense had few authentically qualified teachers to learn from. But there was no shortage of books.

Other Games of Attack and Defense

Jiu-jitsu was introduced to the general public in circuses and variety theater shows, exactly as luta romana and to a lesser extent, esgrima and savate, had been 53 years before. Indeed, jiu-jitsu followed closely the path paved by luta romana. Jiu-jitsu performers appeared in the same theaters, under contract to the same empresarios, offering similar shows, using identical promotional and theatrical methods. In a sense, jiu-jitsu became the “new” luta romana. Along with jiu-jitsu, almost simulatenously, came luta livre, also referred to as “catch-as-catch-can” (sometimes written with hyphens sometimes not). Boxing (luta de box) had been introduced as early as 1890 as a variety show attraction, and was later reintroduced specifically as “English boxing” [box Inglez, or o jogo Inglez]. At the same time, luta romana did not vanish but co-existed and co-operated harmoniously with jiu-jitsu, as did for that matter, luta livre and boxing.

Capoeiragem did not quit fit into the pattern, as it tended to be associated with criminality and in fact was prohibited by law from 1890 (Decreto n. 847, Livro III, Capitulo XIII, artigos 403, 404, and 405). However, as the “national game” [jogo nacional] or national fight [luta nacional], capoeiragem had avid supporters. Capoeiragem did not compete with jiu-jitsu on the stages, but from about 1908 at least, it did in the area of public policy (or access to government contracts). Jiu-jitsu and capoeiragem were rival candidates for the position of official “fight” to be taught to the assorted military, para-miliary, and police organizations of various states and municipalities. Later, from 1928, capoeiragem became a rival to jiu-jitsu in the circuses and variety shows as well. Or at least something labeled as capoeiragem was.

Jiu-jitsu did not exist apart from the other martial arts, and many people cross-trained or moved from one art to another, or created their own styles out of elements of others. To survive in an unstable economic environment, teachers and fighters needed to be versatile. Most did at least a little of everything. Capoeiras and jiu-jitsu men fought catch as catch can matches. The main styles competing for attention were luta romana, luta livre, jiu-jitsu, and capoeiragem. Boxing flourished within its own domain.

As in the United States and Europe, sports coverage was one of the keys to selling newspapers.20 The super-stars of the foreign rings were assured of prominent coverage in the pages of every newspaper that aimed at a wide circulation. Unlike luta livre, jiu-jitsu, everyone understood accurately what boxing was. The rules were not negotiable and did not vary match-by-match. Accordingly, boxing versus other styles matches were not common, and boxers who did participate tended to be inexperienced, unsuccessful, or past their peak earning years.

Luta livre differed from luta romana in allowing joint locking techniques, leg attacks, and chokes (with occasional exceptions and restrictions). Depending on the rules negotiated for a particular match, limited use of strikes might also be allowed. The rules were so negotiable that a luta livre match could actually become a jiu-jitsu match, and vice versa. Striking could be prohibited entirely, or just in certain positions. In any given fight, certain kinds of strikes could be permitted while others were not. Fighters had a lot to remember and they sometimes couldn’t, which created controversy and frequently, re-matches.

To take one example, the capoeioras who faced the Gracie jiu-jitsu representatives in July 1931 were not permitted to strike on the ground, and one of them lost (by desclassificação, or disqualification) because he did. A few fights were “valendo tudo”21 in which comparatively more striking was allowed than in a typical luta livre match. Fights could also vary in how “arranged” they were, ranging from not at all to completely. Fans didn’t necessarily know how to distinguish between real and fake fights and didn’t necessarily care, up to a point, exercising their right to a “willing suspension of disbelief”.

Fans wanted entertaining fights. Fighters were happy to oblige, but didn’t want to and couldn’t afford to get unnecessarily hurt. The more they fought and the more realistically they fought, the greater the chance of incurring an economically disasterous injury. Often their opponents were also friends and business associates. Together, these encouraged arranged fights. Not all fights were arranged, but many were.

Luta Romana

Luta romana was first introduced as an entertainment attraction, but it could be practiced as an amateur sport, and eventually was. On Sunday evening, December 19, 1909, the Centro de Cultura Physica held an evening of gymnastics, fencing, ”jui-juitz” (jiu-jitsu), and luta romana, all under the direction of the noted sportsman and luta romana professor, Eneas Campello. João Baldi (later to be a Gracie ring rival and a victim of one of their street ambushes) participated in a no-time limit luta romana match.22

Luta romana was primarily upper-body wrestling, but photographs from 1909, showed Cazeaux versus Constant le Marin, in a raised ring with two obviously jerry-rigged ropes, engaged in some form of ground grappling, or what Greco-Roman stylists now call par terre.23

Prohibited techniques [golpes prohibidos] of luta romana were demonstrated in the magazine Illustração Brazileira in 1910. They included twisting the hands [torçer as mãos], guillotine chokes [envolver o pescoço], banging the opponent’s head on the ground [bater com a cabeça no chão], and hooking the opponent’s leg [traçar a perna]. The techniques were posed by the Russian lady wrestler Schuwaloff, whose nickname was “Golden Girl” [“Menina de Ouro“], assisted by Phillipi, among others including João Baldi and the Brazilian amateur lady wrestler, Nené. Only one permitted technique [um lindo golpe] was shown, a ceinture arriére [rear bear hug].24

Two days later the same magazine showed world champion Giovanni Raicevich of Italy and Aimable de la Calmette of France, in the “en garde” [starting] positon. Each fighter had a grip on his opponent’s opposite-side wrist, with a collar tie. Also shown were former world champion Romanoff of Russia and Ruggero, Italian champion, in the “en garde de tête” [head to head position].25  Like football, luta romana was an easy game to understand and could be played almost anywhere. Other things being equal, exposure increases liking. That tended to make them popular.

Luta romana continued to be a popular spectator sport until the late 1930’s when it was displaced as a form of spectator entertainment by luta livre and catch-as-catch-can, which, depending on the time and place, were sometimes seen as the same thing with different names, but sometimes as distinct forms of wrestling, each with its own rules. It was to the advantage of teachers and promoters to distinguish them, as it seemed to offer more variety. There were cases of two fighters engaging in a luta livre match one night and then a catch match a few days later, just as they would alternate between luta livre rules and jiu-jitsu rules, and for the same reason. The more “styles” there were, the more matches any two fighters could engage in without losing the fan’s interest and the easier it was for a fighter to remain “undefeated”.

Boxing

Savate had originally been devised as a less lethal alternative to dueling, using hands and feet rather than weapons.26 Savate was sometimes included as a component of esgrima shows, which featured, in addition to rapiers [florete] and swords [espada] and other bladed weapons, more pedestrian objects such as canes [bengala] and sticks [pau].

Savate was originally the art of punching and kicking. As early as 1862, savate had become specialized as “the game of legs” [o jogo do pernas]. Punching was a separate game [o jogo do soccos]. Probably the reasons were two: By separating them, shows would have greater variety and could be twice as long. In addition, the public was probably more impressed with flashy kicks than punches, which anyone could throw. This became fixed terminology when boxing arrived.

Variously referred to as “box”, “luta de box”, “boxe”, or “Box Inglez”, boxing was the new, improved, specialized, and more widely accepted and practiced form of the jogo do soccos, with standardized and internationally recognized rules and an already well-established economic framework, with practicioners, both amateur and professional, from the developed countries and others, but especially Europe and North America. There was money in boxing, and the possibility of international prestige.

Like luta romana, boxing was easy to understand. There were however some differences between the sport of boxing, in both amateur and professional guises, and their predecessor, “prize-fighting”. Brazilians were duly informed about them.

The principles of boxing were described in 1909 to the general literate public in an article titled “Box: Seus Principaes Golpes e Paradas” [Boxing: The Principle Blows and Blocks]27 in Revista da Semana. Thirteen pictures with captions described the major punches, positions, and movements, including the Bob Fitzimmons shift punch (high right followed by outside step and left to solar plexus), and some general training information, such as how to spar, what size gloves are worn and so on.

Boxing matches were occasionally staged in Rio following the same format set by luta romana. The first “Internacional Campeonato de Box Inglez” was held in Rio in 1913. It was promoted by the man who had brought the first jiu-jitsu expert, Sada Miyako, to Brazil, and would one year later present on the stages of his theaters the most famous of all, Conde Koma―and subsequently many other fighters of less celestial stature.

The concept of a world boxing champion dates from 1882.28 Subsequently the public developed certain expectations for how champions would be crowned. The winner of a tournament on a single stage in one city in Brazil could hardly claim to be a world or even national champion. The tournament format was not often used for boxing shows.

Boxing also, despite being endorsed by two of the most advanced countries (England and the United States), was not regarded favorably by all Brazilians. As one wrote in 1910, “Boxe….o sport mais estupido e bestial” [boxing…the most stupid and animalistic sport]. He described boxing as “savate com as mãos”.29

He did not go into great detail as to why he disliked the noble art, but he wasn’t the only one. The spectacle of two men pucnching each other did not seem like entertainment to many people, particularly not to respectable Christians. Professional boxing had a hard road before it was finally legalized in the United States.30 It took a world war, a hard-hitting heavyweight named Jack Dempsey, and the marketing genius of Tex Rickard to make professional boxing the muilt-million dollar business that it became.31

Luta Livre

Luta livre was introduced as an extension of luta romana. The objective was similar, to put the other man on the ground. But luta livre offered more. The rules and techniques were explained in numerous articles and demonstrations, as jiu-jitsu had been. In 1909 a newspaper columnist named “Cousin Henry” summarized the differences. He also showed a clear grasp of the business side of professional wrestling. 32

There are two types of “luta”, he explained. One is luta romana (occasionally referred to as luta greco-romana). In his view, luta romana had once been but no longer was an athletic contest or sport, but rather a commercial exhibition [não é mais uma sport mas…um exhibição commercial].

The other was luta livre, which was a genuine sport and athletic contest with the purpose of throwing a man to the ground using the techniques and rules of the game [enviar o adversario ao solo] or pinning his shoulders to the mat [encostamento as duas espaduas], using the various techniques of the sport such as “prises” [locks, grips], “crocs en jambe” [leg hooks], “prise de pieds” [footlocks], and others. Luta livre is called catch-as-catch-can in North America, he explained, and practiced there, and in England, Turkey, and India.

In the “troupe system”, he explained, fighters form groups, which are contracted by an empresario [promoter] to perform “espectaculos” [shows] for a specific “temporada” [season, or period of time]. Fighters are paid before fighting. The troupe leader decides what the outcome of the match will be the day before or sometimes hours before the fights. In the case of desafios [challenges], the fighter doesn’t risk his own money, rather the empresario underwrites the performance, viewing an occasional defeat as an operating expense.

Henry’s overview was generally correct, but didn’t foresee that luta livre would quickly recapitulate the trajectory of luta romana. In fact, he probably over-estimated how different luta livre was from luta romana even in 1909. The same could probably be said of professional jiu-jitsu.

Capoeiragem

Between 1856 and 1909, capoeiragem was associated with slaves and former slaves, black people, and in general the lowest classes.

As O Paiz expressed it, “Use of the ‘sardinha,’ as capoeiras called razor blades, turned the public against the national game, which originated in Africa. Famous gangs formed whose existence was contrary to Brazilian civilization, and capoeira began to be adopted exclusively by the lowest classes of society, by criminals and cold-blooded vagabunds, until it reached the disreputable and degraded condition that it has now reached”.33

Capoeiragem from 1887 and 1888 was generally referred to in the context of police arrest reports of individuals of a “certain class” who were caught in the act of performing street exhibitions [exercicios] of agility [agilidade] and dexterity [destreza]. “Armas prohibidas” [prohibited weapons] were invariably used as props, which intimidated passers-by.

Three examples may suffice to give the general impression of capoeiragem in the days before the official abolition of slavery, May 13, 1888.

“Yesterday at 11:30 in the morning, a slave named Trajano, belonging to Justino da Silveira Machado, was arrested on rua da União. He had been performing a capoeiragem show [exercicio] with some other individuals who eluded authorities. Trajan injured João Baptista dos Santos by throwing a rock at his head”.34

“Felicio Joaquin Martins, known by the nickname Moleque Felippe, was arrested  for performing capoeiragem at Largo de S. Francisco. He was injured when he was stabbed by another capoeira, Dominguinhos da Sé, who ran away”. 35

“Sebastião Jose da Silva was arrested yesterday for performing a capoeiragem demonstration, armed with a razor blade”. 36

Similar examples could be added almost ad infinitum. Capoeiragem was regarded as a threat to public safety, an impediment to commerce, and in its milder manifestations, a general nuisance. It was not seen as a sport, a system of self-defense, or a form of “physical culture”.

Nevertheless, some critics couldn’t help but observe that some of the capoeiras demonstrated admirable physical attributes. To put it in perspective, capoeiragem in nineteenth century Brazil was something like the break-dancing that one can see on the streets of some large American cities today. The difference is that break-dancers don’t perform while brandishing straight razors.

The slaves were freed in 1888.37 But capoeiragem remained a crime. In 1890, the Codigo Penal dos Estados Unidos do Brasil, Decreto n. 847 of October 11, 1890 was enacted. The section addressing Crime and Punishment [Dos Crimes e das Penas] was published for everyone to see.38

It consisted of four major sections [livros]. Section III addressed Das contravenções em Especie [types of misdemeanor], of which there were 13 “capitulos“ [chapters, or sub-sections, each with several articles [artigos] related to specific offenses]. Chapter 13 concerned vadias e capoeiras [vagrants and capoeiras].39

Three articles specifically concerned capoeiras,40 the first article 403, being most relevant (article 404 concerned repeat offenders and foreigners, article 405 concerned aggravating conditions). Article 403 of the 1890 penal code specified imprisonment for two to six months, or longer under certain circumstances.41

As many young men continued to perform capoeiragem in public, prisons needed to be built to accommodate them. One example of that occurred in 1898 when the Superior Tribunal do Justiça.of Pernambuco passed a law (Lei n. 370) authorizing the governor of the state to create a penal colony on the archipelago of Fernando de Noronha, or some other place, for people convicted of the crimes of mendigação [begging], embriaguez [drunkenness], vagabundagem [vagrancy], or capoeiragem.42

Even with laws prohibiting it, and prison time for practicing it, capoeiragem continued. Young, uneducated, unskilled, and unwanted black men didn’t have many job options. Capoeiragem might have been seen as a somewhat less profitable but also less dangerous occupation than robbing and kidnapping. Given the social identities of the capoeiras, it isn’t surprising that capoeiragem continued to have a negative connotation.

Twenty-two years of freedom did not provide potential recruits into the ranks of the capoeiras with places in civilized Brazilian society. That cost money, required family connections in government, and was associated with skin color.

Brazilians in general, but especially slaves, did not have a “hard work leads to success” myth. In their historical experience, hard work led to more hard work and anyone who could avoid it, did. Emancipation did little or nothing to change public perceptions of capoeiragem or capoeiras.

Nor did the reality change much. To some degree, the term “capoeiragem” began to be used to mean “violence”, particularly when it was associated with alcohol and deadly weapons. A few more examples will suffice.

“Yesterday Ricardo Jose da Rocha and Faustino Cornelio were put in jail for performing capoeiragem”.43

“At 3 p.m., at rua dos Arcos, at the corner of rua do Lavradio, there was a frightening capoeiragem demonstration between Manuel do Nascimento and Jose Martins. Both were armed with razor blades. The fight went on for a half-hour until the police arrived and arrested them. Both received serious lacerations to their right arms“.44

“A street cake vendor named O Cabra was arrested by Capitão Castro, for teaching capoeiragem at the doors of the Theatro Fluminense the day before yesterday at 12 at night. His ’students’ [discipulos] were told to take care of his cake-box”.45

O Cabra’s case was revealing. He apparently was not a street thug, but rather a working man. His mistake was teaching capoeiragem rather than selling cakes.

“An 18 year old seaman of German extraction, Ernesto Peterson, was walking late at night by the Largo de S. Francisco da Prainha, when he was confronted by two minors who proceed to give him a lesson in “capoeiragem”. He defended himself as well as could but due to the inequality of the contest, fell and slightly injured his left shoulder”.46

“Antonio de Souza, described as one of the most famous capoeiras (“um dos mais afamado capoeiras da zona da Saude”) armed with a knife [faca], and Antonio Galdino Ferreira, with a pocket-knife [canivete], had a duello [duel] last night on Praça Municipal. They were both arrested”.47

“Oswaldo de Lemos was sentenced to two months in prison for violation of article 402 of the Penal Codigo, capoeiragem. Francisco de Paula, Luiz Jose da Silva, and Julia Maria da Conceição got 22 1/2 days for violating article 399, vadiagem [vagrancy]”. 48

However, the impression was not uniformly negative. Some people distinguished capoeiragem from misuses and abuses of the art. The positive aspects of capoeiragem were appreciated. Some editorialists recommended that “the excellent practice of capoeiragem should be adopted officially by the armed forces”.49

Some professors of gymnastics, physical education, luta romana, or esgrima took it upon themselves to “rehabilitate” capoeiragem, or perhaps more accurately to create a style under the name of capoeiragem. The two foremost were Mario Aleixo and Agenor Moreira Sampaio, better known by his capoeiragem nickname of Sinhôzinho. Some people believed that capoeiragem was in fact simply the “national adaptation of savate” and it was indeed often referred to as “savate nacional” and similar expressions.50

Its supporters naturally believed that it was the best art of defense. But it was not agreed that it was the most appropriate art for every application. One writer complained in 1909 that “it is known that the army and navy train various types of ‘defense’, but not the best one, which is capoeiragem. Not long ago, one of my relatives, Captain Gomes Periera, brought with him [to Rio] two Japanese jiu-jitsu professors”. It was signed “Capoeira Man”.51

If he wasn’t fabricating, Capoeira Man had an impressive family background: Captain Gomes Pereira was Antonio Coutinho Gomes Pereira, the naval officer who, on the ship he commanded, personally transported the first jiu-jitsu teachers to Brazil. That seemed to give “Capoeira Man” a veneer of authority, or perhaps impartiality. It isn’t clear which, or why he mentioned it (his letter may have been edited prior to publication).

Dr. Carolino de Leoni Ramos (Chief of Police of Rio State) did not share Capoeira Man’s opinion. He ordered jiu-jitsu rather than capoeiragem to be taught to the civil guards [guardas civis].52

He was criticized for being unpatriotic. The Brazilian military and law enforcement organizations should use the Brazilian game, some objected. Others disagreed. Gazeta de Noticias observed that if capoeiragem is really just the Brazilian version of savate, or originated in Africa, it isn’t particularly patriotic to officially endorse it over some other “fight”.

On more practical grounds, the writer reasonably continued, “capoeiragem demands exceptional agility. Not everyone can learn it. Jiu-jitsu on the contrary, is a ‘defense’ especially for weak people. Its techniques don’t require exceptional strength or agility”.

A jiu-jitsu man would not stand a chance against a good capoeira, he went on, alluding to the encounter between Sada Miyako and Cyriaco in 1909, in which the limitations of jiu-jitsu, or Sada Miyako, were harshly exposed. But the civil guards don’t usually meet people like Cyriaco on the streets, he conceded. Jiu-jitsu is exactly what is needed by law enforcement personnel to deal with the types of situations they are likely to encounter, but without the excessive brutality of capoeiragem.53

The disagreement would not be quickly resolved. Capoeira and “jiu-jitsu-men” would continue to clash in their competition for ring victories, publicity, and government contracts.

On December 31, 1908, in Marigny, France the question whether jiu-jitsu was superior to boxing was answered in less than 10 seconds. Boxer Sam MacVea rushed across the ring in the opening seconds of the first round of his “mixed styles” match with jiu-jitsu expert Matsuda, and knocked him unconscious with a cross to the jaw.54

A reasonable person would have concluded that the sample size of the mixed fights that had at that point been conducted was too small to draw valid conclusions. But maybe that was precisely the point. The sample size would need to be increased with more fights.

.

Chapter 2 Notes

Chapter 3

1909

In 1921, one of the most eminent “sportsmen” and martial artists, a master of both jiu-jitsu and capoeiragem, Mario Aleixo, recalled fighting a Japanese jiu-jitsu master named “Saga-Mako” three times in 1904.1 There is no record of a Saga-Mako during that decade. Aleixo may have been alluding to Sada Miyako, but if so his memory failed him. Miyako didn’t arrive in Brazil until 1908.

There may have been a qualified jiu-jitsu instructor in Pernambuco in 1906. That is where and when 2nd tenente Jose Barbosa began his two year course of studies of the Japanese game. At least that is what he said in 1932.2

In any event, with few Japanese immigrants or visitors to teach them, Brazilians who wanted to learn jiu-jitsu had narrow options, at least until 1909. But they were not uninformed.

Literate Brazilians, particularly in the port cities, knew about jiu-jitsu, through reports from the “exterior,” specifically Portugal. O Seculo reported that “luta romana has taken on a new look at the Coliseum of Recreios because the champions there have been challenged by the well-known Japanese jiu-jitsu champion “Raku”.3

For the benefit of those who might not have heard of “jiu-jitsu”, O Seculo described jiu-jitsu as the “extremely complicated science, invented and cultivated by the Japanese, to effortlessly throw the devil to the ground”.4

Raku was the stage-name of Sadakazu Uenishi, author of Text Book of Ju-Jutsu as Practiced in Japan.5 Raku’s book was published in 1905 and so was accessible to any Brazilian who could read English. They could also read the copiously illustrated French book on jiu-jitsu that came to Brazil sometime in the recent past.6 In fact, they could hardly avoid reading about or seeing jiu-jitsu, as long as they read mass circulation periodicals and watched movies.7

Bernardinho Machado reported from Lisbon that “there continues to be great enthusiasm for the matches between Raku and the other champions at Coliseum of Recreios. The fury of the fights has reached exaggerated proportions. The coliseum is packed every night”.8

After having achieved colossal success by beating everyone in Portugal [teve um successo colossal, venceu todos], including the German wrestler “Schkmann,” Raku proceded to Madrid in August where he performed at Circo de Parish, with the lady jiu-jitsu stylist Chelito.9

Raku was scheduled to fight in Rio in 1909. He was contracted by Paschoal Segreto, the king of luta romana promoters. If it had happened, Raku would have preceded Conde Koma by five years. But it didn’t. The honor of being the first Japanese jiu-jitsu fighter and teacher belonged to someone else. In fact, to a duo. And it was a total accident.

Sada Miyako and Mme. Kakiara

The first confirmed professional jiu-jitsu fighters in Brazil were Sada Miyako and Mme. Kakiara, who arrived in Rio at 1 a.m, Wednesday December 16, 1908, on board the Brazilan Navy cruiser Benjamin Constant.

While on route from Honolulu to Japan, May 22, 1908, the Benjamin Constant, commanded by Captain Antonio Coutinho Gomes Pereira, detoured toward Wake Island to avoid bad weather. While reconoiterring the island they encountered more than 20 survivors from the Japanese fishing boat Kokin-maru. The Benjamin Constant transported them to Yokohama, where all but three disembarked. One of the three was Frome Ise who remained on the ship as a taifeiro [steward’s assistant].

The other two signed on as “jiu-jitsu instructors. They were Sada Miyako and Mme. Kakiara.10

Sada Miyako and mme. Kakiara left the ship and soon found work at Pavilhão Internacional (telephone 180) at avenida Central, 154, located at the corner of rua de Santo Antonio 90, next to Companhia Jardim Botanico. By April 18 they were appearing daily, sometimes twice a day. Like other jiu-jitsu men and professional wrestlers, Sada offered prizes to anyone who could beat him.

Pavilhão Internacional was one of many venues operated by Paschoal Segreto, in São Paulo, Rio, and Nictheroy (across the bay). Paschoal Segreto was the “creador dos divertimentos populares no Rio”, [creator of popular entertainment in Rio] the man who made entertainment available to ordinary, middle-class people, formerly something that only a gente de dinheiro [people with money] could enjoy. He was the man who introduced movies to Rio.11 His theaters included Salão Paris o Rio, (1900) Moulin Rouge (1901-1907), Eden Theatro (1906), Maison Moderne, Theatro Carlos Gomes, Theatro S. Pedro, Theatro S. Jose, Cinema Rio (in Nichteroy), Theatro Variedade, and Theatro Apollo, (the latter two in São Paulo).

Not all presented lutas. Pavilhão Interncaional was one of the several that did. It was a barração [large shed] where bearded ladies were exhibited along with luta romana e de box and other phenomena. It was said that you could travel the world in 40 minutes [Volta ao mundo em quarenta minutos] at Pavilhão Internacional.12

They appeared daily between April 18 and May 10, 1909 at least, and possibly before and after as well. Sada also worked under contract with the Ministro da Marinha, presumably teaching jiu-jitsu.13

The Debut of Sada Miyako

On Sunday April 18, 1909 Advertisments in in the daily papers Gazeta de Noticias and O Paiz, announced that two Japanese professors of the Japanese sport of “Jiu-Jitzu” [o sport japonez do JIUT-JITZU], by the names of Sada Miyako and Mme. Kakiara, would be appearing twice that day. The afternoon “matinee” started at 2:15. The evening “soiree” show started at 8:45. They offered five “libras” of gold to anyone who could avoid being thrown to the ground in a 3-minute match.14

Rules of Jiu-Jtsu Clarified

The public was highly familiar with luta romana and possibly to a lesser extent savate. Luta romana in particular must have been virtually self-evident. Two large men tried to throw each other tothe ground. It was obvious when one lost.. He was on the ground and the other man wasn’t.

Jiu-jitsu therefore was somewhat perplexing. Although the shows had been underway for 10 days and had stimulated much interest, the management of Pavilhão Internacional felt that the public could enjoy the matches more if the the rules were explained.15

Jiu-jitsu was specifically contrasted with the more intuitively understandable luta romana. Unlike luta romana, it was explained, being on the ground, even on both shoulders, did not constitute defeat. In fact, the article elaborated, “jiu-jitsuanos” had techniques that they deliberately went to the ground in order to apply. A jiu-jitsu match was decided when one combatant was subjected to pain that he could not not endure, and signaled surrender by tapping the ground or opponent’s body two times with the palm of his hand.

The only other sport that can be compared to jiu-jitsu, and even then only vaguely, it was clarified, was luta livre, or as the Swiss call it, “lutte au caleçou”, or, as the English call it “catch as catch can”. Four techniques were prohibited in a jiu-jitsu match (or at least the matches at Pavilhão Internacional). They were (1) dedos nos olhos [fingers in the eyes], (2) fractura dos dedos [breaking the fingers], (3) camagamento da columna vertebral ou clavicular [bending the spine or collar bone], and (4) torçegão nas partes sexuaes [twisting the sexual parts]. A man should signal his submission or concession by tapping with his hand twice [algum dos adversaries se de por vencido, batendo com a mão as duas pancadas de estylo].

It was also pointed out that jiu-jitsu was a sport, but one with great self-defense potential even against weapons, with the exception of guns [menos arma de fogo]. The costumes that “jiu-jitsuanos” wore perplexed many people. The article explained that because jiu-jitsu was intended in Japan for street self-defense, clothes were worn when practicing and competing.

Sada Miyako’s performance schedule from April 19 to May 10 is summarized below. Results were generally not reported. That was not unusual. Jiu-jitsu and luta romana matches were held every night [ha espectaculo todas as noites] as part of a full slate of variety entertainments that included comedians, musical acts, dramatic performances, with short movies shown in between.16 Management evidently and rationally felt that it was more pressing to let people know what was going to happen rather than what had already happened.

Sada Miyako’s first challenge match took place on Monday, April 19, 1909, the day after his debut. It was in fact arranged in advance (as it was announced on his debut day). Challengers did not simply walk up to the stage, but rather had to sign up and wait for a scheduled day.

The challenger was Arnoldo Jose Ferreira. Arnoldo was described as an 18 year old Portuguese with a 1 meter chest. He had previously defeated the celebrated jiu-jitsu professor Raku in Lisbon at the Colyseu dos Recreios [vencedor de um match com o celebre japonez Raku]. Arnoldo challenged Raku to a 10-minute “match” of jiu-jitsu. The result was not reported.17

Miyako’s next challenge was the following day Tuesday, April 20, 1909. The challenger was identified simply as a French amateur [amador Francez]. The specific rules were not mentioned but presumably the French amateur would try to stay on his feet for three minutes. The result was not reported.18

What people thought about Sada Miyako at the time was not extensively revealed (although his name became legendary later). One article however is suggestive, if not of Sada’s abilities, then about the hype surrounding him. According to the article, “there is now at Concerto Avenida a Japanese who is said to have a career as the greatest jiu-jitsu athlete. It is said that he has even defeated the well-known champion Raku. This is false. Everyone who knows jiu-jitsu knows that Raku has only been beaten by two men, Tarro Miyako and Dialutzu”.19 This indicates that Raku set a high standard, but not the highest. Sada Miyako was not regarded as being at the level of Raku.

On Monday April 26, 1909 it was announced that on that day, Sada Miyako would face four men who would push a cane with all of their strength against his throat [empurrar com toda a força uma bengala encostada na garganta]. Sada Miyako would resist effortlessly, while smoking a cigar [o japonez do <<jiu-jitsu>>…fumará charuto deixando 4 homens 4]. It is unclear whether this was a challenge or a demonstration but in any case it was not a fight. It was not reported whether Sada Miyako was able to smoke his cigar.20

Ads appeared in several of the Rio papers almost every day stating that Sada Miyako and Mme. Kakiara would be fighting every night [disputada todas an noites] at Concerta Avenida or something very similar. For example “Sada Miyako will continue his ever more exciting matches of jiu-jitsu, with lively movies between sessions”.21

On Wednesday April 28, 1909 it was announced in the Theatros columns that Sada would take on the Syrian fighter Rich Jorge that same day, in what promised to be a very interesting jiu-jitsu match [haveára um match de jiu-jitsu, entre o lutador syrio Rich Jorge e o japonez Sada Miyako, que promette ser interessantissimo]. The rules of jiu-jitsu were once again explained, in the Sport column.22

Jiu-Jitsu versus Capoeiragem

Cyriaco was a likeable, light-skinned, mixed-race man [mulato alto, mestiço]. He was thin [magro], from Campinas, quick and agile and worked as a stevedore. His full name was Cyriaco Francisco da Silva. He was known by the nickname “Moleque Cyriaco”. Cyriaco represented capoeiragem. His specialty was the “sting ray tail” kick [rabo de arraia].23

It was a mixed styles fight, capoeiragem versus jiu-jitsu, the national school [escola nacional] versus the Japanese school [escola japoneza]. At least that’s the way it turned out. It is not clear that Sada Miyako’s challenges were open to strikers. At least the rules of jiu-jitsu that were announced made no mention of striking. Either way, it affected how jiu-jitsu challenge matches were conducted in the future.

It was Miyako who issued the challenge, as usual offering a prize to anyone who could defeat him [desafiava a qualquer pessoa para luctar, promettendo premios aquelle que o conseguisse subjuga].

Cyriaco, bare-footed, and his supporters showed up at the Pavilhão Internacional at the usual time on Saturday May 1. But Sada Miyako declined to fight Cyriaco. The public loudly protested until Sada acquiesced. According to O Paiz, Cyriaco put his game plan into action, jumping like a cat and then crouching so much that he seemed to be sitting. Miyako looked for an opening to close the distance. Suddenly, Cyriaco unleashed a powerful kick, a “rabo de arraia” as capoeiras call it, that struck Miyako on his right temple, knocking him down instantly.

After 20 seconds, Miyako stood up, ready to resume the contest. Cyriaco knocked him down again with another rabo de arraia. That almost killed Miyako [quasi mata de novo o japonez]. Miyako then conceded defeat and left the arena. Cyriaco’s supporters were delirious with joy and carried him to the editorial office of O Paiz, where he was congratulated for defending the national school, capoeiragem, against the Japanese school, jiu-jitsu. Cyriaco was proclaimed to be a champion [Cyriaco, é, pois, um campeão].24

Despite this very convincing demonstration of the limitations of jiu-jitsu, Miyako continued giving his shows. He may have taken a week off to recuperate. Newspaper ads are lacking for the first week of May. On Monday May 10, 1909, O Paiz announced that “Sada Miyako will continue the lutas of ‘jiu-jitsu’ that have aroused such interest”[Sada Miyako continuará as luctas do ‘jiu-jitsu’ que tanto interresse tem despertado]. That was the last ad. He may have continued, as the ad stated. However, there is no record available at this time.

Miyako’s defeat probably had a negative impact on public perceptions. If a simple stevedore could crush a jiu-jitsu champion, capoeiragem must be the better art, some people clearly concluded. But jiu-jitsu partisans saw it differently. It isn’t the art alone, but the art applied by a man. Jiu-jitsu was scientific and everyone knew how powerful science was. Maybe the man, Sada Miyako, was lacking some of the elements needed to successfully represent the game. Perhaps a more decorated jiu-jitsu man could represent the art more satisfactorily. Certainly, that is what commentators later concluded.

Visit

Sada Miyako may have gone to São Paulo. In June of 1910, the Japanese Imperial Navy warship Ykoma paid a visit to Rio. Good will and public relations events included demonstrations of espada, esgrima, jiu-jitsu, wrestling, boxing (described as “jogo Inglez”), and Japanese sword dancing [kenbu]. In addition to local dignitaries, members of the “colonia japoneza” of São Paulo attended. Among them were S. Sekiguchi and Sada Miako [Miyako’s name was also written Miako and Miaco] both described as members of the Japanese colony in São Paulo [membros da colonia japoneza da capita de S. Paulo].25

Departure

Sada Miyako and Mme. Kakiara departed but Paschoal Segreto planned to bring jiu-jitsu back, but this time a more famous expert, namely Raku (Sadakazu Uyenishi). In the mean time, luta romana and luta livre continued. The following is a brief sketch of what happened.

The results of the fourth night of the 5th Luta Romana Grande Campeonato Internacional, with a prize of 30,000 francos, at Concerto Avenida, Friday August 6, 1909, were reported. Competitors were required to weigh at least 98 kilos to be qualified to enter. World champion Peterson (112 kilos) defeated Austrian champion Schneider (110 kilos); by cientur a rebout tourbillon; Italian champion Grenna Raffaele (113 kilos) bested Russian Champion Constatinowich (110 kilos) by prise d’epaules a terre; Constant le Marin (115 kilos) from Belgium beat Girsa (98 kilos) from Turkey by duble prise d’epaule; and D’Anvers (111 kilos) champion of Belgium subdued German champion Schakmann (108 kilos) by cientur an avant after a 23 minute war [tourada durou demaisadamente]. The results were reported with great seriousness.26

The Street

Miguel Rodrigues Riberio had a vegetable garden at Andarhy on rua Maria Eugenia. A certain Antonio Sobrinho, also known as Jose Francisco, went to Mr. Ribeiro’s garden with the aim of “gathering” some fruits. Mr. Riberio showed up and chastised Jose Francisco, who vowed perverse vengeance. Later, when Riberio was leaving his home to visit friends, Jose Francisco suddenly attacked him with a razor blade with homicidal intent. Mr. Riberio suffered extensive and deep cuts to his face, chest, and left arm. Jose Francisco attempted to flee but was pursued by neighborhood residents who apprehended and presented him to the 16th district police station. The gravely injured Mr. Riberio was taken to the hospital da Misericordia.27

Mixed Fighting

In a 72-minute luta romana match on Monday September 20, 1909, Calmette broke the rules by administering a ”bofetada” [slap] to the face of Constant le Marin. The match had been equal and closely-disputed up to that point. Offended by Calmette’s dishonorable act, Constant requested permission to fight “luta livre”, but was denied, a decision that was roundly booed by the fans. Calmette left the ring to consult with Schakmann who was watching. After re-entering the ring, he was easily defeated by Constant, with a “prise de d’avant”.28

In their Thursday September 30 match, Paul Pons and Constant again drew. It seemed that another match would be needed to decide the winner. On Friday, Aimable de la Calmette would face face Peterson, and Caseaux would confront Dierry from Senegal. Dierry was scheduled to encounter Smykal the following Tuesday in a luta livre match.

Paschoal Segreto, in addition to presenting interesting luta livres, was organizing challenges between luta romana and luta livre fighters. Caseaux, Schackman and Dierry were already on board. A brave Japanese fighter was expected to arrive soon. The Japanese fighter was Sadakazu Uyenishi, better known to local fans as “Raku”.29

Precise adherence to any rule-set took a definite backseat to entertainment value. Anthing was possible if the fans would pay to see it.

Between September 21 and October 6, many luta romana men had become luta livre men or adopted the game. Luta romana could become luta livre by the simple expedient of allowing the fighters to slap each other, which presumably generated more fan interest.30 Grabbing the legs was allowed but not required. The wrestlers didn’t need to modify their act to a great extent.

Luta romana fighters could also punch and kick. The match would be described as “savate” for the occasion, not because the wrestlers had any savate qualifications, but because it was different. Fans would pay to see it. Savate Franceza was used by bad guys and vagrants in France [como é usado pelos malandros e vadias Francezes]. It was the French version of capoeiragem, which was the “sport of bad behavior” [sport da malandragem].31 It might attract fans. The fighters and promoters had nothing to lose by trying.

On Friday, October 8, 1909, Caseaux faced Calmette in a savate match. Caseaux won after 35 minutes.32

Few such matches were offered, so it is likely that the wrestlers were too far out of their element to put on convincing shows. Savate after all, was the jogo do pernas, the game of legs, the art of kicking. Enormous men probably felt safer and looked less ridiculous with their feet on the ground.

Saturday October 9, was the last day of the 4th Campeonato Internacional de Luta Romana. It had been going on for the last two months [iniciado ha seguramente dous mezes no palco do concerto avenida]. The great French champion Paul Pons would meet Peterson.33

Cyriaco Returns

Not long after demolishing Sada Miyako, Cyriaco happened to watch a luta livre match. He immediately challenged any luta livre fighter, Dierry in particular, to face him. Dierry was a luta romana wrestler but like most luta romana wrestlers he fought under luta livre rules when required.

Cyriaco promised to put into play all of the his maneuvers, including the “sting-ray tail kick” [rabo de arraia] that he used to knock-out Sada Miyako. Cyriaco was registered to compete in the Jiu-Jitsu championship scheduled to be held at Concerto Avenida soon after the imminent arrival of the champion Raku. No doubt he would be setting his sights on Raku himself.34

Dierry accepted. The match was set for Monday October 11, if the police allowed it to take place.35

There was no mention of the Dierry versus Cyriaco fight in subsequent editions, nor did it become the stuff of legends (like the Cyriaco versus Sada Miyako fight), so apparently the police didn’t allow it. In any event, the jiu-jutsu champion Raku was Cyriaco’s next target.

No Money

Tuesday October 12, 1909 was the final day of the 5th campeonato that began August 3. As expected Pons defeated Peterson with a “double prise de tête á terre” to emerge as the tournament champion. Pons climbed into the ring along with Constant le Marin, Aimable, and Peterson, to collect the 30,000 francos that Paschoal Segreto had promised. But strangely, Segreto did not arrive with the money. The fighters offered it to the poor people of the city, presumably when or if Segreto came up with it.

They evidently believed that he was good for it because they contracted for four more months of luta romana matches, although not necessarily a tournament, from Wednesday October 13.36 The famous world jiu-jitsu champion Raku was expected soon. He would certainly provide some novelty.

Raku versus Cyriaco

As always, the actual physical arrival a fighter or troupe was preceded by several weeks of advertising, announcing their imminent arrival and usually the initiation of a tournament. A jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem match, pitting Raku versus Cyriaco, was promised.37 Ads and short news items about Raku appeared almost every day in the local newspapers beginning October 6, 1909.38 The promised vehicles for his “fights” were the “Campeonato Internacional de Luta Romana”, the “Grande Campeonato Internacional de Jiu-Jitsu”, and the “Campeonato de Luta Japoneza”.

Previously it had been mentioned that Raku had suffered loses to Arnoldo Jose Ferreira, to Taro Miyake, and to “Dialutzu.” But now he was described as invincible [invencivel], and the only fighter who had never been beaten [unico luctador que nunca for derrotado].39

The last mention of Raku’s arrival was October 24 in Revista da Semana, in which it was announced that Concerto Avenida was preparing a new championship of the Japanese Fight with Raku, again described as invincible.40

There is no evidence that Raku arrived until 1915, when he came to Rio with the Conde Koma troupe. By that time Cyriaco had died (on May 18, 1912), leaving no marketable capoeiragem representative to face him. Instead, Raku fought with members of his own troupe, and from time to time with the co-resident luta romana representatives.

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Chapter 3 Notes

Chapter 4

1910-1913

Between the departure of Sada Miyako in 1909 and the arrival of the Conde Koma troupe in 1914, the circuses and variety show stages of Rio were bereft of jiu-jitsu. Jiu-jitsu was not forgotten however. It was used by police for law enforcement purposes and physical training and by athletically inclined civilians as a sport.

Waldemar Silva and Carlos Pinto Soares engaged in a jiu-jitsu match on Sunday December 19, 1909. It was one event in an all day sports festival at Centro de Cultura Physica. The festival included four luta romana matches, one featuring the professional wrestler João Baldi, and a fencing match between Mario Lages and Mario Aleixo.1 Baldi and Aleixo later played significant, if unintended, roles in popularizing jiu-jitsu in Rio.

People who did not practice sports could read about or see them. English and French language translations of jiu-jitsu books had been available since 1906 at the latest and probably much earlier, and jiu-jitsu images had been visible on the movie screens. In August of 1912, a new translation of one of Irving Hancock’s books was on sale in Rio bookstores, among them Livaria Schetino, on Travessa do Ouvidor. The book’s ample photographs clearly showed the most difficult positions and made it easy to study jiu-jitsu [As photogravuras explicam bem as mais difficeis posições e jiu-jitsu é facil de estudar].2

It is more than possible that some jiu-jitsu enthusiasts, possibly even those who claimed to have mastered the secrets and unlocked the mysteries of jiu-jitsu, acquired their knowledge from this and other books. They definitely adopted the clichés and misconceptions.

Jiu-jitsu could be used to create a news item, or at least, content for a magazine or newspaper article. One example: In an article in Fon-Fon, the “hook” was the fact that one of the two English suffragistas [advocates of equal voting rights for women], who established a feminist association, was a jiu-jitsu expert. She was Mistress Garrud and she wanted to teach the resources of the Japanese game to her partner Miss Kelly and their feminist colleagues. She hoped to build an army of athletes composed of the fair sex whose primary assignment would be to eject men who tried to disrupt their feminist “meetings”. Mistress Garrud personally threw a six-foot policeman to the ground, it was alleged.3

In January of 1912, Gazeta de Noticas invited various authorities and experts to express their opinions about “Which ‘Sport’ is most Difficult” [Qual o <<sport>> mais dificil?].

The noted sportsman Mauricio Guilard believed that the most difficult sport was jiu-jitsu, because it developed all of the muscles, and in addition cultivated “sangue frio” or coolness under pressure. He mentioned Tarro Miyako [Taro Miayke], Raku Uyenishi, and Yuco [Yukio] Tani as exemplary practicioners, and concluded with a comment that is as applicable today as it was then: “all sports are equally good. The big mistake is not training in any of them” [“todos os demais sports, são igualmente bons, o grande erro em não praticar nenhum delles”].4

Mixed Fighting

While boxing was not a widely practiced domestic sport, international boxing news was regularly reported. Boxing films were also shown. The Odeon theater showed seven movies on Thursday September 18, 1910. The seventh was the Sam MacVea versus Jim Johnson “match de box” from Paris. On the same day, world luta romana champion Raicevich would be confronting Russian champion Romanoff at Paschoal Segreto’s Theatre Carlos Gomes.5

After the George Carpentier versus Jim Sullian fight (February 29, 1912) Constant le Marin announced that he planned to leave luta romana and lose 10 of his 106 kilos to focus on boxing. In the same article, it was reported that in the middle of April the famous North American heavyweight world boxing champion Jack Johnson would (he said) engage in a wrestling match with Frank Gotch, who offered a guarantee of 150,000 francs.6

Campeonatos of boxing were presented alongside luta romana and luta livre, in the same theaters, presented by the same empresarios. Sometimes luta romana and luta livre fighters tried their hands at boxing, and eventually, vice-versa. In 1913, a North American boxer named Sam MacVea (also called Kid Mak Veo and Mace Vea) appeared in at least one Rio variety show boxing campeonato, conducted along the same lines as the tournaments of luta romana, livre livre, and in due course, jiu-jitsu. All were presented by the legendary empresario Paschoal Segreto.

Luta romana champion Jose Floriano Peixoto, despite not being a boxer (he had one boxing bout under his belt), accepted the general challenge launched by Belgian boxer Joseph Beerens, just arrived in Rio. On February 13 they fought a desempate a morte, meaning that they had already fought and drawn twice before in the previous two weeks.7 For his part, Beerens had competed successfully in luta romana fights in Chile in 1905 and 1907.8 Luta romana champions Jules Jourdan and Alfred Popper engaged in an 8-round boxing match in May 1913. It ended in a draw.9

Luta romana continued to attract fans. Theatro Alvaro de Carvalho in Florianopolis, operated by Empreza Gonsalves & Cia, presented the “Great Continuation of Luta Romana between the Worthy Champions” [“Grande Continuação de Lucta Romana entre os Valentes Campeões”] as the seventh of seven acts that Tuesday.10 Luta romana contests were still popular in 1917 and after as well.11

In fact, luta romana remained more popular (or at least more newsworthy) than luta livre for decades. Using two major newspapers, Correio da Manhã and Jornal do Brasil, as reference points (because they are archived by decade over the relevant time period), between 1900 and 1909, luta romana was referenced 951 times, luta livre 5 times. Between 1910-1919, luta romana was referenced 1,058 times, luta livre 56 times. Between 1920 and 1929 luta romana was referenced 612 times, luta livre 47 times. Between 1930 and 1939 luta romana was referenced 188 times, luta livre 758 times, and between 1940 and 1949 luta romana was referenced 16 times, luta livre 443 times. The relative rise of luta livre vis-à-vis luta romana is easy to see.

Luta Romana

In February of 1913, Paschoal Segreto announced that he would be opening a “grande campeonato de luta romana” at Pavilhão Internacional within the next few days [em breves dias]. The “troupe” of fighters arrived on Wednesday February 19, 1913, on the “Principessa Mafalda” and promptly visited the O Imparcial editorial office to introduce themselves. The participating wrestlers, their names, heights, weights, titles, dates of birth, and nationalities were described two days before their arrival and the day after in O Imparcial and A Epoca.12 Segreto wanted to leave no doubts that these were big men, they were international, and they were all champions.

They were:

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Fritz Muller (186 cm, 130 kgs., born in 1881, champion of Europe)

Victor Heusch (182 cm, 125 kgs., born in 1878, champion of Belgium)

Willy Felgenhauer (181 cm, 120 kgs., born in 1880, champion of Austria-Hungary)

Emile Vervet (175 cm, 120 kgs., born in 1875, champion of France)

Alfred Popper (184 cm, 110 kgs., born in 1879, champion of Vienna)

Ferdinando Priano (183 cm, 100 kgs., born in 1891, champion of “ligure”)

Jules Jourdan (172 cm, 120 kgs., born in 1878, champion of Marseilles)

Ambroise le Suisse (173 cm, 95 kgs., born in 1889, champion of Switzerland)

Ella Pampuri (175 cm, 91 kgs., born in 1879, champion of Geneva)

Henry Coenen (195 cm, 125 kgs. champion of Brussells)

Emilio Ruggero (180 cm, 116 kgs., champion of Italy)

Giovanni Raicevich (173 cm, 115 kgs., born in 1882, world champion)

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The Street

In Anhangá, Belem, February 18, Raymundo da Silva, 15, killed his 13 year old  brother with a shotgun blast to the chest [tiro do espingarda no coração]. He was arrested, showing symptoms of mental illness [apresenta symptomas de alienação mental].

A poor boy from Santos named Emilio Pinto stowed aboard a ship headed to Lisbon. There he was discovered and sent back to Brazil on the German steamship “Bahia”. 13

Modelo de Jiu-Jitsu

The Japanese navy training ship “Tassei Maru” visited Rio in April. On Sunday afternoon April 27 a festival was hosted on board, featuring demonstrations and matches of kenjitsu and jiu-jitsu. A “modelo de ‘jiu-jitsu’” was presented by M. Katsuki and U. Ogishima. Then matches involving B. Baba, K. Ishibashi, N. Nakahara, Y. Ieranaka, H. Aminaka, R. Ogawa, M. Katsuki, and S. Ama. The individual competitors represented two groups, the red and the white (the red group won [venceu grupo vermelho].The kenjitsu presentation (which preceded the jiu-jitsu activities) was similar. The guests were greatly impressed with the cleanliness of the ship and the skillfulness of the matches and demonstrations.14

Pavilhão Internacional had presenting boxing since as early as February 1913, when Joseph Beerens met the Brazilian luta romana champion Jose Floriano Peixoto Filho. They had several, indeed, numerous, rematches. In fact they were still fighting on Sunday March 30 in what was called a “continuação do grande combate de box inglez entre Floriano Peixoto e Joseph Beerens”.15

On April 2, Joseph Beerens and North American champion Jack Murray fought a desempate [tie-breaker]. The fight the night before (Tuesday April 1) had been an empate [draw]. Beerens had been in the ring three nights straight.16

Paschoal Segreto had been presenting individual matches of boxing, concurrently with luta romana and luta livre campeonatos. He merged the two concepts and decided to provide a campeonato of boxing, and rather than wrestlers like Jose Floriano, real “boxistas” who were already in Rio and others who were expected to arrive [no qual se inscreveram varias boxistas que se acham neste capital e outros a chegar]. Paschoal Segreto was known as a man who made things happen. By May 1, he had his boxers.17

The international boxers participating in the Pavilhão Internancional campeonato^18 included Joseph Beerens (Belgium), Alfredo LeComte (France and Argentina), Louis Condor (probably the French comic gymnast), Harry Green (North America), Jack Murray (North America), Jose Leslie (Portugal), Charle Jackson, Paul Winter, Adams, Stone, and Kid MacVea, described as the North American preto [black man]. This may have been someone using Sam MacVea’s name, or it might actually have been Sam MacVea who was well-known by informed fans for his devastating victory over the Japanese jiu-jitsu professor Matsuda in France in 1908.19 One of the boxers, Leconte (also spelled Lecomte), was versatile. He later fought and lost to Conde Koma in Belém, by disqualification, in 1915.21

Fighters came and went. A few were regulars, while others fought once or twice. On April 5, English champion Jayme Grossman fought North American champion Benn Smith.22 Two days later Benn Smith fought Lecomte on April 7.23 The next two nights (April 8 and 9) Alfred Lecomte fought German champion Joe Krauss.24 It is possible that some fighters sometimes used fake names (or ethnic identities) to create the impression of novelty, to appeal to fans from particular cultural groups, to disguise their true identity, or for any other reason. It was not unusual at the time. Even heavyweight champion Jack Dempsey did it.25 Boxing eventually became too big, too profitable, too popular, and too regulated for circuses and variety shows.Wrestling was the perfect fit.

A typical evening at Pavilhão Internacional was Thursday May 8, 1913. The program began at 9:00 with luta livre (Ambroise le Suisse versus Jules Jourdan), followed by boxing (Louis Condor versus MacVea, Alfred Lecomte versus Stone, and Charle Jackson versus Paul Winter), and finally Luta romana at 11:00 (João Baldi versus Henry Cohenen; Victor Hensch versus Willi Felgenhaur; and Emilio Ruggerio versus Elia Pampuri).26

Treachery

Luta romana could segue into luta livre, either by prior agreement, or by treachery on the part of one fighter.

Willy Felgenhauer, luta romana champion of Austria-Hungary, promised to need no more than 20 minutes to subdue world luta romana champion Giovanni Raicevich in a luta livre contest, which took place on Wednesday, April 30 at Pavilhão Internacional. At the end of match, Raicevich was still standing and in consequence, was declared the winner.27

In the same program, Ruggerio faced Vervet. Unfortunately, the match degenerated from a “sport” into a “tourada” [bull fight], due to Vervet’s dirty tactics and recourse to illegal blows [golpes prohibidos] including socos [punches] and rasteiras [leg kicks, or leg sweeps]. Ruggerio retaliated in kind from the middle of match, finally dealing defeat to the French champion. Closing out the evening fights, Victor Hensch and Jules Jourdan fought by luta livre rules and drew.

The Grande Campeonato Internacional continued on Saturday May 5. Hensch and Jourdan drew again [ainda não desempataram] in their third match on Friday May 4. There was no other alternative than to have another match to decide who was stronger.

To arouse interest in another match between Raicevich and Fegelnhauer, Paschoal Segreto offered 2,000 reis [dois contos de reis] to the winner.28

The Street

On Friday May 2, on on rua Praia Pequena, near the corner of the estrada Bomsuccesso, 13 year Armando was playing with some friends. They said something to make Miguel Turco’s daughter cry. Miguel was an “arabe” and had a bad reputation [homem da máos costumes]. Miguel beat Armando to the ground and then “having satisfied his blood lust” [instincto sanguiario] he calmly returned to his home as though nothing had happened.

Witnesses to the savage beating detained him and brought him to the local police station.

The same day, Antonio Pereira de Christo, 14, resident of rua de S. Pedro, n. 55, was playing outside the business establishment of sr. Adelino Simões, at rua do Ouvidor, n. 45, when, oblivious to the danger that awaited, he yielded to the temptation to climb up an iron gate. The enormous gate fell and crushed the unfortunate boy’s head. Witnesses were horrified. The small body was removed to the police morgue where Dr. Morize Barbosa diagnosed the cause of death as a fractured skull [fractura do craneo].29

Mario Aleixo

Mario Aleixo was teaching jiu-jitsu in Rio before Conde Koma arrived. He was teaching jiu-jitsu after Conde Koma left. He also mixed jiu-jitsu with boxing and capoeirgeam to form his own original style that, he claimed, was superior to and more “efficacious” than any of its three sources.

Mario Aleixo was an “esgrimista” [fencer]. He opened a program of fencing and jiu-jitsu in Rio at the Club de Regatas Boqueirão do Passeio on September 8, 1914.30  He had already been teaching jiu-jitsu however, since 1913 in the suburbs (in the North Zone) at the Centro do Sportivo do Engenho Velho.31 As everyone knew, Mario Aleixo was one of the most knowledgeable exponents of both fencing and jiu-jitsu in Brazil.32 Students would certainly be in good hands.

With his background in fencing, it was probably inevitable that he would eventually try to synthesize the two games, throwing capoeiragem in as well, in an early version of Jeet Kune Do.

Between the rise and fall of Mario Aleixo, there was another jiu-jitsu master. His name was Mitsuyo Maeda, better known in Brazil as Conde Koma.33

Conde Koma made his first appearances on the variety show stages of São Paulo a yaer and a half after Mario Aleixo began teaching jiu-jitsu in Rio. Koma came to Rio in April of 1915 and left in May. His presence was impressive, but brief. Mario Aleixo maintained a lower profile, but he was a permanent fixture. He wasn’t going anywhere.

Mario Aleixo shifted his focus to capoeiragem. But he remained acknowledged as a master of jiu-jitsu in Rio. At least until December of 1931.

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Chapter 4 Notes

Chapter 5

1914

On Wednesday September 23, 1914 residents of São Paulo were informed that the world champion Conde Koma and his famous troupe of Japanese jiu-jitsu fighters would soon be arriving. That was followed by a note explaining that “jiu-jitsu is absolutely different and very distinct from any other form of fight, and that it is the real art of self-defense and physical culture of Japan”.1

The members of Koma’s troupe were not identified by name, but based on the results of the matches that took place over the approximately three weeks of their engagement, they were Koma himself, Satake, Okura, Matsura, and Akiyama.2

Conde Koma and his troupe made their first appearance at Paschoal Segreto’s Theatro Variedades in the Largo do Paysandu, in São Paulo, on Friday September 25.3

They shared the bill with a bevy of international female singers (Vivian Hett, Martha Cotti, Jeane Jeoral, La Moyanito, Nelly Bertti, Alexandra Vives, and Hedda), an Italian comedy team named Les Vallieres, and the ‘great attraction’ of the epoch, the “world athlete” [athleta mundial] Mr. Galant.4

Theatro Variedades was one of the many theaters operated by Paschoal Segreto,5 in São Paulo, in Rio, and across the Guanabara Bay in Nichtheroy [now spelled Niteroi]. Many presented fights in addition to the usual variety show acts. One of them was Pavilhão Internacional, where Sada Miyako performed in 1909. Segreto also ran the Theatro Carlos Gomes, also in Rio, where luta romana, luta livre, and luta de box Inglez were presented.

Segreto had tried unsuccessfully to book Raku as a replacement for Sada Miyako in his Pavilhão Internacional campeonatos of luta romana and jiu-jitsu. Conde Koma was now in São Paulo. Bringing him to Rio was the logical next step. By coincidence, Segreto would finally get Raku for his stages. Raku joined the Koma troupe in Rio.

The Koma troupe debut performance was an astounding success [successo assombroso].6 But they had stiff competition. On the night of their debut and every night, Paulistas had abundant entertainment options. If they didn’t care for fights, they could see the operatta A Gran duqueza de Gerolstein at Segreto’s Apollo Theatro on rua D. Jose de Barros. They could watch a four-act play called “Sherlock Holmes: O amador policial” at the Palace Theatre (on avenida Brigadeiro Luiz Antonio, n. 69). They could watch A Conflagração Europea, and Ciumes ma reprimides, and As duas maes, at the Iris Theatre.7 If that didn’t suit them, The S. Jose was presenting a variety of operettas and reviews. The Jockey Club Paulistano presented horse racing at Hippodromo Paulistano. The Frontão Boa Vista at rua Boa Vista no. 48 presented Grande funcção Sportiva, Quiniela de Honra. Football and target shooting [tiro] were also available.

People who had leisure time and disposable income did not have to go far to find entertainment. Performers from all corners of the world came to them. Mostly they came from Europe and North America. Japan was still exotic and vaguely mysterious, including its scientific form of fighting, “jiu-jitsu” (invariably written with quotation marks). Conde Koma and his troupe of jiu-jitsu fighters were worth seeing, not just because they were national or world champions. Every fighter on the stages of São Paulo and Rio was a champion of some sort. That was taken for granted. But Conde Koma and his men were unique. There were so few of them.

Their game of defense may have been mysterious to Paulistas but their show was not hard to understand.

The Koma troupe’s shows in São Paulo were probably very similar to the shows they put on not long after, in Maranhão. A typical show involved (1) the monetary offer, (2) introduction of Koma and the troupe, (3) Koma’s invitation to spectators who wanted to test him, (4) demonstrations of self-defense techniques, (5) demonstrations of winning jiu-jitsu competition techniques, (6) demonstrations of prohibited techniques, and finally (7) a match between two troupe members.8

The rules of a jiu-jitsu fight, or at least the rules used by Conde Koma, were also probably the same as those that were publicized a few months later for their Rio appearances at Segreto’s Theatro Carlos Gomes.9 They were as follows:

1. The wrestlers should be clean and cut their finger and toe nails [Todo lutador deverá se apresentar decente, com as unhas das mãos e dos pes perfeitamente cortadas].

2. The should wear a kimono, provided by Conde Koma [Deverá usar trage kimono, que o conde Koma lhe facilitará].

3. Biting, scratching, head-butting, and punching were prohibited [Não e permittido morder, arranhar, pegar com a cabeça ou com a punho].

4. When using the foot, the curved part rather than the pointed part should be used [Quando se fizer uso do pé, nunca se fará com a ponta e sim com a curva].

5. A fighter would not be considered to be defeated by pinning his shoulders to the mat [Não se considerá vencido, o que tenha as espaduas em terre ainda que tenha cahido primeiro].

6. Fighters should indicate that they give up by tapping three times on the ground or the opponent’s body [O que considerá vencido, o demonstrará dando tres palmadas sobre o acolchoado e sobre o corpo do adversario].

7. The referee would declare a fighter beaten if it appeared that he was unable to tap three times under his own volition [O juiz considerá vencido o que effeito da luta não se recorde que deve dar tres palmadas].

8. Rounds would be five minutes with 2-minute breaks between rounds. The referee would count the minutes in a loud voice so that the fans could hear [As lutas se dividirão em rounds ou encontros de 5 minutos, por 2 de descanço. Tendo o juiz de campo que contra os minutos em voz alta para maior comprehensão do publico].

9. If the wrestlers fell out if the ring they should obey the referee’s instructions and get back in to the center of the ring, standing up, facing the opponent [Se os lutadores cahirem fore do tapete, sem que nenhum delles tenha avisado, o sr. juiz deve obrigal-os a collocar-se, de novo no centro do acolchoado, em pé, frente a frente].

10. The judges may substitute for the referee [Substituirão em suas obrigacões, ao sr. juiz, os srs jurado].

Desafio

Conde Koma would later publicly offer 5,000 francs to anyone of any size or weight who could defeat him, and (sometimes) 500 francs for anyone who could survive 15 minutes without “desisting”.10 His shows in São Paulo were advertised and plugged in every, or almost every, daily edition of the Correio Paulistano between Wednesday September 23 and Wednesday October 20. Ads and news items announced match-ups for the day or next day.

Conde Koma’s offer to challengers was not included in any ad or item. That may account for why there were so few of them, in São Paulo at least. In fact, there was only one, on October 5, when Conde Koma was scheduled to confront Miguel Jorge.

The troupe performed almost every day. As noted above, there were only five members in the troupe. Without amateur challengers, the performances would inevitably become repetitious and predictable. Results were not reported, except indirectly, when the match was a desempate [tie-breaker], or desempate de morte [tie-breaker of a tie-breaker]. Based on these limited results, it appears that most, possibly all, matches ended in draws. The matches that did occur were:

On Saturday October 3 Koma and Satake fought a desempate (tie-breaker). This means that they had fought to a draw sometime in the previous week.11

On Sunday October 4 Conde Koma and Satake fought a desempate de morte [tie-breaker of a tie-breaker] indicating that the Saturday match had again been a draw [empate].12

Koma was scheduled to face Turkish amateur Miguel Jorge on Monday October 5.13 The result, if the match took place, was not subsequently mentioned.

On Wednesday October 7 Akiyama and Satake squared off.14

On Friday October 9 Koma confronted Akiyama.15

Two matches were held on Sunday October 11. Matsura faced Satake, and Akiyama confronted Okura.16

On Monday October 12 Akiyama and Satake fought a tie-breaker [desempate], meaning that their meeting on October 7 had been an empate [draw].17

On Tuesday October 13 Koma and Akiyama fought a desempate, meaning that their October 9 had been an empate.18

On Sunday October 18. Koma measured forces with Matsura.19

There were no reports of anyone winning or losing a match. In fact, few results were reported. We can only infer some of them from the fact that subsequent matches were described as desempates or desempate de morte. Perhaps São Paulo was a test-run for Rio, or possibly the troupe was short-handed for the needs of an extended engagement.

A number of changes were made in the format by the time the re-constituted troupe arrived in Rio. Conde Koma’s 5,000 francos offer to anyone who could beat him was conspicuously publicized and more challengers showed up to test themselves and take a shot at the prize money. Results of the matches were more often reported and were more often discussed and analyzed. Upcoming matches were previewed and discussed. And quite a few matches ended in “finalizations”.

The troupe stayed in São Paulo for more or less three weeks. With 12 or more participants, luta romana tournaments generally went on for several months.

That was part of the key to luta romana and luta livre’s long-lasting popularity. There was no shortage of wrestlers. Jiu-jitsu fighters however were few in number. They had a virtual monopoly on the (jiu-jitsu) market. But there were not enough of them to keep a tournament under way for longer than a week or two.

Jiu-jitsu could not compete with the luta romana people in terms in number and variety of match-ups or local interest. Luta romana fighters hailed from many European countries, and each could be the “champion” of an expatriate community [colonia]. Any Brazilian of almost any background could dig into his roots to become a “foreign” fighter. Indeed, everyone retained their ethnicity unless or until they naturalized, at which time they would shift from being, for example, an Estonian fighter to being a “national” [Brazilian] fighter.

Moreover there were plenty of Brazilian lutadores romana. But all of the jiu-jitsu lutadores were, obviously, Japanese, and while there was a Japanese colony in Brazil, it was not at that time ensconced in the heart of the city of São Paulo. Nor were the Japanese immigrants the sort of middle-class citizens who attended variety shows in large numbers. Unlike luta romana, which any big, strong man could try his hand at, jiu-jitsu, even in 1914, was a game of skill, which few if any Paulistanos had at that time.

Theatro Variedades was presenting several new acts on Tuesday October 13, including a group of Egyptian dancers Mora La Zoraida, and three new singers (Etna and Fyorina from Italy, and Angelina, who was “international”. Other acts and attractions were Les Leger-Lia (a comedy team), Evaristo (a xylophonist), Gabv Darmovill (a French singer), MLLE. Gina, and short movies between acts.20 The bill changed every day or every other day and included a half dozen or so acts, generally with afternoon and evening shows.

That same day, Tuesday October 13, Paschoal Segreto announced that he would be presenting a new Campeonato Internacional de Lucta Greco-Romana. He had already been signing up fighters from various countries (or representing various nationalities). Twelve men were needed and recruitment would end October 15. Cash prizes awaited victorious wrestlers. Medals [medalhas de distincção] and diplomas [diplomas de honra] could also be won. Conde Koma and his troupe continued their shows.

There were no ads for the Koma troupe in São Paulo after October 21. The next news item appeared December 29, reporting that the troupe continued to draw large crowds for their performances at the Polytheama, in Ribeiro Preto in Northeast of São Paulo state, indicating that they had been there for some time.21 No doubt they kept busy, but documentation for their whereabouts and activities is sketchy until they get to Rio.

.

Chapter 5 Notes

Chapter 6

1915

On Thursday March 11, 1915. Empresa Paschoal Segreto announced the imminent arrival in Rio of a troupe of jiu-jitsu lutadores, currently in São Paulo.1

The troupe members were identified as:

.

Conde Koma (world champion)

Satake (champion of New York)

Okura (champion of Chile)

Matsura (champion of Peru)

Hara (champion of Tokio)

Akiyama (champion of North America)

When the lutadores arrived on April 4, they visited the editorial offices of A Epoca and Correia da Manhã.2

The composition of the group had changed. It now consisted of:

Conde Koma (world champion)

Satake (1913 champion of New York)

Okura (1914 champion of Chile)

Shimizu (1913 champion of Peru)

Raku (1913 champion of Mexico)

.

These were the fighters whose fight results were reported the next several weeks during their engagement. Matsura and Hara had vanished. Akiyama had gone to Argentina.3 He did not take part in any reported fights in Rio, and when on Tuesday August 3, the troupe boarded the Itapama bound for Recife and points beyond, Akiyama was not among them.4 Thus, as in São Paulo, the troupe consisted of five fighters. Koma, Satake, and Okura remained from the São Paulo contingent. Shimizu and Raku replaced Matsura and Akiyama.

The troupe was scheduled to debut the second week of April. In the meantime, they were spending the week giving seminars, schmoozing with the press, and engaging in other promotional activities (some of which will be described in more detail below). However they did not actually make their formal stage appearance until May 1.

Gazeta de Noticias reported that they would perform at one of four theaters operated by Paschoal Segreto (Theatro S. Jose, Theatro S. Pedro, Cinema-Theatro Carlos Gomes, and Cinema Rio in Nichteroy [Niteroi].5 As it turned out, they appeared at the Carlos Gomes, and occasionally Cinema Rio.

Conde Koma offered 5,000 francs to anyone who could beat him and 500 francs to any amateur who could survive more than 15 minutes” [“offerece 5,000 francos a quem o vencer e 500 francs ao amador que lhe resistir mais de quinze minutos”].6

It was an offer than was repeated many times. A few bold men took up the challenge. With nothing to lose except possibly their self-esteem, it is surprising that not more men accepted the challenge.

Articles, short news items, and ads appeared every day in one or more newspapers plugging the upcoming jiu-jitsu campeonato along with results of the already in progress luta romana tournament and the days’ match-ups. March 29 was the Youssouf versus Kormandy match.

Seventeen years later, Youssouf would challenge jiu-jitsu champion Geo Omori to a luta livre or jiu-jitsu match and get choked out for his trouble.

The regras [rules] of jiu-jitsu for the 2nd campeonato of jiu-jitsu to be held at Theatro Carlos Gomes were published Tuesday March 30, 1915 in O Imparcial and Friday April 12, 1915 in Gazeta de Noticias. As described in chapter 5, the jiu-jitsu challenges were not “anything goes,” but rather contests of “submission grappling”.

Koma and his troupe visited the editorial office of Correio de Manhã Saturday evening April 3, 1915. They planned to spend the final week before their debut at Theatro Carlos Gomes giving demonstration lessons [“classe academica”] and visiting the press.

According to the report of the visit, Conde Koma fought in England in 1914 and became a professor to the English police, subsequently doing the same in Russia, North America, Havana, Mexico, and San Salvador. With him were Satake (New York champion in 1913), Shimizu (Peru champion), Okura (Chile champion in 1914), and Raku (Mexico champion in 1913). Conde Koma’s standing offer was repeated: 5,000 francs to anyone who could beat him and 500 francs to any amateur who could last 15 minutes without tapping.7

The next day, Koma, Shimizu, Okura, and Raku visited A Epoca offices. The A Epoca report added the details that Koma was the wearer of the “belt of gold” [ceinture d’or] after winning a tournament in London in 1914.

Before the beginning of the 2nd campeonato of “the terrible Japanese Game” [o terrivel jogo nipponico], Koma offered a special session for doctors and representatives of the press in which he explained in minute detail the effects of the “terrible techniques of attack and defense”.8

On Wednesday April 7, the Japanese minister attended a performance of the Koma troupe at the Carlos Gomes, returning the visit that Koma had paid to him earlier.9

The jiu-jitsu tournament did not begin until May 1 but Koma and the troupe generated interest in their forthcoming “jiu-jitsu” campeonato by giving demonstrations during intermissions of the luta romana tournament.

Luta romana was popular, judging by the media attention. Results of matches were reported in some detail, using French, without translation, to describe the winning techniques, which indicates that fans were familiar with them.

On April 7 Gallant defeated Umberto by ceinture á rebours en tourbillon, Pampuri from Italy easily subjugated Goldbach of Austria with a prise de hanches en tête, and Schultz defeated Matuchevich by ceinture en souplesse. Matches scheduled for Wednesday April 8 were Chevalier versus La Pelada, and Pampuri versus Kormandy and a tie-breaker between the 128 kilo Turk Youssouf and 142 kilo German Lobmeyer.10

On Sunday April 4, local champion João Baldi expressed interest in participating in the 6th campeonato. Paschoal Segreto reluctantly agreed.

According to Gazeta de Noticias, in a few days Baldi would be demonstrating his vast knowledge of the sport of Greco-romana and commented that Baldi appeared to be in excellent shape and that it was a shame that other fighters didn’t emulate him.11

On Saturday April 24, the luta Greco-romana campeonato moved to the Cinema-Rio in Nictheroy. Some wrestlers made the short 14 kilometer (8.7 miles) ferry trip across the Baia da Guanabara [Guanabara Bay]. The other wrestlers stayed in Rio and continued their nightly battles at the Carlos Gomes.12

Finally, the day came. On Friday April 30, it was announced in A Noite that the jiu-jitsu championship that everyone had been kept anxiously waiting for was going to begin the next day, Saturday May, 1915. Conde Koma and his troupe of skillful Japanese fighters would take part.13

The Saturday May 1, 1915 editions of O Paiz, O Seculo, Gazeta de Noticias, A Epoca, and O Imparcial made sure that no would be fail to know about it. Gazeta de Noticias reiterated Koma’s standing offer of 5,000 francos to anyone who could beat him and additionally announced that the first match would pit Satake (champion of New York) against Raku (champion of Mexico).

Challengers

The troupe’s advance work had not been wasted. Four amateurs had already signed up to challenge Koma. They were Paulo Jeolas, Joaquim Guadencio Alves, Edmundo Esteves de Assumpção, and Antonio Dias Guimaraes.

There would also be luta romana matches, and the comic acrobats Les Fredonis would also be on stage.14

That night, Koma performed an exhibition. Satake fought Raku. The next day Gazeta de Noticias mistakenly reported that Satake defeated Okura by knee bar in the fifth round [Okura foi vencido por uma chave de perna]. Such misreporting was not the norm, but it was not rare. It may have been an editorial slip, or it may have been that the writer did not really see the fight.

O Paiz reported that it would not attempt to write the Japanese name of the “truque” [trick, technique] that Satake defeated Raku with, to avoid confusing readers [não escrevemos em japonez, para não atrapalhar os nossos leitores] but the technique was called “chave de pernas” in Portuguese. Chave de pernas is “leglock”.15

The next match was Okura versus Schimizu, scheduled for May 2, 1915, 10:30 p.m.16

Meanwhile luta romana continued to attract fans. With 12 rather than five fighters, each from a different national or cultural group, they could offer more variety and appeal to multiple fan bases. Instead of one match per day, the luta romana fighters typically presented three. For example, the May 2 matches were Schulz from Germany versus Gallant from Russia; Goldbach from Austria versus Le Boucher from France; and Yusuf [Youssouf] from Syria versus Umberto from Italy.17 Thus there were six fighters representing six different countries (or regions).

The jiu-jitsu fighters needed to recruit amateur challengers to round out their show. They could of course perform self-defense demonstrations but fans quickly grew bored and wanted to see real fights or at least fake but convincing fights, with exciting action. Unfortunately, the amateurs seldom put up a good fight. As one observer commented “they don’t make a good impression, the amateurs of jiu-jitsu who show up to try for the prize offered by Conde Koma, who easily nullified their attacks”.18

Jiu-jitsu fights seemed generally to be less compelling. They were reported in less detail. Perhaps fans and writers were less familiar with the techniques, which were less intuitively comprehensible than the luta romana techniques. Anyone could understand luta romana. People who hadn’t experienced arm bars and chokes and what was required to set them up were less able to appreciate the drama in a jiu-jitsu match.

For example, on Monday May 3, Satake and Shimizu faced off for the first of three times in seven days. One newspaper reported only that the five-round fight ended in a draw [terminou por um empate].19

According to another report, Referee Cesareo was unfamiliar with the rules of jiu-jitsu and failed to keep one of the fighters under control, which accounted for the inconclusive result.20

Another problem was the fact that the jiu-jitsu masters were all obviously friends and colleagues. They all learned their secrets in the same school.21 They were too constrained by racial stereotypes to be able to enact the stock characters of professional wrestling. They may have tried. According to the review of one fight, “Satake was the youngest member of the troupe, and was so nervous that he became violent at times”.22

This was unusual however, as it clashed with the fans’ image of what a Japanese jiu-jitsu expert should be. They were all equally mysterious, calm, polite, and scientific. In other words, they were the Japanese stereotype, with science added. Unlike the luta romana and luta livre wrestlers, Conde Koma and the troupe couldn’t convincingly pretend to be enemies in order to artificially enhance dramatic interest. They lacked the elements to pose as rivals. Theatrical jiu-jitsu was packaged to be entertaining, with enormous brutes being flipped through the air with effortless flicks of the wrist. But staged demonstrations were too predictable after a while to sustain public interest. Fans wanted fights, preferably with heroes to root for and villains and rivals to root against.

Amateur challengers provided this to a degree. The problem, as observers pointed out, was that they lacked the technical knowledge and skills that could make the outcome of a match uncertain, hence interesting. For a master to fight a novice would be not much more appealing than watching a demonstration.

A secondary problem might have been that local challengers blurred the line between heroes and villains. It was obvious who was better at jiu-jitsu, but who was the “good guy”, the “hero”, the “champion”, that the local fans wanted to identify with? No one doubted Koma’s greatness, but he and his fighters were outsiders, just passing through. The matches lacked an ingredient that all commercially successful spectacles and series need, and that is rivalry. Rivalry is a relationship between personalities, or aggregates of them. Rivalry implies a general equality of forces. There must be a possibility of defeat. That is what creates the drama that people will pay to see.

A partial solution was mixed styles matches. A few were offered.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Luta Romana

Jiu-jitsu champion of Mexico Raku faced luta romana representative Goldbach Tuesday May 4 at 10:30 p.m.23 Conde Koma was the referee. This was the first opportunity the public had to witness a style versus style fight, one newspaper commented.24

Jiu-jitsu prevailed but the fight may not have live up to expectations in terms of excitement. Raku did nothing during the first two rounds, feeling out his opponent. Apparently Goldbach did nothing as well.

In the third round Raku launched an unrelenting and ferocious attack. In the fifth round he applied a chave de pescoço [necklock] or gravata [guillotine choke], and Goldbach conceded defeat.25

Another style versus style confrontation was scheduled for Wednesday May 5, the Cossack luta romana representative Matuchevich versus New York jiu-jitsu champion Satake.

However the match was not precisely style versus style, but rather stylist versus stylist. The crowd was intrigued by the clear disparity in size between the fighters. It seemed that it would be a contest between force and brute size [força, massa bruta], and agility [agilidade]. Reports did not indicate whether Matuchevich wore a kimono, but the fact that it was described as a jiu-jitsu match [“poule” de jiu-jitsu], suggests that he did.

Matuchevich weighed 90 kilos. Satake may have had difficulty taking him to the ground, but when he finally did, he sank a choke [chave auto-collar] in and to the shock of the fans, won the fight. Presumably, Matuchevich tapped out.26

Apparently more such mixed fights were planned. An ad in one newspaper promised sensational encounters between luta Greco-romana champions and jiu-jitsu fighters.27

Few or none actually took place. Paschoal Segreto became the most successful promoter in Brazil by giving the public what it wanted at affordable prices. It is possible that the wrestlers or jiu-jitsu men didn’t want to engage in these mixed styles fights, or possibly demanded excessive additional compensation. But the most likely reason there weren’t more fights was that the public didn’t want to see them enough to pay for them.

Thursday through Sunday May 6 to May 9, 1915, some luta romana fighters and member of the Conde Koma troupe, including Koma himself, performed at Cinema-Rio, Paschoal Segreto theater in Nichteroy. Conde Koma, Satake, Shimizu, Raku, Okura were the jiu-jitsu representatives. The luta romana representatives included Umberto, Lobmayer, Jose Floriano Peixoto, Kormandy, Tigre, and Gonzales and Goldbach, who fought a luta livre match on May 9. The fights ended at 11:00.28

On May 8, Raku defeated Okura 7 minutes into the second round with a chave de perna [leglock]. Conde Koma was scheduled to face Okura the next day.29

The final matches [Ultimas Poules] of the Grande Campeonato de Lucta Greco-Romana were scheduled to take place soon and the fighters would be departing [Despedida des luctadores que se enscreveram no Grande Campeonato de Lucta Greco-Romana].

Although the current luta romana tournament would conclude, there would continue to be luta romana matches and some of the competitors in the campeonato would likely be among the fighters. They could also participate in luta livre, as many already had done. Conde Koma and his troupe would be staying.30

On Sunday May 9, Satake and Shimizu met to break their drawn match on Thursday May 6. This time Satake came out on top of his agile and courageous opponent, who succumbed to a “vigorous” leglock in the fourth round. Satake won, but not without considerable difficulty. One observer felt that if it had not been for that unfortunate leglock, Shimizu would have emerged as the victor.31

The first challenge matches between jiu-jitsu amateurs and Conde Koma were scheduled to began Monday May 10, 1915.32 It was not specified that the jiu-jitsu amateurs actually had any jiu-jitsu background, which in any case would not have been easy to obtain in Brazil at that time, but simply that they were willing to compete under the jiu-jitsu rules in force during the matches.

That evening (Monday May 10), Paulo Jeolas^33 stepped up to challenge Conde Koma in a jiu-jitsu match. He would be trying to survive 15 minutes and thereby win 500 francs.34

Jeolas went home empty-handed. He was easily defeated.35

According to one observer, Jeolas was “a mosquito” who only managed to survive the first minute thanks to Koma’s gentlemanly attitude.36

Jeolas nevertheless could truthfully say that he fought Conde Koma. There is no evidence that he ever opened up a jiu-jitsu academy but if he did, he might have inflated that story a bit as other people sometimes did. Perhaps in the Jeolas family the fight was remembered as a moral or some other sort of victory.

Meanwhile, at popular request, the theatre’s management promised to continue the lucta romana campeonato with Youssouff, Chevallier, Gallant, and Lobmayer.37

On Tuesday May 11 Raku applied a footlock [chave de pé] to submit Okura in the fourth round of a hotly disputed [bastante disputada] fight. Conde Koma was scheduled to face Shimizu in the next day’s match.38

After his humbling experience at the hands of Conde Koma, Paulo Jeolas must have believed that he would fare better a second time. He was matched with Raku next, who was smaller than Koma. The fight was set for Saturday May 15.

In the mean time. Koma faced “o Lisboeta” (Joaquim Gaudencio Alves) on Thursday May 13.39 O Lisboeta did not have any better luck than Paulo Jeolas. A footlock in the second round was his downfall.40

On Friday May 14, Satake defeated Okura by armlock [chave de braço] in the fourth round.41

Tuesday May 18 was announced as the last night of the lucta Greco-Romana campeonato. The message was ambiguous however. The troupe was leaving [despedida] but some of the individual fighters would be staying (indeed some never left) and taking part in luta romana and other types of matches. Sunday (May 16) and Monday (May 17) were also both advertised as the final night of luta romana matches [ultimas Poules, ultimata noite].42

Family entertainment would not come to a stand-still. English ballerina Miss Coktail [written “Miss Captail” in later editions] was debuting. Aldon and Lopez, and La Muse were also performing. The campeonato of jiu-jitsu with Conde Koma and his troupe of Japanese fighters continued.43

Jiu-Jitsu versus Capoeiragem

Rapheal Golthus was a capoeira, believed by some to be a worthy exponent of the national game. On Saturday May 15, Conde Koma, knowing that Golthus was in the audience, deviated from the script and directly challenged him. Golthus accepted, but asked for eight days to prepare.

A curious writer wondered if Golthus was another Cyriaco.44

Perhaps eight days was not enough for Golthus after all. There was no report of the fight happening, and the Koma troupe departed soon after.

On Monday May 17 or Tuesday May 18, Chemisura [sic, Shimizu] defeated Raku in the third round by armlock [chave de braço].45

Cops

On Wednesday, May 19, 1915 Conde Koma gave a demonstration of jiu-jitsu self-defense to the Rio civil guards. The visit was covered by A Noite, Correio da Manhã, and A Epocha. A Noite included a photograph of Koma demonstrating an armlock on the ground, (with both legs over the opponent’s neck).

Chief of Police Dr. Aurelino Leal and seven or eight (presumably) civil guards were shown standing, observing. All but one (probably Dr. Leal) was wearing kimono tops, dark belts, and dark pants, suggesting that they participated.

According to the report, the class was impressive, and jiu-jitsu training was going to be made mandatory for the civil guards [“jiu-jitsu” vae ser obrigatorio para os guardas civis]. Classes would take place mornings in the patio of the Central Police Building [Edificio da Policia Central]. Officers were satisfied with the demonstration class, but insisted that the lessons take place during their service hours [tempo de serviço] and not on their own time [horas da folga].46

A Epoca pointed out for those who hadn’t already heard, that “jiu-jitsu is a game by which the weak can use the force of the adversary to easily defeat him” [“O ‘jiu-jitsu’ é um jogo que facilita ao mais fraco utilisar-se das força do adversario e vencel-o facilmente”].

The techniques were of the traditional self-defense variety. Whether the secrets of “real fighting” were covered was not mentioned. Conde Koma taught the police finger locks [torsão dos dedos] and defenses against knife [faca], club [páo], punch [soco], thug chokes [gravata de um ‘apache’] and techniques for arresting a person “without fear that they would escape”.

But the class was not limited to self-defense techniques. Koma sparred with some guards and defeated them easily [conde de Koma lutou com alguns guardas, vencendo-os facilmente]. No doubt this aspect of the class was less a lesson and more a demonstration of credibility.

The reporter mentioned that jiu-jitsu was not entirely unknown among Cariocas. Various troupes of “players” [jogadores] of this sport had already visited Rio to entertain the people. However the fame of one troupe was shattered after the leader was knocked out in a few minutes by a capoeira using a “sting ray tail kick” [rabo de arraia]. The writer was alluding to the Cyriaco versus Sada Miyako challenge match in 1909. But, he added, Cyriaco died and other capoeiras didn’t want to fight in public, which allowed jiu-jitsu to come back.47

On Friday May 21, 1915 the amateur Benjamin Constant Azevedo accepted Koma’s challenge, promising his friends that he would spring a surprise [engazopar] on Koma. Moreover, he would not let Koma grab him. As others have learned, that is easier said than done.

Azevedo’s actual performance was disappointing. Reporting on the contest the next day, Gazeta de Noticias commented, “so far, a great number of amateurs at have shown up at Theatro Carlos Gomes seeking the prize offered by Conde Koma. These matches have not been interesting. So far, none of these amateurs have been able to last very long. They haven’t served as an example to those who want to challenge the world champion of the Japanese sport. Yesterday, Benjamin Constant Azevedo showed up at the theater to fight Conde Koma. Despite telling various people that he would surprise Koma and wouldn’t let himself be grabbed, he didn’t last even four minutes. He wasn’t able to apply a single technique during this short period of time, demonstrating that he didn’t have any idea about jiu-jitsu”.48

Having taken a detour to administer a lesson to the brash challenger, Koma’s previously scheduled meeting with Satake was shelved. Instead, Okura fought Satake (May 21).

Satake won the match with an armlock in the fifth round.49

Sunday May 23 was the last news item or ad related to Koma and the troupe’s engagement at Theatro Carlos Gomes. According to O Paiz, he and his troupe would be performing that day, along with the final appearances of Miss Coktail, and Aldon and Lopez. The coming week Theatro Carlos Gomes would be presenting Japanese fencing [esgrima japonez].50

Conde Koma and his troupe disappeared from the local news after May 23, until June 5 when a brief notice appeared in O Paiz stating that the fighters would be leaving the following evening (Sunday June 6, 1915) for Bello Horizonte. There they would be performing at the Theatro Cassino.51

The troupe’s subsequent movements can be roughly reconstructed from the following news reports. O Pharolreported that they performed Thursday June 24 at the Polytheama, in Juiz de Fóra, São Paulo state.52

On July 1, O Paiz informed readers that the troupe would be making its first appearance that day (Thursday July 1) at the Polytheama in Juiz de Fora. Conde Koma’s offer of 5,000 francs to anyone who could beat him, regardless of size or weight, was still good.53

Conde Koma and the troupe were back in Rio by July 15. They performed at the Circo Spinelli, at rua Figueira de Mello, n. 11. They stayed at least three days, Thursday July 15 through Saturday July 17.54

The troupe may have been resting or engaging in private teaching. The Rio de Janeiro chief of police, Dr. Aurelino Leal, decided officially that jiu-jitsu would be taught to the civil guards and that Conde de Koma would in charge.55

Perhaps Koma’s role was merely titular, a situation that was not unknown in Brazil (or many other places), such that while he was in charge of the lessons, he did not necessarily teach them, and didn’t (necessarily) even need to be in Rio, which appears to have been the case because soon after Dr. Leal’s announcement was made public, a ship (the Itapama) left Rio (on Tuesday August 3, 1915) headed for Recife and other destinations [escalas]. Among its passengers were five Japanese jiu-jitsu fighters (and one other Japanese person). They were identified as Okura, Satake, Raku, Sekinus, Ito, and C. Koma.56

Koma and the troupe next appeared at Theatro Moderno in Recife, Pernambuco. They arrived on Friday August 26, on board the paquete Pará. Given the dates of departure from Rio and arrival in Recife, they obviously stopped along the way, no doubt in Salvador and probably other coastal cities. They had barely left the ship when Koma was challenged by African luta romana champion Alfredo Bowler. Bowler’s objective was not to test himself or defend the national game or any other such thing. He had no intention of trying to beat the Japanese master at his own game. He just wanted the 500 francos that he could win by not being beaten himself.57

The troupe made their debut that same day (Sunday August 26). The champion of New York (Satake) met the champion of Mexico (Raku). After an intensely violent 12-minute struggle, Satake defeated Raku. The next day on the way to greet the local press corps, Koma accepted Bowler’s challenge.58

On Sunday August 29, the troupe performed two shows. The first was an afternoon matinee, especially for children [dedicada as creancas]. The troupe promised a “match de esgrima japoneza” [Japanese fencing] the likes of which had never been seen in Recife. In the evening soiree show, Satake would fight “Laku” [Raku] in a “match de lucta jiu-jitsu”.59

On Monday August 30, Akiyama, champion of Argentina was scheduled to fight Okura, formerly professor of the naval school of Chile. The following day, Raku would fight an amateur challenger [distincto amador].60

On Monday August 30, Koma was scheduled to have his encounter with Alfredo Bowser.61

News came from Argentina that Akiyama would leave soon for Brazil and intended to spend time in São Paulo.62 Akiyama had been a member of the São Paulo troupe but dropped out by the time they arrived in Rio. Evidently he had gone to Argentina. It is unclear how accurate this report was since Akiyama ostensibly had already fought Okura in Chile in Recife. Perhaps a different troupe member fought Okura, using his name. Reports tended to confuse who was who and where they were champions of. Possibly the public didn’t care, as long as they were champions of somewhere. Spelling of names was even more inconsistent.

On Wednseday September 1 Satake was scheduled to meet Okura at the Theatro Moderno.63

On Saturday September 4, 1915 it was announced that on Monday September 6 Okura would confront a student of Conde Koma named Bianor de Oliveira. Oliveira was also the “director of the Gymnasio Brazileiro in Pernambuco. Oliveira emphasized that his role was defensive only [limitar-se-á a fazer sua defesa pessoal].64

On September 6, 1915 Satake was slated to meet Akiyama in a 5 round lucta de jiu-jitsu at Theatro Moderno. The same day, the departure of the troupe [despedida da Troupe] was announced.65

It is unclear where they went next but several articles in November and December referred to Koma in Belém do Pará. He was appearing at various theaters in Belém, one being the Bar Paraense.

Some people were impressed. Others, apparently capoeiragem adepts, were skeptical. They felt that the Japanese fighters were only taking on naïve “hillbillies” [caipiras], and unskilled dock-workers [ingenuos estivedores], but avoiding real capoeiras. If the Japanese dared to confront a real capoeira [capoeira de verdade], they believed, everyone would see that jiu-jitsu was clearly inferior to Brazilian capoeira [o jiu-jitsu é manifestamente inferior á capoeira nacional].66

Maybe Koma need a break. Twenty years at the same game is a long time. Hillbillies and stevedores may not have been skilled at capoeiragem (or capoeira, as it was increasingly called), but they were, obviously, big, strong, and agile. That could take a toll on an aging jiu-jitsu fighter (he was born in 1878). But he was not idle. He fought and defeated the luta livre expert Alfredo Leconte in Pará in 1915, by 14th round disqualification, according to later reports.67

North American cowboy Hercules Jack Hillson^68 had been performing with his colleagues at the Theatro Cinema Palace in São Luiz, in the state of Maranhão, since at least Monday November 29.69 On December 3, 1915 it was announced that the following Monday a troupe of Japanese was expected to arrive in Pará with variety artists, offering jiu-jitsu matches.70 The troupe debuted Tuesday December 7, 1915 at Theatro Cinema Palace. As usual, Koma and his troupe offered 5,000 francs to anyone who could beat any one of them and 500 francs to any amateur who could last 15 minutes.71

The troupe was one segment of a full night of entertainment. They followed strongman Jack Hillson, North American comedian Tony Wine, comic acrobats Les Wenhells, and North American song and dance duet, Dany & May. Orchestra performances were interspersed between acts.

They appeared the next day as well.72 There were two shows per day, the first starting at 7:30 [Havea duas sessões, sendo a primeria as 7 1/2 horas]. First-class admission was 1,000, second class was 300 (unit of currency was not specified but the milreis was used at the time). Obviously well-rehearsed, the show was structured as shown below.

1. Conde Koma and the troupe are introduced [Apresentação da conde Koma e sua troupe].

2. Conde Koma invites spectators to challenge him [Conde Koma convida os espectadores que com elle quizerem luctar].

3. Demonstration of self-defense techniques [Demonstração dos Golpes para defesa pessoal].

Specifically,

*Defense against punch [agressão a socco]

*Defense against a knife [agressão a faca]

*Defense against a stick [agressão a pao]

*Defense against choke with hands [estraugulamento [sic] prisão das mãos]

*Defense against being grabbed around the waist [colhido pela cintura]

*Defense against [agressão dos apaches]

*Defense against being punched by surprise from behind [ataque a box, surpreendido pela retaguarda]

*Defense against various knife attacks [diversas agressões a faca]

4. Demonstration of techniques for winning a jiu-jitsu match [Demonstração dos golpes para se ser vencedor de uma luta do jiu-jitsu].

5. Prohibited techniques in a jiu-jitsu match [Golpes prohibidos na lucta do jiu-jitsu].

After the above presentation, sample jiu-jitsu matches were performed. In the first match in the first show, Raku faced Satake. In the second session, Shimizu squared off with Okura.73

On Wednesday December 8, Shimizu faced Okura in the first session, and Conde Koma faced Raku in the second.74 Between the first and second sessions, a creoulo named Leonel Silva challenged Raku, who accepted.75

The result of Raku versus Silva was not revealed in the next day’s news. But Conde Koma was slated to face the champion of Argentina, Schmitz [Shimuzu] that day (December 10). “As these are the two greatest Japanese jiu-jitsu men, it is expected to be a close contest”, it was predicted.76 Clearly, it was more urgent to inform people about the match before rather than after it happened.

As far as we know, these were the last jiu-jitsu matches of 1915. Conde Koma, Schimtsu [Shimizu], and Lakut [Raku] were next seen in the middle of January, 1916, at the Polytheama, in Manáos [Manaus], working alongside Alfredo Albuquerque and Annita Manfield.77

.

Chapter 6 Notes

Chapter 7

1916-1927

Conde Koma was not in São Paulo or Rio in 1916 or after, but Paulistas and especially Cariocas were interested in the Japanese game independently of Conde Koma or any particular individual fighter, teacher, or performer.

With Conde Koma out of the picture, Mario Aleixo filled the void. Aleixo had been teaching jiu-jitsu even before Koma arrived, but seemed to have little or no interest in stage fighting or challenges however, at least not until 1931. He devoted his efforts to disseminating the game as a sport and form of physical culture and self-defense.

On Sunday September 5, 1915, Aleixo and five of his students, members of the civil guard [guarda civis], gave a jiu-jitsu demonstration in a Sports Festival sponsored by Centro de Cultura Physica Eneas Campello. The event was held at Jardim do Passeio Publico, starting at 2:00 p..m.1

In 1916 he and two of his students, Ernesto Gaeth and Jorge Moulin, gave demonstrations of jiu-jitsu throws at the new school of gymnastics established by the União Empregedos no Commercio. They demonstrated throws [quedas], defenses against knives [defesa de golpes de faca], and golpes mortaes [deadly techniques].

Future capoeiragem master Agenor Sampaio Sinhôzinho demonstrated luta romana, and future Gracie nemesis Manoel Rufino dos Santos demonstrated various gymnastics skills.2

Magazines

Eu Sei Tudo and Revista da Semana were general interest illustrated magazines, covering literature, science, travel, world politics, history, nature and almost anything else that literate Brazilians were curious about. Self defense and “fights” of all kinds were regular topics. Exotic, “foreign” styles were apparently particularly interesting. When someone wanted to promote their art or possibly even a style that they made up, they needed to explain how it differed from the one style that everyone knew best, namely luta romana, and to show or at least to assert that it was superior to other styles. Jiu-jitsu had been successfully marketed as the ultimate system of self-defense and had taken on the role of comparison target against which others were assessed. Jiu-jitsu was talked about even when not many people were training it.

In 1917 Eu Sei Tudo carried a story “A Luta Greco-Romana” in which it was mentioned that the systems of fighting that were currently best known were luta livre, luta de calçao ou luta Suisse [Swiss foot fighting], Indian wrestling, Turkish wrestling, North American wrestling, jiu-jitsu or Japanese wrestling, and French wrestling or Greco-romana.3

The article was continued in the next issue a month later. “Catch wrestling” or “catch as catch can” was defined as “agarra como puderes” [grab as possible]. According to the author, luta livre was always practiced in North America, but with a tendency toward Indian wrestling [implying North American native Indians], which was “catch as catch can”. The object of the game was to make the opponent give up due to unbearable pain. Fingers could be twisted to achieve that end.

Jiu-jitsu, the article emphasized, is a variety of luta livre [“A luta japoneza é uma variedade da luta livre”].4

Brazilian Savate

By 1918 Mario Aleixo had created his own system of self-defense, an early version of “Jeet Kune Do.” He called it “Escola de Defesa Pessoal” [escola in this context meant style, or system]. He described it as “savata nacional” [Brazilian savate]. His system was a originally a combination of capoeiragem and jiu-jitsu.5 Later he added boxing.6 Aleixo hoped that it would become the national “school” (style, game, fight, system) in the same way that jiu-jitsu was Japanese and boxing was North American.

In July of 1919, Aleixo was teaching jiu-jitsu to a 15 man team of police officers [guardas] under the command of General Laurentino Pinto. Classes were held Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturdays. Aleixo claimed that he had been a student [discipulo] of Sada Miyako.7

Mario Aleixo was an all-around “sportsman”. He coached football and taught gymnastics as well as the fighting arts. He maintained his interest in capoeiragem. At some point he began calling it “capoeira”, rather than “capoeiragem”, specifically to dissociate it from the negative connotations that the latter had picked up with “maltas” [gangs] from the “classe baixa” [lower class] that “infested” the city. Aleixo claimed that it was based on the original, authentic capoeiragem but had been revised, augmented and improved [“revista, augmentada e melhorada”]. We don’t know where he learned his capoeiragem and it isn’t clear how he revised and improved it, but clearly the Gracie brothers were not the first to take an older art and “improve” it. Aleixo had been doing it before they arrived in Rio and before they began learning jiu-jitsu.8

Aleixo regarded capoeira as a non-grappling art. Like everyone else, he viewed capoeira as the art of kicking (Brazilian savate). For the purpose of his mixed system of self-defense, he incorporated jiu-jitsu to take care of situations where striking was not appropriate or not possible.

Photographs of specific techniques of Aleixo’s system suggest that they had been inspired (or copied) from one or more of the popular instructional books available in Rio at the time, such as those of Irving Hancock and others. Aleixo claimed that his system was superior to any other system of unarmed self-defense [superior a qualquer outro systema de luta de defesa á ataque a mãos livre]. He pointed out that jiu-jitsu had some similar techniques. But the jiu-jitsu versions were “less efficient”, he said. One example, was the “tesoura” [leg scissors].9 The difference was that Aleixo’s tesoura was applied with the hands on the ground, like the rabo de arraia kick that the capoeira Cyriaco used to destroy jiu-jitsu professor Sada Miyako in 1909 (and adopted by pro wrestlers like Antonio Rocca in the late 1940’s).

This modification of the technique might have been what Aleixo meant when he said that his style was a mixture. The system also included defenses against weapons and ground techniques. They obviously did not come from boxing or capoeiragem. Either he invented them, or learned them from Sada Miyako, if he studied with him as he claimed. Unfortunately, that is open to question. Aleixo claimed that he had engaged in three matches with Sada Miyako in 1904.10 However, Sada did not arrive until December 1908. Either Aleixo’s memory let him down, or he was indulging in some of the type of exaggeration that was not unusual in the marketing of martial arts and wrestling at the time, or before or after, in Brazil.

In addition, Aleixo clearly had an obvious interest in jiu-jitsu, and jiu-jitsu instructional books were available in Rio. It is unlikely that he didn’t read some of them. He wasn’t the only Brazilian who learned from books.11

In 1920, Aleixo and a certain professor of jiu-jitsu named Sr. Okura established a school of national gymnastics and jiu-jitsu in Rio. Okura offered three lessons per week, in the evenings. Rapheal Lothus assisted. The lessons were intended as a contribution toward the physical development of the Rio’s young people.12 It is uncertain who Okura was, who he taught, what he taught, or for how long he taught. Jiu-jitsu was apparently just one sport among many, lacking the sort of public event or marketing campaign that is usually needed to instigate a fad or sustain interest.

Raphael Lothus, incidentally was probably the capoeira Raphael Golthus who had been challenged by and agreed to fight Conde Koma in May of 1915. Spelling of names was extremely idiosyncratic at that time. Word usage also was highly flexible. “National gymnastics” referred to capoeiragem, or “capoeira”, as it was increasingly written. Technically capoeira referred to a practitioner of capoeiragem. After a while, capoeira began to be used interchangeably with capoeiragem and “Capoeirista” referred to a practitioner. As with “jiu-jitsu” and “judo” later, usage tended to be confusing. One needed to see the context to understand what was meant.

Not only literate adults, but children too were interested in jiu-jitsu. After writing about “football” in his regular magazine column “As Liccões de Vôvô” [“Grandfather’s Lessons”], the writer, Vôvô [Grandfather] was deluged with requests from his “grandchildren [netinhos] to explain other sports. Four readers wanted to know about luta romana, seven wanted to know about “box francez”, and 12 wanted to learn about “jiu-jitsu”.

In June 1920, responding to his readers’ wishes, Vôvô wrote a half-page article with three illustrations explaining the principles of jiu-jitsu, exemplifying them with three self-defense techniques. One was “O cutelo ou golpe de talho” [a chop or slice]. This could be aimed at the assailant’s neck [pescoço], arm [braço], shoulder [hombro], fore-arm [ante-braço] wrist [pulso], thigh [coxa], shin [canella], jaw [maxilla], or chin [queixo]. The second technique was “Defesa contra a prisão de garganta” [defense against someone trying to throttle you from the front]. The defense consisted of bringing the elbow down on the assailant’s arm, then kicking him in the shin. The third was a technique for releasing a grab [desviandio o golpe].

Vôvô explained that in jiu-jitsu, one uses the open hand, either the palm, or the side of the hand, as the situation requires. Vôvô emphasized that jiu-jitsu should only be used for self-defense [“precisem de saber o jiu-jitsu somente como recurso de defesa”].13

Tex Rickard

Despite not actually being a heavyweight, George Carpentier was the heavyweight boxing champion of France in 1919 (campeão de box, peso maximo).

On Thursday December 4, in London, Carpentier become the heavyweight champion of Europe with a single right hand to the face of English champion Joe Beckett. It was shock for the British fans. Beckett was the betting favorite at 6 to 4, but many believed that the slick boxing skills of Carpentier (an ex-savateur)14 could defeat Beckett. They didn’t imagine that it would be so easy.15

Carpentier’s purse was estimated at not less than $100,000, a substantial amount of money in 1919 for the 30 seconds it took to dispose of Beckett.16

Immediately after Carpentier’s surprisingly easy victory, pressure began building for a show-down with American Jack Dempsey for the world heavyweight boxing title.17

There was a problem. Carpentier was small. He had trounced the larger Beckett. But Jack Dempsey was another matter altogether. Promoting such a fight could be financially ruinous. There was only one man capable of handling it, Tex Rickard. But Rickard wasn’t interested. Dempsey’s manager Doc Kearns, bamboozled Rickard into taking the challenge on. Rickard transformed the gross mismatch into the “Battle of the Century” and incidentally, boxing into a socially acceptable form of high-brow entertainment. He did it by repackaging boxing, not as an athletic contest or display of controlled violence, but rather as a form of drama pitting hero (Carpentier) against a villain (Dempsey).18

Rickard’s gamble and inspired promotion paid off. Dempsey versus Carpentier on July 4, 1921 was the first “million dollar gate”. It was also world news.

It was as extensively covered in Rio as in other world capitals. One of the Brazilians who were engrossed in the fight was a young man named Carlos Gracie.19 Carlos couldn’t have avoided reading about Rickard. Every article of any length about the fight had a column or sidebar on Rickard, who was almost as prominently featured as the champion and Carpentier themselves. The vast sums of money involved were as much part of the story as the fight.20

Rickard was the mastermind behind Jack Dempsey’s subsequent “million dollar gates,” all of which were news in Brazil. In addition to his interest in Jack Dempsey and boxing, Carlos Gracie was also interested in finding a way to make money without working hard at a conventional job.21 Tex Rickard showed him the way.22

Carlos probably read about Rickard’s trial in 1922 for allegedly having illicit sexual relations with under-age girls. That was also news in Brazil.23 Carlos was neither as lucky nor as innocent in 1941 as Rickard was in 1922.

The Art of Dempsey

Brazilians thought of themselves as Europeans, and looked to France, Germany, and England, and from about 1889, the United States for approval and leadership.24 Boxing was the Anglo-American sport but anyone who wanted to partake was welcome to lace up the gloves. The fortunes that Rickard and Dempsey had proved could be earned made boxing seem attractive. In fact boxing was called the “arte de Dempsey” during his reign (1919-1926) and even after.

Boxing had been a form of stage entertainment as early as 1909. Brazilians were interested in boxing but mostly as something that foreigners did. Not surprisingly they associated it with the lower layers of society, as everyone else did until Rickard and Dempsey refined it.25 The majority of boxers in Brazil were sojourners or immigrants.

Historians of boxing in Brazil, as early as 1926, considered that authentic boxing, by which they meant fought according to international rules, and not staged, arrived in Brazil in 1921.26 One early program, but not the first, was the January 19, 1924, fight between the Rio de Janeiro lightweight champion Romeu Garcia and Brazilian lightweight champion Rodrigues Alves.27Other boxers on the program were Horacio Guimarães versus Newton Rager; Valentin Produno versus Annibal Arizaga, and Henri Fort versus the future jiu-jitsu professor Donato Pires dos Reis. Donato won the fight by “walk over” when Henri Ford [sic] failed to show up for the fight.28

Immigrants either brought boxing with them, or took it up as a route to status and upward mobility. The first boxing gyms (or clubs) were probably the Internacional Boxing Club founded in 1921 by Adriano Malagrini (aka Fred Delauney) and the São Paulo Boxing Gym on avenida das Palmeiras.29

By 1926 there were at least five amateur and professional boxing gyms (academias) in São Paulo and a number of clubs that offered boxing opportunities. They included: Brasil America Boxing, on rua do Seminario, Academia Dubois on caminho Choro Menino; Academia Paulista de Pugilismo, on avenida Rangel Pestana, Frontão do de Braz; Academia Central do Box, Jose on rua Progresso 20-A; Academia Delauney on rua Asdrubal Nascimento, 83, Escola de Pugilismo on avenida da Passos, n. 34, Associação Christa de Moços (YMCA), and Club de Regatas Tieté, among others.30

Rio lagged behind São Paulo in boxing ardor, but not by much. In 1927, the Associação Metropolitana de Box was formed and granted official approval to control amateur boxing in Rio. That same year it made plans to hold two boxing tournaments, the Campeonato Carioca de Box in 1927 and 1928. At least two future jiu-jitsu legends signed up to fight in 1927. One showed up for the pesagem [weigh-in]. He was Donato Pires dos Reis. One did not. He was George Gracie.31

The most established boxing club in Rio was the Club Nacional de Box, whose instructor was the Carioca champion Jayme Santos, also known as “Miquelina”. Clubs that were expected to enter fighters included Flamengo, Vasca da Gama, Fluminense, Internacional, Boqueiro do Passeio, Nacional de Box, Rio Box, Andarahy, Villa Isabel, and many more.32

Some Boxing gyms offered luta livre and jiu-jitsu instruction at times, and some boxers became managers or promoters of “mixed” fighting. Kid Pratt (who taught at the Brasil America Boxing Club) became the manager of Roberto Ruhmann, whose popular appeal provided numerous jiu-jitsu fighters with paydays. Adriano Malagrini, under his ring name of Fred Delauney, operated a gym where George Gracie taught and trained in the late 1930’s. Jose Antonio Lage (who taught at Academia central do Box), became a boxing promoter who also included luta livre and jiu-jitsu in some of his shows. Yassuiti Ono taught at Club de Regatas Tieté. He, Takeo Yano, and Geo Omori all taught at Associação Christa de Moços. Some boxers took part in luta livre matches (Ervin Klausner, Ismail Haki, Traveres Crespo, among others) and many more played the publicity game of exchanging threats, insults, accusations, and challenges with representatives of rival styles. That was a net gain for jiu-jitsu. Boxers had no lack of international opponents. Jiu-jitsu representatives more often than not found themselves without anyone to fight and were eventually left with the choice of manufacturing opponents, or catch wrestling, or nothing. Even when they were not fighting and there was no possibility of a fight, jiu-jitsu professionals invariably found it worthwhile to challenge boxers.

Some boxers taught jiu-jitsu men. One of Conde Koma’s students, said to be the only Brazilian with a diploma from the master himself, was Donato Pires dos Reis, who later taught Carlos and George Gracie. Donato had been a student, in 1924, of João Scherer, manager of Rio de Janeiro champion, Romeu Garcia, and owner of the Escola da Pugilismo.33

Pain

Boxing may have been scientific in its own way (sweet or otherwise), but no one pretended that it wasn’t likely to be painful. Boxing teacher João Scherer generously contributed an article to one newspaper in 1926. He explained how to avoid being punched in the face, which, he stressed, was important to know.34

Jiu-jitsu however was quite the contrary. It was painless. It was easy. It was associated not with the lower layers of society, but with a sophisticated, exotic, and potent foreign culture. It also appealed to the masses. Average people knew that, by definition, they didn’t have the exceptional physical qualities needed to excel at boxing.35 But jiu-jitsu was explicitly for average people. Abnormal strength, flexibility, and agility were not required. A few lessons, perhaps 36 or so, would be enough to master the scientific principles of jiu-jitsu.

A three page illustrated article in Eu Sei Tudo in 1922 featured Mario Aleixo teaching defenses against golpe de box [punch], cintura pela frente [bear hug from front], and two positions for controlling the opponent on the ground [dominado o adversario no chão]; cacetada [club attack], bofetada [slaps], facada [knife], and cintura por traz [bear hug from behind], and golpe de mão esquerda ao pieto [pushing victim’s chest with the left hand]. One technique, called “golpe pavilhão” was a combination of elbow lock with an ura nage back throw. Another technique, created by himself, called “guayamu” involved pushing the attacker’s face while lifting him from the crotch. The assailant will “fly”, Aleixo said.36

At the end of the year “A Arte de se Defender,” by Paul Janet, explained and illustrated a variety of Mario Aleixo’s self-defense techniques. One was called golpe de pai Francisco.37 Most, or all, looked as though they could have been taken from Irving Hancock, Sadakazu Uyenish [Raku], John O’Brien, or other instructional books published in the first decade of the century.

Jiu-jitsu stayed in the public mind. Everyone knew that it was the scientific Japanese art by which the weak could overcome the strong. They also knew that all Japanese people trained jiu-jitsu, even geishas and movie stars.

Sessue Hayakawa was born in Japan and immigrated to America to make movies. He was a charming, handsome, and sexy leading man. He was also a jiu-jitsu champion [campeão de jiu-jitsu.] According to Correio da Manhã and O Imparcial, as a patriotic and legitimate Japanese, needless to say, he enthusiastically trained jiu-jitsu. He was so good that he could throw men much bigger and stronger than himself.38 His skills were useful in his screen work, he found. In fact, he used them in his latest movie “Onde as Luxos são Baixas” [“Where Lights are Low”], playing in Rio at the Parisiense Theater in October of 1923.

Hayakawa was a major Hollywood star in the days before Japan’s image changed from quaint, cute, mysterious, deferential, and ultra-courteous, to the epitome of self-destructive ideological commitment and barbarous brutality exceeded only by Nazi Germany. It is likely that more than a few Brazilians rushed to see his latest movie. Even those who missed it probably read about it, thereby reinforcing their stereotypes about the powerful way of fighting [poderosa maneira de lutar] known as “jiu-jitsu”.

If relatively few people were training it as a sport or learning it for self-defense, that was at least partly due the lack of qualified instructors. Unlike other combat sports and self-defense systems, Japan essentially had a monopoly on credible knowledge. Mario Aleixo may have been the only non-Japanese jiu-jitsu instructor in Brazil until 1930, whatever his qualifications might have been. Naïve beginners were no more capable of assessing an instructor’s qualifications in the 1920’s and 1930’s than they were at any other time and auto-didacts probably over-estimated their knowledge and skills. Many people undoubtedly learned from books. As immigration from Japan increased however, that changed. Japanese immigrants originally were recruited to work on coffee plantations. Most were not originally agricultural workers in Japan. Some had Kodokan judo experience. When their contracts were finished (or before) they left the jungles and plantations and moved to cities. São Paulo was the nearest, and most went there.39

Former world jiu-jitsu champion Conde Koma (Maeda Mitsuyo) played more than a small part in getting the immigrants settled into jobs in the north of Brazil. He gave up fighting in 1920, or at least in his new home of Belém.40 (He fought at least once more, in Cuba, in 1922).

But he did not give up jiu-jitsu, or more precisely, Kodokan judo, as that was the variety of jiu-jitsu that he knew best, the variety that he had learned in Japan, and probably the only variety that he ever needed in his work. (As far as we know, none of his fights in Brazil included striking).

Koma had numerous students in Belém. The foremost among them was Jacyntho Ferro, already well-known as a bicyclist, pedestrian (competitive walker), weight-lifter, boxer, and luta romana wrestler. Ferro met Koma in 1915 and added jiu-jitsu to his list of activities. He never lost [nunca soffrera derrota].41 Ferro did not live long enough to generate his own “lineage”. But he was not the only ambitious sportsman in Belém at that time learning the mysteries of the Japanese game.

Satake and Conde Koma had learned jiu-jitsu together in Tokyo from Sakujiro Yokoyama. They had traveled the world and presented many shows in Brazil. Now they went in their own directions. Conde Koma remained in Belém. Satake went 1,300 kilometers around the coast and up the river to Manaus.

In Manaus, Satake kept his hand in the game. He refereed fights and fought himself. On Sunday August 1917 he referred a match between Rodolpho Corbiniano from Barbados, and Geraldo de Souza Silva, from São Paulo. After two inconclusive 3-minute rounds, Silva won by disqualification when Rodolpho punched him in the stomach.

According to the local press account, Silva’s victory proved that Brazilians were superior to other races because they played by the rules. Satake refereed the match.43

On Tuesday August 7, Geraldo was back in the ring, this time against Nagib in a “match de box”. Silva was 45 years old and weighed 60 kilos, of medium height. Nagib was Syrian, 40 years old, tall, and weighed 80 kilos. Geraldo did his best but had to withdraw after the first round due to pain in his shoulder incurred in an accident eight days earlier. The press report complained that because of the difference in weight and height the match lacked the characteristics of decent sport. It was more like a “lucta livre” and as such was without merit, and above all, dangerous. The paper urged the directors of Circo Alhambra not to permit such potentially fatal contests to be held in the future.

A boxing match [match de box] between Nagib and Satake was not deemed to be too dangerous however. It was announced for the following Saturday, August 11.44

On Sunday May 12, 1918, Satake participated in a festival to inaugurate the new União Sportiva Portugueza (sports center), with headquarters at praça Tenrerio Ara-nha n. 3. The festival started at 8:30 p.m. Satake’s demonstration of jiu-jitsu followed esgrima and gymnastics demonstrations and preceded a vocal duet by F. Carvalho and Coelho and a dance routine by two children, Amelio Silva and Arthur Grans.45

Triangle

Halfway around the world, now incorporated into “Kodokan” judo, jiu-jitsu continued to evolve. Innovation came from within the ranks and was not dictated from above. In 1922, Kanemitsu Yaichibei [金光弥一兵衛], building on the inspirations of two high school judokas named Ichinomiya Katsusaburo [一宮勝三郎] and Hayakawa Masaru [早川勝], introduced what later became known as the “front triangle choke” [前三角締め].46

One of Kanemitsu’s students was Yassuiti Ono [小野安一], who immigrated to Brazil in 1929.47

.Chapter 7 Notes

Chapter 8

1928

The Queirolo Brother’s Circus (Circo Queirolo) arrived in the Brazilian port city of Santos on June 20, 1921 from Montevideo and points between on the steamship “Rio de Janeiro” to initiate a season of performances in the capital.1

One of the featured acts was Prof. Conde Themistocles, demonstrating his technique of “Estrangulo Vivo” [living strangle], in which a volunteer would be painlessly rendered unconsciousness and then quickly resuscitated.

The circus also periodically presented boxing^2 and lucta romana (or luta Greco-romana). In 1926, the brothers presented two luctas Greco-romana. One was a match between the preto Dick and Su’Su.’ The other was between 10 year old Hugo Laterga and his 12 year old brother Paulo.3

In 1928 a new attraction was added in the form of a Japanese champion of Greco-romana named Geo Omori. According to an article in Diario Nacional, Omori had been with the circus a matter of “weeks”.4 The circus invited anyone who wanted to test themselves against Omori to step up [desafiado os que quizessem lutar com o campeão japonez], promising a gold medal worth 30 dollars [medalha de ouro no valor de 30 dollares] to the winner.

There was no mention of jiu-jitsu in the article. But Omori was a jiu-jitsu fighter. Specifically, as he later emphasized, he practiced the Kodokan style of jiu-jitsu, which was known in his own country as “jiu-do” (judo).

Omori had once been defeated in a memorable “lucta de jiu-jitsu” in New York, by a certain “Takemura” according to a spokesman for the Queirolo brothers, who offered Takemura 10 thousand reis [10 contos de reis] to come to São Paulo to fight Omori again. The brothers insisted that their offer was “serious”. Takemura apparently did not reply.5

The first mention of Omori as a jiu-jitsu representative, and in the context of “mixed fighting” occurred on October 19, 1928. In a sports spectacular, the invincible Japanese Géo Omori would be taking on Oswaldo Caetano Vasques in an exciting capoeira versus jiu-jitsu match [luta “capoeira contra jiu-jitsu”].6

Geo Omori大森瀼冶

Geo Omori signed his name on publicity photographs in four different ways. Most often it was simply Geo Omori. He also signed his named Geo. Omori (with a period after Geo). He also signed his name in Japanese kanji characters, as大森瀼冶^7or in mixed kanji and syllabic katakana, as 大森ジョジ. Both are pronounced “Omori Jyoji”.

The photos with English signatures also included the phrases “sincerely yours” or “friendly yours” [sic]. No photos were written in Portuguese.

Omori obviously performed in front of Japanese fans. He had a supply of photographs signed in English, suggesting that he really did have a ring career in North America under the name of Geo Omori, or possibly George Omori. The signature Geo. (with a period) suggests that he might have used the anglicized form of his name. In Japanese “George” is pronounced the same as Jyoji. The name George is or was at one time abbreviated as Geo. (with a period). “Geo” was sometimes written simply as “Geo,” but sometimes Géo (with the acute diacritic over the letter “e”).

The fact that he wrote his Japanese name with katakana suggests that he was sensitive to the educational limitations of his fans who were immigrants. Literacy levels were much lower in pre-World War II Japan than after (as a result of post-war educational reforms).8 Omori was a common family name that probably anyone could recognize, as both of the kanji used to write it are used in many personal and place names. But the first character in Jyoji was very uncommon. Even in 2013, well-educated Japanese (e.g., college teachers) rarely are able recognize the first character without consulting a dictionary. In addition, the fact that some of his publicity pictures were signed “friendly yours” indicates the involvement of a non-native speaker of English in North America. Finally, Omori’s Japanese awkward writing of his own name suggests that someone else copied his signature, someone who was not accustomed to writing in Japanese.

Géo Omori was a man of few words. That was his reputation at least in Brazil, where he was described as “quiet, a friend of silence” [taciturno, amigo do silencio]. Some or all of his taciturnity may have be due to the fact that he could not speak a single word of Portuguese.9

He was born in 1892 in Japan, where he was involved in the tropical fish business, which he loved. He trained at the Kodokan and was a friend of Conde Koma. The evidence does not permit us to say when or where he knew Conde Koma but it probably wasn’t Japan, since Koma left in 1904,10 at which time Omori would have been only 12 years old.

He had lived and fought in North America before coming to Brazil. He began his professional Brazilian fight career in São Paulo in August 1928. Previously, he ran a tropical fish shop [casa de peixes raros e de fantasia]. The shop did not turn a profit. He was married to Cetuko, and had a daughter named Kimika,11 born in 1934. He died mysteriously and pennilessly in 1938.

The national champion of luta grego-romana Archimedes Rogerio, wanted a piece of Omori. But there was a problem. He had failed twice before to beat Omori. The first time, he held out for 23 minutes before quitting. He also lost the revanche [rematch].

Circo Queirolo spokesman Alcides Queirolo was cool to the idea of a third fight. A new match would be “absurdo”, he said. Fans did not like to see the “same fight many times” and might even suspect that the fights were fixed. Allcides hinted.12

But Rogerio wanted another shot. The Queirolo brothers relented. Rogerio would get his shot.

In the meantime, Omori confronted the Hispanic-American boxer Jack [Jacque] Marin on Saturday September 15, 1928.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Boxer

Jack Marin was described as North American, Spanish, and “hispano-Americano”. His first appearance in Brazil was in 1922 when he participated in the Campeonato de Box at the Theatro Carlos Gomes (where Conde Koma and his troupe had performed in 1915), which began on Saturday January 21, 1922. He weighed 68 kilos, and was 168 cm. tall. In 1923 he was hired as a trainer at the S. Paulo Boxing Club on rua Brigadeiro Galvão, n. 167. He had matches with another Omori opponent (in 1932), Tavares Crespo.

Both, as well as other boxers of less than the highest caliber, also participated in luta livre contests, Ervin Klausner and Ismael Haki being among the better known.13

The September 15 Omori versus Jack Marin fight lasted three rounds as stipulated in the contract. Near the end of a 5-minute over-time period [prorogação], Omori “managed to impose his superiority,” thereby winning the fight. The specific technique he used was not mentioned. It is not clear what type of fight it was for that matter. The headline to the result report read “Box e Jiu-Jitsu’” [boxing and jiu-jitsu]. That may have referred to the fact that Marin was best known as a boxer.

It also might have been an error in the page make-up, something that was not uncommon. In any event, Marin lost the fight. Despite that, observers felt that Marin had given Omori his toughest fight so far.14

While waiting for his chance to even the score with Geo Omori, Rogerio took on another Japanese jiu-jitsu champion by the name of M. Gotto. On this occasion Rogerio was described not as the national luta Greco-romana champion but rather as the São Paulo luta livre champion. The date was  Monday September 17, 1928. The place was Circo Queirolo.

Rogerio was on offense from the beginning to the moment, 22 minutes later, when he applied a “gravata kimono” [kimono headlock] on Gotto and took him to the ground unconscious and seriously injured [sem sentidos e gravemente contundido]. According to the report, Rogerio demonstrated that he belongs to a race of strong people who can excel in any sport, including those of the land of the geishas [até os da terra das geishas]. The approximately 2,000 spectators gave Rogerio a warm round of applause.15

Rogerio’s September 24 date with Geo Omori was described as a “tie-breaker” [embate-desforra], despite the fact that the previous two fights ended in Omori’s favor. The fight was scheduled to take on Monday, September 24. It would be a 30-minute one-round fight, with no time outs. A medal and all prize money of 3 contos de reis [three thousand reis] would go to the winner.

Omori fought and beat Rogerio again in 1929. Given his track record, it is a reasonable bet that he won the third match, assuming that it was not “postponed indefinitely”, as well.16

One of the Omori versus Rogerio matches might have what was described in a September 1928 Time magazine article^17 as a “wrestling match” in a one-ring circus, in São Paulo. One combatant was a “gigantic nameless Bahian Negro” fighting “after the manner of capoeira”, a “national style of fighting that included “blows as well as grips”. His opponent was a ‘small….Jap’ name also unknown, using  a style of combat peculiar to his nation; Jiu Jitsu, the gentle and famous art of making an opponent use his strength to encompass his own defeat”. If not Rogerio and Geo Omori, then it might have been Okido and Zacharias. Omori and Rogerio were in fact the best known “mixed” fighters, but they weren’t alone, as we will see below.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Capoeiragem

Omori had not been taking it easy. His next match was against a capoeira named Oswaldo Caetano Vasques (also known as “o Balaca capoeira carioca”), who was said to be the most fearsome capoeira in the famous Morro favela in Rio [o mais temido dos capoeiras do afamado Morro da Favela do Rio]. It was specifically advertised as “Capoeira contra Jiu-Jitsu”.

The fight took place Friday October 19, 1928 at rua Formosano. 20-A, Praça do Correio (Tel: 4-4265). The current installment of the São Paulo Amateur Luta Romana Championship [Campeonato Paulista de luta romana para amadores], sponsored by the S. Paulo Jornal, was also presented.18

Fight promoters had already learned than ethnic rivalries stimulate fan interest, especially in places, like Brazil, with diverse “colonias” [ethnic or immigrant communities]. It was rare that a fighters’ ethnic background was not highlighted, and probably to some extent modified to appeal to the local communities, the above mentioned case of Jack (Jacque) Marin being an example. Promoters apparently felt that a style versus style fight would do the same. Vasques was the nacional [Brazilian] representing the jogo nacional [capoeiragem] against the jogo nipponica [jiu-jitsu] of the Japanese champion.

The promoter’s hunch had been well-founded. The fight aroused keen interest and was covered in detail. Capoeiragem partisans pinned high hopes on Vasques. The public had become accustomed to fights with “irregularities”, reporters commented, but believed that Vasques’ mastery of capoeiragem [perfeito conhecedor da inegualavel arma brasileira] gave him a good chance of beating Omori [perfeitamente capaz de vencer].

Reporters complained about the exorbitant prices and inadequate facilities. The main event, Vasques versus Omori was set for four 3-minute “assaltos” [rounds]. The fighter’s weights were not indicated, but simply that Vasques had a considerable advantage.

After two preliminary bouts, Omori and Vasques confronted each other. The fans were excited. As reporters described the fight, it wasn’t just the Japanese versus the Brazilian, it was also a demonstration of the efficiency of jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem, whose Brazilian-ness was emphasized as a source of national pride [efficiencia de uma arma perigosa, como o jiu-jitsu, e da capoeira, insuperal, genuinamente nossa e que constitue um legitimo orgulho para nós brasileiros].

In the first round. Omori was serene and unworried. Although this was his first public fight, Vasques also did not seem nervous. Both wore kimonos, to the disadvantage of the capoeira (the reporter explained), because the advantage of capoeiragem is distance. Once he is grabbed, he loses his “efficiencia”.

Baiaca (Vasques) started well with a rabo de frente. Omori stood back descoberto [exposed]. Baiaca then entered into a rasteira, followed by two rabo de arrayos to the back. He immediately fell down into an impregnable “pulo de passarinho” and refused to stand up. During this phase Baiaca lost the chance to take his antagonist out of the game [pôr fóra de combate].19

In the second round the farce [brincadeira de olhar] continued until the fans, tired of the pantomime, broke out in jeers [vaias]. If Vasques had wanted, the reporter believed, he could have knocked Omori down ten times, as he did to Lecont (Lecomte).

But he didn’t [Se Vasques quizesse, teria derrubado dez vezes o seu antagonista, como fizéra com Lecont. Não tocou em Omori porem].

Omori tried to apply leg techniques [golpes de perna], and advanced on Vasques, threatening savatadas [kicks]. When Omori grabbed Vasques’ collar, he was vulnerable to a “shot from the side”, a powerful kick to the chest [Na pegada de gola, o japonez ficou ainda a descoberto para uma ‘tirado de lado’-forte golpe no peito, produzido pelo pé].

After the third round Omori could have finished the fight any time he wanted to, but waited until the final seconds before crushing [esmagar] the Brazilian, who “did not hesitate to tap three times to signal his defeat and disgrace”. The reporter was clearly very disappointed in Vasques’ performance. He scolded him for not having the patriotism to remember that he was representing Brazil and for letting money cause him to forget the thousands of people who looked at him as a hero.

The writer contrasted Vasques’ weak showing against Omori with his much more satisfactory performance against Ledemonte [sic, Lecomte]. In that fight, both men were able to put into play all of their techniques, and Vasques won easily. The writer blamed Vasques for lacking the will to win [falta de vontade que Vasque tinha em vencer] and recommended that the fight should be investigated by the police.

He summed up by saying that the fight clearly reflected the interest of the Circo Queirolo in maintaining the invincibility of Omori, whose winning record was a source of inexhaustible profits for the circus [fonte inesgotaval de appeititosa renda]. This was another way of saying that he thought that the fight was fixed, because otherwise Vasques should have won.20

Luta Livre com Kimono

The next week, October 23, again at Circo Queirolo, Geo Omori met Mariano in a luta livre versus jiu-jitsu match. On the same bill, Othelo fought Eduardo in a luta livre com kimono bout. Othelo was undoubtedly Othelo Queirolo, also known as “Chic-Chic,” who fought Oswaldo Gracie in 1936.21

Just two days later, Omori met Jack Marin in a luta livre. The fact that their October match was a desempate [tie-breaker] suggests that they may have squeezed in one additional match between September 15 and October 25, a scheduling possibility that was not out of the ordinary.

Although Marin was primarily a boxer, his encounter with Omori did not involve striking. Omori, like other jiu-jitsu men, did indeed beat large boxers, but on more than a few occasions the boxers were limited to grappling, where they were at a clear disadvantage. If the money was less than it would have been for a boxing match, it was also less painful. There was no time limit. They would fight without a break between rounds, until there was a winner [sem descanco até que haja um vencedor].22

The following day there would be another luta livre match between the two giants Crispim (97 kilos, 190 cm) and Sardeilli (93 kilos, 185 cm). This was a luta livre match, but with a twist. It was luta livre “with kimono”[com kimono]. Just as there were jiu-jitsu without kimono [sem kimono], so too there could be luta livre “with kimono”, for example, the contest between Rogerio and Jose Detti at Circo Queirolo on October 18, 1928.23

Both were the exceptions however. A jiu-jitsu without kimono match was usually classified simply as luta livre. Luta livre matches with kimono were usually referred to as “jiu-jitsu”.

Both luta livre and jiu-jitsu men agreed that their styles differed mostly in details, the most conspicuous one being the kimono. But some jiu-jitsu men were willing to fight without kimono. And some luta livre men were willing to put on a kimono. They were professionals. They followed the money.

There were also luta livre de jiu-jitsu contra luta livre [luta livre versus jiu-jitsu], in response to public demand or as a novelty to stimulate ticket sales.

The difference was primarily in the rules. In a jiu-jitsu match sem kimono, jiu-jitsu rules applied, except the rule specifying the kimono. Similarly for luta livre com kimono. In style-versus-style fight, the rules always had to be negotiated. One fighter might wear kimono while the other did not. Striking might or might not be permitted, and if so, which strikes were permitted was also negotiable. The kimono was also an equalizer and a bargaining chip.

Some fighters refused to leave the familiar territory of their chosen style. But not many. They tended to be boxers who were successful enough in the boxing ring to earn adequate incomes without needing to branch out into luta livre.

Jiu-Jitsu Representatives

Geo Omori was not the only jiu-jitsu representative employed by Circo Queirolo. Another was the 67 kilo Peruvian Dario Letone. Letone was a champion of boxing, luta romana, and more [“campeão de box, Luta Romana etc,”].24 The “etc.” evidently included jiu-jitsu. On November 11 he faced the noted boxer Ervin Klausner at Circo Queirolo. The fight was “ardently disputed” [a luta foi arduamente disputada], but Letone lost.25

Omori and the Circo Queirolo were not the only game in town. The Japanese jiu-jitsu champion Okido reigned undefeated at Circo Alcebaides in São Paulo, making short work of anyone foolish enough to confront him.

Okido stumbled on November 9 when he was challenged by the pretinho brasileiro [Brazilian black boy] Benedicto Zacharias. The fight began at 11:50 p.m., and went on for one hour and 40 minutes, After a rocky start, Benedicto imposed his total domination on the champion. Okido was saved from certain defeat when the police stepped in and suspended the fight. Nevertheless, Benedicto was cheered by fans for his outstanding performance. The reporter expressed the opinion that if a desempate took place, and Benedicto managed to apply a “golpe feliz” he would have a good chance to defeat the fearsome Okido.26

Okido moved to the Colombo, run by Empresa: J. Castro e Cia, at Largo de Concordia (tel: 9-0070). On December 14, he confronted Henkin in a jiu-jitsu versus luta livre match. His colleague Goto faced M. de Abreu. Challengers, both amateurs and professionals, were invited to step up and take their chances in a luta livre versus jiu-jitsu fight. They would earn 500 reis if they were successful.27

Star Power

Okido did not stay on the scene for long. Omori basically ruled the roost. He had what Hollywood movie people called “star power”. His name sold tickets. Fighting Omori was considered by other fighters as a mark of success, win, lose, or draw (as an actor would regard working with a distinguished director). Winning was hard, so most aimed at not losing. But even that could increase one’s earning potential, if the fight demonstrated excellent qualities, but just fell slightly short of being enough.

One example was Gibin, who fought Omori (at least) three times. He lost every time, but that was enough to give him a reputation as a strong fighter, someone who could put up an interesting fight and create some uncertainty as to the outcome, qualities that were as important to gamblers as to fans. That unfortunately, paved the way to combinadas and other “arrangements”. Professional fighting was after all a form of spectator entertainment. Getting paid was the bottom line. At the same time, winners usually got paid more than losers. If a fighter had what it took to win, he would generally be better off winning. Omori had it.

It was not even necessary to fight and lose to Omori. It was sometimes enough merely to “challenge” him. In November, a capoeira named Antonio Gomes, from Campinas, sent a letter to the Diario Nacional, expressing his desire to fight Omori. He would even fight Omori at Circo Queirolo, Gomes offered. The paper said that it would lend its support if Gomes would come to São Paulo and demonstrate his skills. Apparently, nothing came of it.28

Capoeiragem versus Jiu-Jitsu

After Vasques’ poor representation of the national game against jiu-jitsu, another capoeira stepped up to challenge Omori.

Argemiro Feitosa was his name. He was from Ceará. He didn’t care about the prize money, he said. He only wanted a chance to prove that the arma nacional [capoeiragem] was superior to the Japanese game [jiu-jitsu]. It would necessarily be a luta livre match. Capoeiragem was a striking art, so capoeiragem versus jiu-jitsu implied striking, hence was a type of “mixed fight”. Feitosa’s only condition was that it take place somewhere other than Circo Queirolo.29

Omori accepted Feitosa’s challenge. Feitosa wanted a sem kimono match. Omori replied that the kimono is the custom of his country. He also said that he would not take responsibility for any injuries that Feitosa may suffer. A compromise was reached. It was agreed that the fighters could wear whatever they wanted. All techniques of capoeiragem and jiu-jitsu would be permitted, and it would be for the luta livre title. A percentage of the gate would go to a charitable organization [instituição de caridades]. The winner would “take all”.30

Not even waiting to see the outcome, Luiz Gonzaga de Almeida, better known as Gradin, challenged Omori, certain that he would be able to defeat him and thereby restore the good name of capoeira nacional. Apparently he wasn’t confident about Feitosa’s chances.31

Exponents of capoeira were animated by the prospect that either Feitoas or Gradin would be able to rehabilitate the arma nacional through a victory over the theretofore undefeated Omori. As Gradin and various others had expressed doubt about the possibility of a fair fight in the Queirolo brother’s circus, they demanded a neutral site. Omori agreed to fight both of them, Feitosa and Gradin, at a location other than Circo Queirolo.32

“Capoeira” began to be increasingly used as a shorter variant of “capoeiragem”. Advocates of the national game had been trying to clean up its image and in the process they began calling it capoeira instead of capoeiragem. Capoeiras (the fighters) came to be called capoeiristas. Another factor was undoubtedly that “capoeira” fits more compactly into newspaper headings. Space is a scarce resource in periodicals. Longer words, in aggregate, compete with paid advertising. Advertising pays the bills and makes the cover price lower, which increases circulation, allowing fight promoters and advertisers to get the word out more broadly and more economically.33

It took time to get the Omori versus Feitosa affair off the ground. In the mean time, Omori took advantage of his popularity to establish a fully equipped jiu-jitsu academia, which was called Academia Paulista de Jiu-Jitsu. His partner was K. Bandant. It was located at Frontão do Braz, sharing space with a Academia de Boxe. Classes were offered daily 19:30 and 23:00.34

That it was not a long-term success may have stemmed from the fact that Omori would soon run out of opponents in São Paulo.

.Chapter 8 Notes

Chapter 9

1929

While waiting for the Feitosa fight to eventuate, Omori took on two opponents in one night at Circo Queirolo on January 2, 1929. One was Farina, a luta livre man, the other, Francisco, representing luta romana. Omori was predicted to have no problems defeating both of them.1 Apparently, Omori did not encounter anything that he could not handle.

Redemption

The meeting with capoeira Argemiro Feitosa was set to take place January 6, 1929. The fight would be a luta livre match of five 5-minute rounds. It would be held at campo of Athletica Associação São Bento, Ponte Grande. Ticket prices ranged from 3$ for gerais [general admission, floor level, standing], 5$ for archibancadas [bleacher seats], to 10$ for cadeiras especiaes [special box seats]. Four preliminary matches of jiu-jitsu and luta livre (four 5-minute rounds) were scheduled. They were Gibyn (Gibin) versus Dete, Ismael Haki versus Ervin Klausner; Goto (jiu-jitsu) versus Guarany (luta livre), and Okido (jiu-jitsu) versus Rodolpho (luta livre).2

The ring was 15 meters in diameter. As per the contract, the fighters would wear what they chose. Omori chose to wear a kimono as was the custom of his country, while Feitosa would be shirtless and would wear shoes, the better to put an early end to Omori, he promised.3 Fans were eager to see the fight. But they had to wait. It was postponed a week due to make way for a football game.4

Local observers, supporters of capoeiragem primarily, complained about the inferior quality of capoeira “representatives”. According to one newspaper reader, Omori’s last opponent, who the writer mocked by calling “Bagunça, o terrivel capoeira”, did not even know how to execute the hand-stand part of the rabo de arraia [sting ray tail kick] correctly and ended up on the ground where he had no skills. Another Omori opponent, this time identified as Oswaldo or “Baiaca”was supposedly a “formidavel capoeira” but turned out to be a simple stevedore, who learned some lessons of ‘savate’ as a child [não passa de um simples estivador, que tomou, quando criança, algumas licões de ‘savate’]. The writer charged that the nacional game would not be redeemed until a qualified practitioner entered the ring with Omori. He mentioned “22 Marajó” and “Hollandez” as possibilities.5

While waiting for fight night Geo Omori went to Rio to look for new opponents. He had run out of opponents in São Paulo.6

Jiu-Jitsu versus Capoeiragem

The Omori versus Feitosa fight finally took place January 13, 1929. Fans of the national game were again disappointed. The headline in Diario Nacional read “A Luta Final Foi Um Fracasso” [“The Fight was a Flop”]. According to the paper, Omori dominated from the beginning, putting Feitosa on the defensive and keeping him there. Omori protested a duplo golpe [double punch] to the kidneys, but it was decided that it was a legal technique of Feitosa’s art.

After that, Feitosa inexplicably refused to fight. Omori did whatever he wanted. Feitosa dropped to the ground with seconds remaining in the round. In the second round, Omori’s superiority was manifest. He threw Feitosa to the canvas various times and punished him while the crowd, with justification, expressed their indignation at Feitoas’ insufficiency of fighting intention. Omori won in the second round by armlock [golpe de braço].7

The writer was perplexed by Feitosa’s poor showing. He could not comprehend how a “master of capoeiragem with many students who already given impressive public demonstrations” could be so inept in the ring, let alone against such a small Japanese person.8

Feitosa attributed his lack-luster performance to “nervousness”. He also alleged that Omori was warned not to apply pressure on the throat, but he did it anyway. Feitosa retaliated with a “cabeça presa nos rins” [head press to the kidneys] of Omori and was cautioned by the judge. Feitosa wanted a “desforra” [rematch] without restrictions as to techniques [sem restrictção de golpes].

The writer concluded that after his pitiful showing it would be difficult for Feitosa to rehabilitate himself in the eyes of the public. A rematch wouldn’t draw flies.

The evening wasn’t a total wash-out however. According to Diario Nacional,9 the preliminary matches were good. Gibin bested Waldemar in the third round, Klausner beat Haki, in the third round of what was described as the best fight of the night.10 Takeda (a last minute substitute for Okido) was considered to be the winner [vencedor] after choking Rodolpho unconscious in the third round [Takeda fez o adversario ficar desmaiado no terceiro assalto, sendo a considerado vencedor]. The Guarany versus Goto match was even in round 1, with the fighters exchanging aggressively [rudes golpes]. Guarny was declared the victor when Goto declined to come out for round 2.

A Manhã, Carioca da Manhã, O Imparcial, and A Noite also all reported on the fight on January 15, 1929, indicating that there was wide general interest in such mixed fights. They were not, at that time, viewed as pure entertainment without athletic merit. People really wanted to know which country’s system of defense was superior.

Omori’s Academia Paulista de Jiu-Jitsu, now referred to as “Escola de Jiu-Jitsu Geo Omori” arranged a “Big Jiu-Jitsu Tournament” [Grande Torneio de Jiu-Jitsu] to attract attention to the new academy.11  The match-ups in the tournament were Wada versus Kitajima; Kaveno versus Arizunuma; in matches of three 5-minute rounds. Takada encountered Louvas, and Omori’s partner in the academy, Bandant, confronted Gibim [whose name was also spelled Gibin and Gibyn] in matches of four 5-minute rounds.

Neither for the first nor last time, Omori would face two opponents, Weber and Guarany, five 5-minute rounds each, alternating rounds, with 2 minutes between rounds. The program began at 8:30 p.m.12 Results are unknown.

Boxer

Ervin Klausner was a well-known boxer with a long career in Brazil. Originally an amateur boxer from Estonia, he became a professional in Rio in 1926, making his debut against Canadian champion Soldier Jones on Saturday July 10, 1926.13 In addition to an impressive boxing record as a heavyweight, he was undefeated in luta livre. He was regarded by some observers as “the most perfect luta livre fighter currently in São Paulo” [o mais perfeito luctador do luta livre, ora em São Paulo].14

Omori was scheduled to fight Klausner in a four-round luta livre match, Friday January 25, 1929 at Circo Queirolo.

On the bill also were four boxing bouts and two luta livre matches between Takeda and Ritter, and Ismael Haki and Goin.

Klausner and Omori had already met at least three times. It was predicted that the fight would be close because Klausner was the most dangerous opponent Omori had yet faced.15 With outstanding grappling skills (or even basic grappling skills) and a heavyweight punch, Klausner might have been a dangerous opponent indeed. But the Omori versus Klausner match was a lucta livre versus jiu-jitsu contest, without striking.

The result is not known. Based on subsequent reports, Omori did not lose.

Unknown Jiu-Jitsu

Omori encountered Rogerio Archimedes twice more in February 1929, in Taubaté, a smaller city in São Paulo state about 120 kilometers from the capital city. Held at the campo do E. C. Taubaté, both matches were jiu-jitsu. The first match time was on February 3. The second was on February 14. According to Diario Nacional, the citizens of Taubaté were unfamiliar with jiu-jitsu (it was desconhecido) but knew about luta romana (Rogerio was well-known [conhecido] as the champion of São Paulo). Omori won both fights.16

Fighting multiple opponents in the same evening was not normal operating procedure. George Gracie did it several times. Naoiti Ono did it. Others on the top rung of the status hierarchy did it from time to time. Boxers did it. Jack Dempsey routinely did it. On August 25, he fought four opponents in Portland, Oregon.17 He only knocked out two of them (Bill Hartwell and Dave McRae), letting two escape the axe (Denny Lenhart and Bob Mariels). On September 8 in Reno, Nevada, he fought and knocked out three opponents (Eddie Burns, Sam Baker, and Red Tingley) in one outing.18

The fighter had to be confident. Even so, things could sometimes go wrong, and did. Pushovers sometimes brought more to the ring or mat than they had been expected to. Generally, what happened was that they survived when they weren’t expected to or made the champion work harder than he planned. Occasionally the result was a genuine shock.

That is what happened to Geo Omori when he took on both Waldemar and the Austrian Ritter (probably the 72 kilo German luta romana wrestler Francisco Ritter) in lucta livre matches in the same evening, February 21 1929. The match with Waldemar went unremarkably. But unexpectedly and to everyone’s surprise, Ritter defeated Omori. According to Correio Paulistano, “it was a sensational occurrence. To many, it seemed like a dream. To others, it seemed like a fixed fight. But the fact is that Omori was unconscious, and Ritter received the honor of being the first to defeat the previously unbeaten Japanese”.19

Omori requested a rematch. In the meantime, the hillbilly Pedro (O “Caipira”) was being mentioned as a potential Omori opponent. It was said that he had already fought Omori twice to draws. Against Omori, that was a respectable record and seemed to qualify him for another shot. A rematch was set for Geo Omori versus Ritter, at Circo Queirolo on Saturday March 9, 1929.20 The result is unknown. If Ritter repeated his previous upset it would have been the stuff of myths and legends. As no mentioned was ever made of it, it is likely that Omori won the rematch and rehabilitated himself. Later, in Rio, he would claim to never have been beaten. Such prevarication was normal.

Omori confronted Rogerio again (identified as Panthera Paulista) in a four-assalto [round] lucta de jiu-jitsu. The match was held at Salão Gabriel d’Annunzio at rua Major Diogo 43 on Saturday, March 23, 1929, in a program to honor the sportsman Jose Detti.

Other (three-round) jiu-jitsu matches were Antonio Andriotti versus Raiol; Felippe Contino versus Jose de Oliveira; Maximino versus Henke; and the guest of honor Jose Detti versus Assumpção. Admission was free. The fights were preceded by an illusionist and some singers, and followed by a baile familiar [family dance]. 21

Omori fought Estevam on Thursday April 18, 1929 at Circo Queirolo. Estavam was not identified by family name. Possibly he was familiar enough to local readers that he didn’t need to be, or possibly he was not important enough to merit more detailed identification. It was not unusual for fighters (and other people) to be mentioned by one name only, including a nickname, or by multiple names, with multiple spellings.

Estavam might have been Estavam Jiskus (also spelled Jirkus), the giant Lithuanian who battled Jose Detti in 1936.

O Caipira fought “the strong German athlete” Mith on the under-card. It was mentioned that O Caipira’s record against Omori at that time was one loss and three draws, indicating that he had fought Omori twice since February 21.22  However, there is no report of those fights.

Enter Carlos Gracie

Carlos Gracie had been in the news before, from June 1924, but not for jiu-jitsu.23 In March of 1929 he made his first appearance on the stage of professional fighting. He did it the smart way, on the coat-tails of an already established big name. In São Paulo in 1929, there was no bigger name than Géo Omori.

Carlos Gracie informed a reporter for the Diario de Minas^24 that he had been teaching the Minas civil police in Minas since March of 1928. He taught jiu-jitsu, which he learned from Conde Koma in Pará, he said, not as a sport but as a form of self-defense.

Conde Koma provided an instructive example of his power and agility at the old movie theater Cinema Commercio, Carlos explained. A member of the audience was acting violently and crazily. No one dared to confront him.

“Moeda”[sic] Koma, who had been watching the movie, got out of his box seat, and as quick as a flash [rapido como um pensamento] took the disorderly man by the arm and said “get out”. The man and his friends left without saying a word.

Carlos did not hesitate to toot his own horn. He had never lost a fight, he told the writer, even when the opponent was a skilled capoeira [o sr. Carlos Gracie disse-nos ainda que tem vencido todas as lutas em que se empenhou, mesmo quando o seus adversaries eram adextrados capoeiras]. No one could survive even two minutes against him, he said [Nunca ninguem lhe resistia mais de dois minutos]. Carlos was well-schooled in jiu-jitsu and unbeatable, in his own opinion [practicamente, um bom conhecedor do jiu-jitsu e invencivel]. 25

By the time the article appeared, Carlos was teaching the “esporte nipponico” to the civil police of São Paulo.26

He was also planning a “demonstration” [demonstração] of “jiu-jitsu” at Clube Athletico Paulistano on April 28. The exhibition was scheduled to begin at 10:00 am. Carlos invited the press to attend. To motivate them to show up and cover the program, he needed bait, someone with star power, a known name. Géo Omori fit the bill perfectly. Carlos and his father, according to Omori, induced him to participate in the demonstration by flattering him and playing on his sympathies.27

If Carlos wanted to attract attention to his demonstration and make his name known, without getting hurt in a real fight, or risk losing in a genuine match, this was the way to do it. Admission was free, and Carlos emphasized that Omori agreed to take part without remuneration or compensation. Far from having any interest in making money, Carlos’ intentions were purely philanthropic. He was providing the exhibition for the benefit of the authorities, the press, sports enthusiasts, and to the people of São Paulo in general.

How legitimate this match was is an open question. Omori later said explicitly and in no uncertain terms that at the time of the exhibition Carlos knew nothing about jiu-jitsu. It was at the request of Gastão Gracie, Carlos father, that he (Omori) agreed not expose the “boy’s limitations”.28

However, Carlos seemed to want to create the impression that it was a legitimate fight rather than an exhibition or demonstration. He described it as a “lucta,” and called what he would be doing with Omori “measuring forces” [medir forças] a synonym for “fight” (in the athletic contest sense), and said that it was not possible to predict who would “win”.29

Carlos also made a point of describing Omori as having the most perfect knowledge and proficiency of the sport of jiu-jitsu [perfeito conhecedor da technical e segredos de ‘jiu-jitsu’ para uma lucta] thereby making himself look better no matter how the demonstration turned out.30

Nothing that Carlos said or did was unusual from a marketing point of view. It doesn’t tell us much about his jiu-jitsu background, knowledge or skills, but does suggest that he already had a good sense for what was needed to make jiu-jitsu into a paying proposition.

Omori did not let any grass grow under his feet. The following Thursday he was in the ring again, at Circo Pinheiro on rua Theodoro Sampaio at the corner of rua Christiano Vianna. His opponent was Eduardo, (the champion of the bairro Jardim America. Two preliminary matches were Eukin versus Del-o, and Gotto versus Dudú.31

This was Omori’s last fight in 1929 for which documentation is available. But Omori was not going to fade away. When 1930 came around Omori was there. By his side, or tagging along, depending on one’s perspective, was Carlos Gracie.

According to his foremost biographer,32 Carlos Gracie had a vivid imagination. He put his story-telling talents to profitable use throughout his long life, promoting fights, disseminating jiu-jitsu, bilking fans and friends, seducing young girls, and trying to stay out of jail. He sometimes had difficulties distinguishing between his stories and reality. Or perhaps, like Orson Welles (the director-writer-actor of Citizen Kane fame), he simply felt that when reality is not interesting enough, a good entertainer has an obligation to his audience to add whatever elements are needed to goose it up.

In 1929, Carlos said that he learned jiu-jitsu from Conde Koma about ten years before in Pará (i.e., in the city of Belém in the state of Pará). According to Carlos, “Conde Koma had come with his ‘troupe’ consisting of Sateki, Okura, Shimiti, and Laku…After some demonstrations he [Koma] organized a gym, and I was one of the first students to sign up” [“Depois de algumas demonstrações, organizou um gymnasio e eu fui um dos primeiros alumnos inscriptos”].

With effort, Carlos was able to distinguish himself, and motivated by his interest in physical training, he decided to dedicate himself to spreading jiu-jitsu throughout Brazil.33

Carlos also said that he had been teaching a few students in Rio when he received an invitation to instruct and prepare some official agencies in Minas [Guarda Civil, Inspectora de Vehiculos, and Corpo de Agente de Segurança de Minas]. He was contacted by Dr. Menelich de Carvalho, the General Director of the Inspector of Vehicles and the Civil Guard. Carlos said that he taught approximately 200 men.34

Carlos may have taken some lessons from Conde Koma, but it is certain that he exaggerated. Conde Koma was not in Belém for the entire three year period that Carlos claimed he was Koma’s prize pupil.35

The truth may be closer to the Rorion and Helio Gracie versions. In his 1989 Playboy interview, Rorion said that Carlos learned a few basic moves from a traveling master (who might have been Conde Koma). In 1994, Helio confirmed that, saying that Carlos only knew a few basic, power dependent moves.36

Neither Rorion nor Helio were unbiased. Moreover, Rorion, having been born in 1951, couldn’t have had any first hand-knowledge of his uncle’s early life or jiu-jitsu education and could only have been reporting what his father or another uncle might have said. Helio’s version was based on his recollection of events more than 60 years in the past and his memory was not photographic.

Carlos might have learned from Koma’s own students. According to Carlos’ daughter and biographer Reila Gracie,37 Carlos practiced jiu-jitsu with one of Conde Koma’s students named Jacyntho Ferro in Belém. Ferro, at the time of his death in 1929, was said to be Koma’s best student. Unfortunately, and coincidentally, he died at almost the exact moment that Carlos Gracie showed up in São Paulo.

Jacyntho Ferro was a well-known athlete.38 In Belém His specialties were competitive walking, bicycle racing, and weight-lifting. At the time of his death, a few days before January 8, 1929. Ferro was regarded as the greatest athlete and strongest man in the state of Pará, as well as Conde Koma’s best student [Ultimamente, dedicava-se ao ‘jiu-jitsu’, de que era o maior discipulo do conde Koma]. Carlos may have learned from Jacyntho Ferro, but probably not much. Strangely, he never mentioned Ferro in any of his voluminous pronouncements to the press throughout his involvement in the labyrinth of professional fighting. Ferro’s name was famous enough to trade on. But it was Ferro, not Carlos Gracie, who was acknowledged as Conde Koma’s prize pupil. It wouldn’t have seemed as impressive saying that he had acquired his mastery of the secrets of the Japanese game from a Brazilian bicyclist.

A more plausible source of Carlos’s jiu-jitsu knowledge (whatever it might have been) was Donato Pires dos Reis.39 Donato was also from Belém, and had studied with Conde Koma. He was said to be the only Brazilian to possess a diploma issued by Conde Koma authorizing him to teach jiu-jitsu. Contemporary observers believed that Donato was Carlos’ and George’s jiu-jitsu teacher. Donato was the one who introduced Carlos to his first jiu-jitsu teaching job in Minas. Donato was the one who established what later became the Gracie Academy on rua Marques de Abrantes, 106.

Jiu-jitsu instructional books, such as those by Irving Hancock, were available in Brazil from as early as 1906 and probably before (see chapter 2). If Carlos learned from such books, he wasn’t the only one. After all, the books were written for people to learn from. Certainly, learning directly from the source, Conde Koma, would have been preferable from a marketing point of view. Carlos may have had some exposure to or contact with Conde Koma, but the available evidence suggests that it was limited at best.

Retirement

Conde Koma’s competition days were mostly over. He did not retire completely. In 1922 he competed in and won a tournament in Havana, Cuba. He returned to Belém on Wednesday June 7, 1922. He was described as a “professor de ginastica” which in Brazil at the time could mean any form of physical training, including judo or jiu-jitsu.40

By 1929 Conde Koma had been living in Belém for more than 12 years teaching, presumably jiu-jitsu or judo, to police and firemen [corpo de bombeiros] at various locations.41

On August 15, 1929 it was reported that Conde Koma would go to Rio August 20 on the Itaquice to meet the first group of 200 Japanese immigrant families arriving in Rio on September 7 on the “Montevideo Maru”. The immigrants were recruited to augment the workforce at Companha Nipponica de Plantação do Brasil, in Rio Acará.42

At this point, the story moves roughly 360 kilometers to the east. Or rather back to where it started, Rio de Janeiro.

.Chapter 9 Notes

Chapter 10

1930

Geo Omori and Carlos Gracie’s second “encounter” took place in 1930. According to one news item, Carlos Gracie was, like Geo Omori, undefeated in jiu-jitsu matches. In his career as a fighter, no one had ever subjugated him.1

The report played a bit loose with the truth. Omori hadn’t been beaten in jiu-jitsu, but he had lost in luta livre. It was also literally true that Carlos was undefeated. He managed a draw in his one and only only previous public match, the 1929 exhibition with Geo Omori.

Carlos was described as having a perfect knowledge of jiu-jitsu, which he had studied for three years. He was the only Brazilian who could boast those qualifications, according to the report.2 The report was incorrect in two ways.

It was customary at the time for information about a fighter to be supplied by people who had a financial interest in his public appearances, which included promoters, managers, the fighter himself, and to some degree, the writer. A colossal undefeated champion was easier to write about than an average fighter who lost as well as won fights, and the public was more interested in reading about the former than the later. Information was hardly distinct from marketing. Carlos was his own manager-promoter so it is unlikely that this information came from anyone other than himself. No one was really in a position to verify his claims, assuming that they cared. Carlos was free to say anything he wanted. That was equally true for every other fighter in Brazil, and it was a liberty that they took full advantage of.3

The newspaper was not quite convinced about Carlos. “We can’t say anything about his performance, his credentials, his skill, his technique or his manner of fighting”. Omori had been handicapped by a sprained wrist in the 1929 encounter so was difficult to assess Gracie’s actual “capacity” […não ficou patente a capacidade de Gracie, visto o nipponico se apresentar com um dos punhos luxado].4

Perhaps the new encounter would be more informative. Carlos would have the opportunity to demonstrate his real knowledge of the “sport of the samurais”. The match was scheduled for five 3-minute rounds with a minute between rounds. It was to be held Sunday January 5, 1930 at Pavilhão Queirolo, on rua Formosa in São Paulo.5

There would be five preliminary exhibition fights. Alecides faced Attila, and Zacharais confronted Waldemar in luta livre matches. Henkin encountered Arthur in a jiu-jitsu match. The matches were three rounds and a round was 3 minutes with a minute between rounds. Benedicto Peres squared off with Amilcar in a four round jiu-jitsu match. “George” (presumably George Gracie) was pitted against the boxer “Gabriel”.6

In the several years since jiu-jitsu had been “in vogue” in São Paulo, Omori had easily defeated every man who faced him.7

In view of Omori’s record, many people did not believe that Carlos Gracie stood much of a chance against Omori [Debaixo dessa imprensão o publico certamente julgou que o sr. Gracie não fosse adversario sufficiente para o nipponico]. They were in for a surprise.

The fight took place at Madison Square Paulistano.

Omori initially approached Gracie like a spider stalking a fly. But he did not overwhelmingly dominate Gracie. Contrary to expectations, Gracie put on a fine display of technique [fez um brilhante demonstração]. The match was declared to be a draw and Gracie received a long round of applause [prolongada salva de palmas] in appreciation for his courageous performance. Carlos had demonstrated that he had mastered jiu-jitsu and was capable of confronting any opponent.8

The match yielded the attention that Carlos wanted. The Queirolo brothers quickly arranged a “spectacular” of the kind that had never before been seen in São Paulo: Boxing versus jiu-jitsu [Será uma peleja jamais observada em S. Paulo]. Even Geo Omori, despite being willing to fight capoeiras, refused to fight boxers. Omori fought heavyweight boxer Ervin Klausner, repeatedly, but only under luta livre rules. He refused to face Klausner in a boxing versus jiu-jitsu match.

Klausner was a legitimate, experienced boxer, with a heavyweight’s punch. Moreover, he knew how to grapple, and he knew Omori’s game from prior experience. Omori weighed in the neighborhood of 68 kilos. He was courageous but not reckless.

Carlos Gracie was recruited to fight a boxer. He was featherweight Joannes Toon, who was about the same size as Carlos. In addition, one of Carlos’ students [alumnos] challenged any amateur or professional boxer up to a weight of 75 kilos. The student turned out to be his brother George. The fight was planned for Madison Square Paulistano Thursday, January 16, 1930.

The press was not impressed, saying Toon was “a boxer just a little above average” [“um pugilista pouco acima de mediocre”] and not a worthy representative of the “nobre arte” to face a jiu-jitsu expert of Carlos Gracie’s caliber.9

Carlos also ardently desired a “luta desempate” [tie breaker] with Omori, believing that only the ineptitude of the judge denied him victory over Omori. He challenged Omori again. Omori immediately accepted. His interpretation of what had happened in the ring was radically at variance with Carlos.’ It wasn’t until Carlos began to get on his nerves that he talked about it however (see chapter 12).

Both were confident that they would win [ira luctar convicto de que vencerá].10

Sometime between January 11 and January 15 the program was postponed to January 19. Perhaps Carlos’ training was interrupted by the death of his grandmother, Maria Pinherio Gracie, on Monday January 13.11

Since Carlos would be fighting Omori, George was tapped to face Toon.12

Between January 15 and January 19, the program was postponed again and the match-ups changed again.13

The program was scheduled to take place at Pavilhão de Rua Formosa. Other matches were Attila versus Alcides; Zacharias versus Arthur, Benedicto Peres versus Mangerona, and Jose Dette versus Jose Gaucho, in jiu-jitsu versus luta livre matches of either three or four 3-minute rounds.14

The George Gracie versus Toon fight was scheduled for either five 5-minute rounds.15 Geo Omori versus Carlos Gracie was five 5-minute rounds.

What happened is unclear. It was not uncommon for events to be cancelled or postponed at the last minute due to scheduling conflicts, rain, or other reasons.16 Generally there would be an announcement when that occurred. However, if the fight took place but was not reported, or the documents no longer exist or haven’t yet been located, there would invariably be some mention of it in publicity campaigns for subsequent fights. None have been found for this program.17

In May, Carlos organized an elimination tournament for the children of the best families in São Paulo [rapazes das melhores familias Paulistana]. It was scheduled for May 19 at rua Gabriel dos Santos, 63．The action would begin at 4 p.m. Finalists were João Aguiar, Ludovico Penteado, Oscar de Spuza Pinto, and Octaviano Bueno.18 This suggests that Carlos had used the fame acquired in his Omori matches to open some sort of academy, mostly likely in space borrowed from a sports club (which is still today where most academies are located in Rio and São Paulo). He was obviously targeting people with money.

If any of the boxers that Carlos invited to test his jiu-jitsu took him up on the offer, none was reported in the news. Paulistas liked to watch such mixed-styles fights^19 and newspapers liked having content that people wanted to read, so lack of reportage suggests either that there weren’t any or that the jiu-jitsu representative did not prevail, and there is eye-witness testimony of impeccable authority corroborating this supposition.

Some post-UFC 1 sources allege that Carlos had placed ads in newspapers offering prize money [premios em dinheiro] to anyone of any size who could beat him [para os desafiantes que conseguissem derrotá-lo, independentmente de peso, altura, e tamanho]. Allegedly, one ad read “If you want to get your face punched and smashed, your ass kicked, and your arms broken, contact Carlos Gracie” at the Academia Gracie”.20 No source is provided for this claim. It may be apocryphal. Jiu-jitsu marketing in Rio and São Paulo during the 1930’s emphasized health and spiritual benefits rather than assault & battery. One wonders how Carlos Gracie’s target client base of the families of rich kids would have reacted to it.

While Carlos was spreading the art of the samurais among the rich kids of São Paulo’s best families, his kid brother [caçula]. Helio was in Rio, swimming and rowing boats in Botafogo. Helio represented Clube de Regatas do Botafogo.21

On Sunday January 19, Helio competed in a 100 meter breast-stroke [nado á la brasse] swimming race, coming in second with a time of 1:60 (first place was Abinad Trajano, with a time of 1:47).22

On Sunday February 9, Helio was part of a three man swim team competing in the 3 x 100 meter relay. Helio was in second position, swimming breast-stroke. Newton Pereira Reis, was first, swimming back-stroke [nado de costas], and Edson Carvalho Serejo was last, swimming free-style.23

According to his own and other superficially authoritative accounts, Helio was a frail, sickly, clumsy boy.24 By January 1930, he seemed to be in reasonably good health and with average or better athletic abilities.

He continued his involvement in marine sports. On Sunday April 27, in the Bay of Botafogo [enseada de Botafogo] he was the coxswain [patrão] on the boat Mira. His rowers [remadores] were Jose de Camargo Simões and Jose Carlos ds Silva.25 On August 31, he again commanded the Mira. His rowers were Henrique Cordeiro Oest and Emilio Gottschalk.26

If Helio was involved in jiu-jitsu at this time it escaped the attention of the local newspapers.

Donato Pires dos Reis

In early September 1930 Rio newspapers informed readers about the existence of a new academy of “jiu-jitsu” (almost always written with quotation marks) located at rua Marquez de Abrantes n. 106 in the Flamengo beach area. The first report announced that same evening, September 6, at 9:00, a series of practical demonstrations would be offered at the academy especially for journalists. The director of the academy, Donato Pires dos Reis, invited anyone who wanted to test their style against jiu-jitsu to show up.27

On Sunday September 7 Diario de Noticias offered more extensive information, beginning with a headline,“The most admiral method of self-defense-jiu-jitsu, scientific teaching of this sport is provided at ‘Academia de Jiu-Jitsu’”.28

Donato Pires (dos Reis) was from the state of Pará and learned from Japanese masters [aprendeu esse sport com mestres Japonezes], he said. Conde Koma was not mentioned by name. Donato had served as instructor of police in Bello Horizonte, where he had many fights.

By the second day, the academy already had 12-15 students, according to the September 7 report. The assistant professor and monitors were Carlos and Jorge (George) Gracie.

Donato and the writer discussed the legendary (but true) incident in which the capoeira Cyriaco demolished jiu-jitsu representative Sada Miyako in 1909. The incident was common knowledge and obviously had to be addressed by any aspiring jiu-jitsu teacher.

Donato explained that Cyriaco won 500$ (milreis) by beating Miyako, as everyone knew. But what they didn’t know was that Miyako offered Cyricao, not once but repeatedly, double that amount if he could beat him again. Miyako even upped the offer to 10,000$ in pursuit of the capoeira. But Cyriaco never accepted [nunca mais procurou o japonez].

Even if Miyako did make such offers (which is unsubstantiated), there is no way to know whether he would have fared better the second time. But the fact that Cyriaco didn’t accept the alleged offer implied that he was afraid of the scientific secrets of the Japanese game, which in turn was testimony to the efficicacy of jiu-jitsu. Therefore, Miyako and jiu-jitsu didn’t really lose.

Moving on, Donato then extolled the benefits of jiu-jitsu. After taking a series of lessons in jiu-jitsu, he explained, the student would obtain the following benefits: More agility, sharper reflexes, more acute senses, improved blood circulation and respiration, and a sense of absolute tranquility, as a result of the self-confidence that the techniques of jiu-jitsu would instill.29

Two large photos were included. On the left side of the page Donato posed with Carlos and George. He was at least 6” shorter than either, and thin. The top of his head did not reach to the bottom of Carlos’ eyes. Donato, in the middle, wore a suit and bow tie. Carlos on the left was dressed in a suit and neck tie. George on the right wore a robe and sandals. The caption read “the director of the school with the two professionals” [O director da Escola com os dois profissionaes]. On the right side of the page Donato was shown executing a knife disarm on Carlos.

The article explained that “the teachers of the school had never been defeated and had the best records against all of the fight styles of the world” [O corpo de professors da Academia até hoje nunca vencido, mantem os maiores records contra todas as lutas de mundo]. And “in a recent public fight in São Paulo one monitor of the academy defeated the best professional boxer from the Academia Box Caverzazio in 2:35 minutes” [No ultimo encontro publico em São Paulo um monitor da Academia venceu em 2 minutos e 35 segundos de tempo, o melhor boxeur profissional de Academia de Box Caverzazio].

The other instructor (Carlos) went up against the São Paulo police department’s Swedish luta livre instructor in a test of the superiority of styles [luta experience sobre superioridades da luta]. It took Carlos no more than 2 minutes and 40 seconds to dispatch his 80 kilo opponent.

Coincidentally, the experiences Donato described teaching the police in Minas Gerais were identical to those that Carlos later claimed to have had.30

Along these lines, Carlos Gracie claimed in a 1981 interview to have been an amateur boxing champion. In fact, he said, he easily defeated almost 20 opponents and had never been hit [“lutei na categoria leve e não encontrei difficuldades para superar os adversarios. Na quase 20 lutas que fiz, não levei um só murro”]. His extraordinary skills earned him the middleweight amateur boxing championship of Brazil [Campeonato Brasileiro de Amadores], Carlos boasted. His brother George Gracie was the vice-champion.31 Unfortunately, evidence that either one ever boxed a single regulation round of competitive boxing is entirely absent.

Donato Pires made no such claims, but he actually had been a boxer. He was a student of the well-known boxing instructor João Scherrer.

On January 19, 1924 Donato fought six rounds with the strong Vasco de Gama boxer Henri Fort.32 On April 5, 1927 he fought Jorge Alexi in the Campeonato Carioca de Amadores, held at the headquarters of the Associaçáo Christa de Moços on rua da Quitanda, 47.33 About a week later he was rated as one of the best amateur bantam (or rooster) weight [peso gallo] boxers in Rio. He weighed 53.3 kilos for his contest with Alexi.34

Here as in the Bello Horizonte case, Carlos’ story bore a remarkable similarity to Donato’s. The difference is that there is documentary proof of Donato’s ring activities.

Donato was not the only jiu-jitsu man who registered to compete in the 1927 Campeonato Carioca de Amadores. On Saturday March 26, George Gracie registered as a flyweight [peso mosca].35 However he did not appear at the official weigh-in [pesagem] and medical check up [exame medico] on April 3.36 There is no indication that he had any fights, and he certainly was not the champion, at least in any year for which there are records. But he did sign up. There is no record that Carlos did.37

On Tuesday September 9 Correio da Manhã added a few more details about the new jiu-jitsu academy on rua Marquez Abrantes. Carlos and George Gracie belonged to the teaching staff [pertence ao corpo docente], under the direction [sob a direcção] of Donato Pires dos Reis.

George was described as a young and agile fighter. Carlos was described as the “Brazilan champion” [campeão do Brasil], despite the fact that his ring record consisted of two exhibition matches with Geo Omori, neither of which he won.

Carlos demonstrated the efficiacy of jiu-jitsu by sparring with a local “sportsman” named Eduardo Rocha, who weighed 90 kilos. Carlos, at 59 kilos subdued Rocha in 160 seconds.38

Mistake

Donato Pires dos Reis claimed to be the first Brazilian to teach jiu-jitsu in Rio, if not all of Brazil. He was mistaken. Even if he beagn taeching in 1923, as he claimed, he was not the first. Mario Aleixo was officially teaching jiu-jitsu in Rio as early as 1913, a year before Conde Koma came to Brazil.

But Donato was probably correct when he said that he was the sole Brazilian qualified to do so, being the only one with a diploma from Conde Koma.39

Carlos Gracie believed that he was better at jiu-jitsu than Donato Pires.40 Conde Koma obviously thought otherwise.

Donato obviously liked jiu-jitsu but apparently did not need to teach it to earn a living. He had a government position as a tax collector (agente fiscal do imposto, also referred to as inspector fiscal in some reports), in the interior of Espirito Santo.41 He was periodically reassigned to different locations in Minas Gerais and São Paulo states (Santa Catharina) and each time these were reported in the local press. His travels and activities were also publicly reported until as late as 1952.42

Donato’s regular job kept him on the move and usually out of Rio. It didn’t take long before he was out of the picture altogether. The Academia de Jiu-Jitsu evolved into the “Gracie Academy” in stages. First Donato left; Carlos and George stayed. Donato’s family was well connected.43 Carlos and George had to hustle their way through life. Their qualifications and connections were limited. There may not have been a conspiracy to oust Donato Pires. He may simply have had more urgent business to take care of.

Soon after, George was replaced by Helio. At about that same time Donato Pires changed from being a hometown friend who got Carlos Gracie his first legitimate job and his first professional jiu-jitsu experience, into an enemy. People who found their way onto Carlos Gracie’s “enemies list” could not afford to let their guard down. Ambushes could come at any time and place.

In December an article appeared in Diario de Noticias titled “The Origin of Jiu-Jitsu” [“O origem de Jiu-jitsu”] explaining the samurai origins of the art, which it incorrectly translated as “quebra musculos” [muscle breaking].44 The photograph used in the September 7 article was reproduced, showing Donato Pires taking knife away from Carlos Gracie.

Donato was again described as the “director of the academy”, Carlos as an instructor and George as a monitor. Both, it was mentioned, had a passion for the “beautiful Japanese game” [tambem apaixonada do bello jogo jaoponez]. The article cited one of Irving Hancock’s books (simply do livro ‘jiu-jitsu’ de Hancock) to explain why jiu-jitsu is effective.

Hancocks’s numerous books were available in Rio from 1906 at the latest and probably from the year of publication. They were available in English and translated into several languages, including Brazilian Portuguese. Fighters later referred to a 1908 translation to clarify disputes over rules.

It is highly probable that many early practicioners learned from them and other books of the same genre. In fact, it is almost certain. The phrases, clichés, and historical and sociological misunderstandings that characterized jiu-jitsu marketing in Rio (and elsewhere) came straight out of the books of Hancock and his peers. Conde Koma, like all of the other Japanese jiu-jitsu masters in Brazil, had learned his art in Japan at the Kodokan (or as it was writtern in Brazil “Kodokwan”) where jiu-jitsu was taught as an English style “sport” with the objectives of personal development and social harmony. Jiu-jitsu had not been a battlefield art in since 1600, if even then.45

In a pair of articles titled “O Jiu-Jitsu como sport e como Methodo de Educação Physica” [“Jiu-jitsu as a sport and Method of Physical Education] professor Fernando de Azevedo propogated and summarized prevailing popular understandings of jiu-jitsu. He explained that “thanks to jiu-jitsu, the Japanese are the strongest, healthiest, and calmest people in the world. Their victory over the Slavs (Russians), was, according to Ph. Tissié, due to their jiu-jitsu, which is so ancient that it “antedates historical records”.

Everyone in Japan trains jiu-jitsu, even geishas, according to Azevedo (in addition to Ph. Tissié, Azevedo also quoted Lagrange and Heckel, European authorites who were evidently well enough known that they did not require introduction. The information must have seemed authoritative and trust-worthy.46

These views contrasted with those expressed by the people who actually had first-hand knowledge. Geo Omori wrote (or rather someone wrote under his name) a four-part series of articles, published in Diario de Noticias in 1932.47 He explained how jiu-jitsu evolved from what was called “yawara” or “taijutsu” and how Kano Jigaro adapted techniques from several older jiu-jitsu “ryu” into what became “judo”.48

Another article, published in 1935 based on information supplied by the Japanese ambassador, Fumio Miura, re-emphasized Kano’s role and omitted the exaggerations typical of Hancock and other popularizers.49

Donato Pires voluntarily left or was forced out of the academy that he established on Marquez de Abrantes. But he didn’t give up on jiu-jitsu. He later established the Studio Scientifico de Defesa Pessoal in São Paulo. His assistant instructor was George Gracie, who had long before parted ways with his eccentric and overbearing older brother.

.Chapter 10 Notes

Chapter 11

1931

On Saturday, February 28, Carlos Gracie and some of his “students” at the “Academia Brasileira de Jiu-Jitsu” started out 1931 by giving an exhibition at the 3rd Fluminense Boxing Spectacular [O terceiro espectaculo pugilistico do Fluminese] featuring matches between boxers Isidro Sá and Sierrita, among others.1 Taking advantage of crowds gathered to watch boxing matches was a common strategy for publicizing jiu-jitsu. New or recently arrived fighters often did likewise, performing demonstrations wherever there were crowds, such as sports festivals, charity events, fund raising events, and the like. Jiu-jitsu men didn’t invent the practice. Everyone did it. Even boxers occasionally engaged in exhibition matches in luta livre progams, when a suitable opportunity arose.

The Omori-Ruhmann Show

Omori’s first of four fights with Roberto Ruhmann took place in 1931 in São Paulo. The match was billed as luta livre contra [versus] jiu-jitsu. Ruhmann was said to have a deep knowledge of jiu-jitsu in addition to luta livre and had also trained boxing with world light heavyweight champion George Carpentier.2

According to contemporary reports, Roberto Ruhmann was “syrio-libanez,” which in Brazil in the 1930’s referred to anywhere in the middle-east. He was sometimes described as Jewish. He was 25 as of April 18, 1931. His family name was Nephtali. Newspaper articles sometimes referred to him as “Bob” (in quotation marks). He was educated in Paris, Berlin, and Amsterdam. He made his ring debut in Germany at the age of 14 (i.e., 1920). He defeated Blank Perzel in a one hour and 40 minute match to become the 1924 Paris Olympic luta livre [free style wrestling] champion.3 It was while studying electrical engineering in Cairo that he met Prailt Bert, at that time the strongest man in the world [que era, na epoca, o homem mais forte do mundo].4 He made his Argentina debut at Theatro Cassino. As of April 1931, he had won all 115 of his fights to date. By February 1932, his record was 131 fights, with no defeats. He visited England, France, Italy, Egypt, Syria, Palestina, Mexico, Cuba, USA, Chile, and Peru and currently lived in São Paulo with wife and infant son “Ruhmanito”. Although trained as an engineer, he was making a living performing strongman acts in circuses and variety shows. He was known as the man with the muscles of steel [aço] and despite weighing between 67 and 72 kilos (147.4 to 158.4 lbs.), could lift a 100 kilo man using only two fingers.

Strongman acts often segued naturally into professional wrestling and so it was with Ruhmann. It was inevitable that he would cross paths with Geo Omori.

The first Roberto Ruhmann versus Geo Omori meeting took place on Saturday June 13,at the São Paulo Football Club at Ponte Grande.5 Ruhmann, using the Herculean strength that he was famous for, defeated the Japanese jiu-jitsu master with an armlock. According to later commentaries and photographs, the armlock was applied from standing while Ruhmann executed his trade-mark “tesoura de rins” [kidney scissors]. Omori was not the last jiu-jitsu representative to fall prey to Ruhmann’s extraordinary power. But Omori would have a chance (three chances to be exact) to settle scores with Ruhmann.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Capoeiragem

On May 28, 193, a tournament pitting representatives of jiu-jitsu against practitioners of the “national game” [jogo nacional] as capoeiragem was often called, was announced for June 20 at either Botafogo Football Club or Fluminense Stadium, to be decided later. George, Oswaldo and Helio Gracie would represent jiu-jitsu, and Coronel (Eduardo Jose Sant’Anna), Mané(Manoel Tito Ferreira), and Demitrio, would represent capoeiragem.6

The capoeiras were coached by former luta romana champion Jayme Martins Ferreira, who confidently declared that he had not even the least doubt that capoeiragem was the best form of self-defense” [“não tenho a menor duvida que a capoeiragem superará qualquer meio de defesa”].7 Two weeks later he repeated his claim. “Capoeiraegem is the most useful method of self-defense….a complete capoeira would have no great difficulty dominating a practioner of jiu-jitsu” [“o mais util de todas os methods defesa pessoal….um capoeira perfeito nao tera grande difficuldade em dominar um praticante do jiu-jitsu”].

Carlos Gracie, who coincidentally was present, disagreed. He and Ferraira immediately decided to promote a competition to test the merits of the styles (though this was almost two weeks after the competeiton was initially announced). In fact, they already had representatives picked out: Oswaldo, Helio, and George Gracie representing jiu-jitsu, andMané(Manoel Tito Ferreira), Coronel (Eduardo Jose Sant’Anna), and Caréca (who had replaced Demitrio), would represent capoeiragem.8

Jayme Martins Ferreira was a “professional wrestler” and 1910 champion of luta Greco-Romana.9 He retired in 1916.10 Currently, he was representing Club Carioca de Box, at rua Rosario n. 133, headed by Prof. Antonio Rodriques Alves.11 A later article reported that he was the director of the Academia de Capoeiragem. Where he acquired his capoeiragem knowledge, if he had any, was not indicated, and some people were skeptical.

A Noite reported in December of 1930 that he was directing a program at the Club, and his focus was “gymnastica sueca scientifica e racional” [scientific and rational Swedish gymnatstics].12 In February of 1931, A Noite reported that dozens of young people were training boxing and luta romana. Ferreira and Alves also wanted to encourage interest in a purely national sport [um sport puramente nacional], so they hired two qualified capoeiragem masters as instructors.13 The “national game” was described as the “art of maneuvering the legs” [arte de manejar as pernas], suggesting that the emphasis was on kicking.

In May he announced that he would be offering lessons in both luta romana and capoeiragem in June at the Club Carioca.14 The previously contracted masters were not mentioned again. Ferreira evidently did not have a deep knowledge of capoeiragem and therefore could not have produced high level capoeiras in time for the jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem challenge.

Some people also doubted the qualifications of his fighters and later events proved that their doubts were well-founded. Other people questioned the rules of this test of styles, what clothes should be worn, what techniques should be allowed, and so on.

One of the first critics was capoeiragem teacher Mario Aleixo. Carlos wanted the capoeiras to wear kimonos and posed in a photograph showing that sort of costume he had in mind.15 The kimono was a standard pre-1906 judo-gi^16 such as was depicted in the books of Irving Hancock and others of the period, with pant-legs and sleeves well above the knees and elbows, respectively. Mario Aleixo wore one exactly like it in 1916.17

Capoeiragem supporters argued that capoeiras did not train or fight in kimonos, so this would obviously give the jiu-jitsu representatives an advantage. A local fan named A. Duarte objected that “the kimono is a large factor in the fight, which will work to the capoeira’s disfavor”.18 It was finally agreed that capoeiras would not have to wear kimonos but instead would wear roupe de linho reforçado [clothes of reinforced linen].19

Other people objected that either the capooeiras were unqualified, or were using non-capoeiragem techniques. For example, a pseudonymous writer called “Juca da Pinta” complained that the prise de tête” [captioned prisão de cabeça in the photograph], posed by Reynaldo (Bala de Bronze) and Manoel T. Ferreira (Mané), published in a recent edition of the paper^20 was not a legitimate capoeiragem technique. Capoeiras don’t grab, he said: “Capoeiragem is characterized by the complete absence of techniques designed to prevent the opponent from moving”, he elaborated [“capoeiragem se characterize pelo completa ausencia dos chamados ‘golpe de mão” cujo objective e tolher os movimento do adversario”].

He wrote again after the program saying “the capoeiragem of the boys who confronted the jiu-jitsu players was lamentably weak” [“a capoeiragem praticada pelos rapazes que enfrentaram os lutadores de jiu-jitsu, sexta-feira, dia 3, fracassando lamentavelmente”].21

June 20 came and went. The tournament was rescheduled for July 2 and then July 3 at the Botafogo Football Club.22 George, Oswaldo, and Helio would fight, while Carlos would give a demonstration of his “deep knowledge” [profundos conhecimentos] of jiu-jitsu.23 He was not shy about extolling his own mastery of the Japanese sport: “I will try to demonstrate the superiority of the jiu-jitsu which I have imbibed and synthesized from the inexhaustible source of the profound knowledge of conde Maeda Koma”.24

Among the critics and doubters was a luta livre instructor named Manoel Rufino dos Santos, who would become a major thorn in the Gracies’ side.25

At last the day arrived, Friday July 3, 1931 to decide which was the better method of self-defense, capoeiragem or jiu-jitsu [qual dos doisé o melhor meio de defesa pessoal]. Carlos posed with two “munitores” [students] of the academy, Guenthger Budiheister and Antonio Rocha, both shirtless, Carlos wearing a suit and tie. Nineteen year old George “Grane” [Gracie] was introduced. The only one among his many adversaries yet who had been able to resist George’s jiu-jitsu was Getulio Mariano (98 kilos, 183 cm.), of the São Paulo Civil Guard. The match terminated without a winner or loser [empate] after 3 rounds.26

Helio had suffered a serious trauma to his figado [liver] which was confirmed by an “exame de raios x”. In his place, São Paulo jiu-jitsu champion and former Gracie student Benedicto Peres would “measure forces”with Ozéas (who had replaced Caréca). The fighters were matched by weight. The ring was 6 x 6 meters, without canvas or padding.

Seven rules were in effect. They were: (1) the fighters will be examined by a doctor who will be present at the fight as well, (2) the rounds will be five minutes with one minute between, (3) the loser will be the fighter will stops fighting [desistia] or says that he is beaten, whether conscious or unconscious [se dé por vencido consciente ou inconsciente], (4) the fighters will begin standing up, face to face, (5) if the jiu-jitsu fighter is thrown or knocked down and unable to get back to his feet within 10 seconds, he will be considered to have lost the fight, (6) the jiu-jitsu fighters will wear kimonos and the capoeiras will wear clothes of reinforced linen, but not shoes, (7) if the capoeiras appear in torn pants, they will be required to wear a kimono selected by the jiu-jitsu representatives. Nothing was specified about prohibited techniques.27

In a last minute plug, Diario de Noticias informed readers that “the fight between capoeriagem and jiu-jitsu will be absolutely brutal. There is no similarity with boxing or luta romana”. The location was rua General Severiano, accessible by the Praia Vermelha bonde [street car]. The matches were preceded by a demonstration of luta livre by the Smith brothers and began at 9:00 p.m. The referees were Carlos Gracie and Jayme Ferreira. Peres’ opponent was Reynaldo Neves da Silva (Bala da Bronze).28

The results were not immediately reported. According to later commentaries however, George Gracie beat Coronel because the capoeira slapped him on the ground thereby being disqualified, indicating that the rules barred the capoeiras from striking on the ground, while at the same time not rewarding them for putting their adversary there.29

Moreover, rule 5 did not prevent the jiu-jitsu representatives from voluntarily dropping to the ground. While possibly a sound self-defense tactic, it did not facilitate a valid comparison of styles and as many critics pointed out, this was a considerable handicap for the capoeiras. Coronel later challenged George to a fight “valer tudo” [everything permitted] but George never responded.30 Given the many complaints about the poor abilities of the capoeiras and the unfairness of the rules, it is reasonable to assume that they didn’t dominate the jiu-jitsu representatives.

Bluff

A week later, Capoeira instructor Mario Aleixo launched one more challenge at jiu-jitsu, but specified the rules of “real” capoeiragem.31 Luta Livre instructor Manoel Rufino dos Santos also challenged the Gracies, calling their July 3 tournament a “bluff” [hoax].

Carlos apparently recognized Rufino as a voice that could be neither ignored.nor co-opted. Rufino was a respected “sports man” and luta livre instructor. While most other “rivals” played by the the rules of pro-fighting promotion, Rufino had a personal dislike for Carlos. His challenges were not abstract “style versus style” confrontations. He was not interested in meeting “representatives”. He wanted Carlos personally.

Carlos claimed to be willing. As usual, he would negotiate hard for terms that suited him. The specific rules were not yet decided but Carlos explained that “jiu-jitsu is a competitive sport and not a fight for life or death”.32

It was not certain that the fight would happen. Rufino and Gracie couldn’t agree on the rules. Carlos insisted on short rounds. Rufino wanted long rounds or no rounds.33 Finally Rufino agreed to Carlos’ conditions.34 As he later said, it was the only way he could get Carlos into the ring.

Rufino Santos promised to donate his purse, if he won, to charity (to Nataldas Crianças Pobres do Fluminense).35

Put on the spot, Carlos eventually offered to donate 30%, if he won (making him look somewhat miserly, which might have intensified his antipathy to Rufino Santos).36

Rufino continued to lobby for what he felt were more realistic ring conditions. Carlos threatened that if Rufino didn’t fight him in the ring (under the rules that Carlos wanted), he would fight him in the street [Se Santos não lutar comigo no ring lutará mesmo na rua].

Capoeiragem and jiu-jitsu instructor Mario Aleixo, like Rufino Santos, did not think much of Carlos Gracie. Aleixo challenged on August 19, repeatedly referring to him as “sr. Gracil”.37

Eugenio Brandão Duffressey was the referee [juiz de ring]. Carlos’ close friend and financial provider Dr. Oscar Santa Maria was one of the table judges, the others being Dr. Renato Pacheco and Dr. Rodrigues Vieira. There would be five 5-minute rounds with 1-minute breaks. The fighters could wear whatever they chose. Striking was not permitted. Points were not scored. The result would be determined by “tap out or knock out”.38 Although it was not explicitly specified, a fighter could desist by simply leaving the ring or not returning to it if he fell or was thrown out of it.

The two men appeared to be evenly matched. According to Diario de Noticias “Manoel Rufino dos Santos is strong, agile, and smart, qualities which are not lacking in his rival” [Manoel Rufino dos Santos é forte, agile e astuto, qualidades que não faltem ao seu rival”]. The fight was billed as “luta livre contra jiu-jitsu. Rufino’s style was called “catch-as-catch-can” and Rufino was a “catch-catcher”.39

Abandoning the Ring

The Gracie versus Rufino Santos show-down took place Sunday August 22, 1931 at Estadio de Fluminense, Rio, on rua Alvaro Chaves.40

The program began at 9:00 with three preliminary luta romana matches and three exhibition boxing matches.

The luta romana matches were Manoel Lima versus Longmayer, Jayme Ferreira versus Benjamin Constant Azevedo (aka o “Bijoca”) and Tavares Crespo versus Alcino Pacheco. Brazilian lightweight boxing champion Joe Assobrab would fight three 2-round exhibition fights against Antonio Portugal, Mario Francsico, and Crespito, respectively.

Rufino Santos versus Gracie was the main event.

Correio da Manhã described the fight as follows: “The fight was violent and savage. The first two rounds were in Rufino Santos’ favor. Near the end of the third round, the fighters went outside the ring and the referee ordered them back to the center. Rufino Santos released his hold at which time Gracie took advantage to apply an illegal technique, which provoked a lot of disagreement. Carlos Gracie left the ring. At the requests of his friends, he returned. The fight was interrupted for more than an hour. The fight was re-started. Gracie left the ring again. Because of that, the referee awarded the victory to Rufino Santos”.41

Diario de Noticias summarized the fight as “fracasso em 3 rounds”.

“Manoel Rufino had the advantage until the third round, when both fighters were up against the ropes and about to fall out of the ring. Gracie was above Rufino. The referee shouted ‘Center!’ and then Manoel Rufino let go of Gracie. Gracie used that opportunity to apply a “gravata” [headlock] on Rufino, who had been trusting in Gracie’s sense of fair-play and the referee’s vigilance. There was an argument and the fight was interrupted. Gracie felt that he won, despite the protests of the fans who severely criticized the method that he had used. After a long delay, Gracie refused to continue the fight and Rufino was declared to be the winner”.42

Diario de Noticias added a couple days later that “Neither Rufino nor Gracie were able to use the technique that they supposedly knew. Rufino applied holds on Gracie that didn’t seem to bother him.What happened to the ‘toe holds’, the ‘armlocks’, the ‘leglocks’? None were seen. For his part, Gracie used ‘scissors’ which Rufino defended well”.43

A Noite had a slightly different impression of events. When the referee attempted to separate the fighters and direct them to the ring center, Rufino relaxed his defense. Carlos applied a “gravata” choke and refused to release it when instructed to. According to one table judge, Rufino tapped out and then lost consciousness [segundo um dos juizes Santos teria dado a signal convencionado de desistencia perdenda, a seguir, os sentidos]. According to others, Gracie was in violation of the rules in not releasing the headlock when instructed by the referee. Santos was disoriented and almost unable to stand up [Santos se levantado completemente estonteado em condicões de mal poder se manter de pé].

At this point there was confusion as to what had happened. Some people thought Gracie should be declared the winner. Others thought the fight should continue to the end of the agreed five rounds. Gracie did not want to continue however and for this reason Rufino Santos was declared the winner [Carlos Gracie que prefereiu nao proseguir, motivo porque a victoria foi dada ao seu adversario]. 44

What actually happened in the match, technically, was not described in much detail, apparently because not a lot happened. One report mentioned that Gracie used “scissors” [tesouras]. Tesouras at that time generally implied use of the legs for attack and defense (rather than for standing). More specifically it could mean what later became known as the “guard” position.

So Carlos used the “guard position” in his first and only fight. However, Rufino Santos later said that “the ground holds no mysteries for a luta livre man”45 which he proved by nullifiying Carlos’ guard game.

At the same time, Rufino’s use of his own legs was less than effective. As one knowledgeable observer later commented, “Carlos Gracie had no difficulty escaping from Rufino’s head scissor”.46

Carlos obviously also knew how to apply a “gravata.” That was not surprising, as gravata [literally, neck tie] was the most commonly used technique by practitioners of both jiu-jitsu and luta livre. Partly, it was common because the term had a vague meaning. It could refer to any form of choke, but also to a simple “arms around the head” hold, in other words, a “headlock,” with or without effective pressure or control. One report implied that Carlos’ gravata had some effect, in that it left Rufino Santos “groggy.” Only Rufino Santos knew how effective the technique was. But it is clear that Carlos was not able to apply his gravata until Rufino Santos voluntarily, if unwisely, let down his defense in the third round.

Despite winning the fight, Rufino Santos’ performance was not much better, especially in view of his vast advantage over Gracie in ring experience.According to one source, Rufino Santos’ record was 73 wins and and one loss, by decision, in the USA alone.47

The final decision was that Santos Rufino won the fight because Carlos Gracie left the ring and refused to return. Rufino Santos won, Carlos lost. It was neither impressive nor satisfying, but with the possible exception of Carlos himself, it was a decision that was undisputed by anyone, including his brother George.

If Rufino Santos had left it at that, three of the Gracie brothers probably wouldn’t have had to cool their heels in jail for a week in 1932, not to mention the time and money wasted in their effort (successful, it turned out) to avoid going to prison. But he didn’t. His personal dislike for Carlos wouldn’t let him.

The Rufino Santos versus Gracie fight was a bomb, but the other fights were apparently at least acceptable. Manoel Lima defeated Adam Mayer [Longmayer] in the second round, with a “Nelson”. Jayme Ferreira defeated Benjamin Constant Azevedo in the first round with a “half-nelson”. Tavares Crespo and Alcino Pacheco drew.

In the best segment of the program [melhor parte da noitada] Joe Assobrab “proved his magnificent qualities as a boxer” in his matches with Antomnio Portugal, Crespito, and Mario Francisco.48

Second-Rate

Carlos’ former friend, employer, and jiu-jitsu instructor Donato Pires dos Reis was asked to analyze the fight: Donato Pires was “a true practitioner of jiu-jitsu, who has a diploma from Conde Koma”.49

Even before the fight, he didn’t think much of Carlos’s chances. In his judgement “the jiu-jitsu fighters in Brazil today can’t be considered even second-class”.50

Donato believed that Rufino Santos won due to his domination of the first two rounds, and also due to Carlos’ illegal tactics in the third round. Donato praised Rufino:”Very good. A classical luta livre fighter. He applied his techniques with precision and tightness” [“Muito boa…um lutador classico da luta livre. Aplica os golpes com perfeição e segurança”].

But for Carlos, Donato could not spare even faint praise. “There aren’t even second-rate jiu-jitsu fighters in Brazil” he reiterated, alluding to Carlos [“No Brasil não existem lutadores de jiu-jitsu nem de segunda classe”].

Assessing Carlos more frankly, he commented, “He uses force and nothing more. His knowledge is rudimentary. He was unable at any time to apply any technique on Rufino Santos” [“…um esforçada e nada mais. Seus conhecimentos são rudimentares, não tendo em nenhum momento, conseguido impo-los ao adversario”].

Donato also cast doubt on Carlos’ claim that he had learned from Conde Koma: “Something that surprises me is how easy it is for unscrupulous people to claim to have studied with Conde Koma”51

There was probably only one person in Brazil who was in a better position than Donato Pires to offer an opinion about the quantity and quality of Carlos’ training with Conde Koma. That personwas Conde Koma himself, then living in peaceful semi-retirement in Belém. If Carlos asked Conde Koma to speak up for him, it is unknown what he said.

Donato agreed with some other observers that the referee’s indecisiveness was the problem and blamed him for not being more authoritative. Only a rematch would clear things up, they suggested.52

Despite the disappointing result for jiu-jitsu supporters, some people thought that Carlos was a better fighter than Rufino Santos. In fact, table judge Oscar Santa Maria, Carlos’ friend, later victim, went even further and claimed that Carlos was a better jiu-jitsu fighter than Conde Koma [como melhor lutador de jiu-jitsu que o famoso japonez ].53

Fraud

Rufino Santos seemed to relish reminding the fight world that Carlos had given up. He claimed that Carlos was a fraud. “A striking example was demonstrated in Fluminense Stadium on the night of August 22, when my opponent abandoned the ring,” he said in an interview, his opponent of course being Carlos Gracie.54

He wouldn’t let it rest. He continued hammering at Carlos in 1932, referring to him as the jiu-jitsu practitioner who had fled the ring to the tumultuous jeering of the fans [“o praticante de ‘jiu-jitsu’, fugiu do ring sob estrondosa vaia dos assistentes”].

Rufino Santos asked Carlos, “why didn’t Mr, Gracie want to continue the fight? Why didn’t he want to fight without a limit of rounds until there was a winner? Why didn’t he want to fight 20 minute rounds? Why did he want 3 minute rounds and only accepted 5 minute rounds when Mr. Palamenta insisted? [“por que , sr. Gracie, o senhor, não quiz continuar a luta? Por que não quiz lutar sem numero de rounds, commigo, atéhaver um vencedor? Por que não quiz os rounds de 20 minutos, quando lhes prôpuz?...”]

“Rounds de 3 minutos!” Rufino Santos pretended to be shocked that a “fighter” would demand such short rounds. “Don’t you think that would be a clown act fight, Mr. Gracie?” he asked rhetorically [“Que luta palhaçada, hein, sr. Gracie?!”]

He went on with more provocative questions of the same type.55

As if losing the fight in such a humiliating manner weren’t bad enough, Carlos had to endure an unrelenting post-fight assault by his victor.

He wasn’t the only one who enjoyed sticking it to Carlos. George brought the example up from time to time as well.56

The day after the fight, Rufino announced a big event pitting representatives of luta romana, jiu-jitsu, boxing, and luta livre against each other. He indicated that he might enter himself and mentioned Carlos as a competitor.

It didn’t happen. Carlos never fought again. His life-time ring record was one fight, one loss, and two no-decision exhibitions with Geo Omori, and one other possible but unconfirmed match of some type, which he also did not win.

Manoel Rufino also retired from the ring after this fight. Carlos and Rufino would cross paths again, however.

Capoeiragem Again

Probably to take advantage of the sudden interest in mixed fights, a match was announced between George Gracie and family friend and business associate Jayme Martins Ferreira. As usual, George would represent jiu-jitsu. Ferreira would represent capoeiragem.

Ferreira had yet to demonstrate any capoeiragem skills and the performance of his students in the jiu-jitsu contra capoeiragem tournament did not enhance his reputation. Another largely (or totally) self-taught capoeiragem professor, but one who was taken more seriously and later produced some outstanding students, Agenor Moriera Sampaio “Sinhôzinho” entered some of his students. Andre Jansen met Euricio Fernandes in a capoeiragem match.Caio Mendoça facedMané, and Ismario Cruz confronted Vico in catch matches.57 The capoeiragem matches took place, successfully but the jiu-jitsu versus “capoeiragem” challenge did not.

Disgusted with the results of the unqualified capoeiras taught by Jayme Ferreira, Mario Aleixo challenged Carlos Gracie.58 Carlos accepted the challenge.59 Somewhere along the way Carlos stepped aside and substituted George in his place. Aleixo, being a middle-aged man, complained but unwisely agreed to accept the substitution. The fight had been scheduled for early October but was postponed several times for one reason or another. Promoters drafted Jayme Martins Ferreira as a substitute.60 Mario Aleixo objected, insisting that his contract be honored, saying that Ferreira was unqualified. Januario, who despite his age [a despeito da sua idade], was regarded as a skilled capoeira, was substituted for Jayme Ferreira. The fight was postponed to October 24. Oswaldo was added to fight Bahiano. Carlos was asked who he thought would win, George or Jayme Ferreira. He did not display complete confidence in his brother: “It’s hard to say who will win”, he answered [“que veiu se dificil dizer qual sera o vencedor”].61 The event was postponed.

Easy Opponent

The fight took place on Thursday November 5, at rua do Riachuelo. Oswaldo weighed 64 kilos, Bahiano weighed 86 kilos.62 The fight was action-packed up to a point but in the end failed to prove anything about which style was superior. According to one review of the fight ”Bahiano didn’t reveal notable qualities as a capoeira. He was an easy opponent for Oswaldo Gracie”.63

According to another review, Bahiano seemed to have the best of it in the first round. At the start of the second round, Bahiano, having already giving his best shot to win, had nothing left with which to resist Oswaldo’s” carotid choke that left Bahiano in a condition of semi-consciousness to the extent that he couldn’t stand up”.64 However, the reporter added, it isn’t time yet to supplant the national game with the efficiente meio de defesa nipponico.

The main event was a five round mixed fight between George Gracie and capoeira Januario, the “Terror de Villa Isabel”. Januario was a friend of Mario Aleixo. He was strong, fast, agile, and dangerous, a complete capoeira”.65 He was also a “veterano” (i.e., old).

Inexplicably, Januario didn’t show up. In compensation, George and Helio gave a demonstration instead. Caio Mendonça defeated Mané in a capoeiragem match, winning five of six rounds. In a five round (3 minutes each) luta livre match, Ismario Cruz and Vico drew [empataram]. Andre Jansen and Eurico gave a beautiful demonstrationof capoeiragem (both Sinhôzinho students). Thanks to Sinhôzinho and his students the program was not an absolute disaster [fracasso absoluto].66

As a demonstration of the superiority of jiu-jitsu over capoeiragem, the program left much to be desired. In terms of stimulating interest in one art over the other, capoeiragem seemed to come out ahead.

The jiu-jitsu people were not daunted however. Jiu-jitsu had one advantage that capoeiragem could not match. That was the promise that anyone can practice jiu-jitsu. Exceptional physical attributes, such as were required by luta romana and capoeiragem, were not needed in jiu-jitsu.

Geo Omori, accompanied by Carlos Gracie and Paulo Miqui Tacassau Firota, visited the offices of one newspaper to testify that, “among the Brazilians, I haven’t seen anyone who can apply the techniques of the Japanese method of defense [jiu-jitsu] better than the Gracie Brothers“. He added, “with whom I will be working in the near future”.67

In one masterful stroke, undoubtedly coached by someone else among the trio,68 Omori was able to promote himself, the Gracies, and their imminent mutual productions at no cost to themselves, while providing the paper with useable content and readers with entertainment. No doubt Carlos Gracie learned a few tricks by reading accounts of American fight promoter Tex Rickard, who we know Carlos was familiar with.69 Publicity was the name of the fight game as it was in show business. Working the press was the key.70

Luta Romana versus Jiu-Jitsu

Fresh off his victory over Bahiano, Oswaldo prepared to meet his next challenger, the aging luta Romana champion, João Baldi. Baldi was surprised to hear that he would be fighting Oswaldo. No one mentioned it to him. Nevertheless, he said, he was willing to fight any of the Gracies, but only with shoes and without kimono [eu lutarei apenas com calção, sem kimono].71 He was confident. The Gracies had never before encountered an authentic representative of luta romana. Moreover the conditions of the contract allowed him to use all of the resources of luta livre, in which he was also well-versed.72 He didn’t anticipated having much trouble with a 62 kilo mosquito like Oswaldo Gracie.

João Baldi was a strong man. Had completed a one-armed snatch [“’arraché’ de um braço”] of 60 kilos, breaking the previous world record of 58 kilos. He also unofficially snatched 120 kilos with two arms, 8 kilos more than the world record.73 Baldi was strong, there was no question about that. But was he strong enough to resist jiu-jitsu? Carioca fight fans would soon get the chance to find out.

Baldi had been a luta-Romana specialist during the first decade of the century, beginning in São Paulo at the Eden Theatro (Empresa J. Cateysson). Most theaters held championship tournaments [campeonatos] the winner of which would become the Brazilian champion or South American champion, or whatever champion the theater chose to call him.

In 1911 (June 4, 1911), Baldi was billed by Paschoal Segreto’s Theatro Casino as the Brazilian Luta Romana Champion [luta romana campeão brasileiro]. Baldi weighed 100 kilos at that time. His opponent on that Sunday was the São Paulo champion, F. Ricci, weighing 106 kilos.74

In 1913 Baldi was the champion of São Paulo.75 In November 1913 Theatro Casino held the “Campeonato Sul-Americano de Lucta Romana,” involving a troupe of eight fighters (Jose Floriano Peixoto, Casario, Dicke, Giovannoni, Nero, Mantanha, Julian, and Baldi himself [Giavannoni was probably Giovanni Raicevich, the “world champion”]. Baldi may have become the“South American luta Romana champion” at this time or possibly after.

Baldi was indirectly responsible for Jack Dempsey’s second “million dollar gate”. It happened at the Club de Mayo, on avenida de Mayo in Buenos Aires, in 1916. There he met a gigantic young man (he would have been 22 at the time) who wanted to learn luta romana.76 Baldi tried to explain the rules and show him correct technique.

But the youngster wouldn’t listen. He simply tried to use his power to throw Baldi to the ground. Baldi gave him such a “lesson” that the boy spent three weeks in bed recuperating. The boy gave up luta romana and took up boxing instead. He was Luiz Angel Firpo, the “Wild Bull of the Pampas”, who later fought and almost dethroned Jack Dempsey on September 14, 1923.77

By 1920 Baldi was disputing Antonio Esper [the first of several wrestlers known as “Dudú”] for the title of “campeão sul-ameriano”in the campeonato do Theatro Avenida.78 The match degenerated into a brawl and terminated without a “regular result” [“regular desfecho”].79 However the next day, Monday April 19, Baldi was being billed as the campeão sul-americano.80 for his match with international champion Gallant.

Those triumphs were in the past. Baldi was 51 years old in 1931. He was also heavier, and the extra weight was not necessarily muscle. But the promoters exaggerated his size, he complained. He weighed only 125 kilos, not the 138 kilos claimed by the Gracies. Whatever his precise weight at fight time, he was a big man. His neck was 50 cm., his chest 125 cm., his biceps 46 cm., and his height 172 cm.81

Baldi was unable to keep his luta livre skills polished in Brazil. All of the Brazilian luta livre fighters were too small to provide worthwhile training. The result of this training insufficiency became evident in a pair of back-to-back matches with Romulo Antonelli in São Paulo on Saturday August 22. The first was luta romana. Baldi took that one. The second was luta livre. Antonelli submitted him in the fifth round with a neck tie choke [gravata].83

Mosquito versus Mastodon

After many delays and postponements, the evening of fights and demonstrations took place, beginning at 9:00 p.m. on Thursday November 19, 1931 at Theatro Republica in Rio.

In addition to Oswaldo versus Baldi, George Gracie would meet family friend and business partner Jayme Ferreira. Capoeira Andre Jansen would engage in a five-round capoeiragem contest against Bahiano.in what was anticipated as the most spectacular fight of the evening. Caio Mendonça and Zeca would perform a demonstration of capoeiragem. There would also be a demonstration of acrobatas olympicos by “Les Grecs”.84

The event was marketed as jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem. Luta romana stylist Jayme Ferreira represented capoeiragem, despite having few or no qualifications. A Noite published three photographs of Ferreira in a demonstration of capoeireagem. One simply showed him flexing his muscles (he seemed to be in very good shape for a middle aged man). Another showed him doing a handstand, and the last showed him in a rasteira (crouching position). According to the accompaning article, Jayme would use a mixture of luta livre and capoeiragem.85

The main event was Oswaldo versus João Baldi. “How long can Oswaldo Gracie hold out againstJoão Baldi?” the headline in Diario de Noticias asked.86 Whether he weighed 138 or 120 kilos, or in between, Baldi was still considerably heavier than Oswaldo at 62 kilos (even if he understated his weight, as most jiu-jitsu proponents tended to do). Writers called Oswaldo a “mosquito” and Baldi a “mastodon”. 87

Baldi was also more than 20 years older, and probably not in top athletic condition, even though he continued to compete (if that is the right word), in professional luta romana.88 He may have retained much of his extraordinary strength and he may have had some knowledge of luta livre, and he may have already resisted chokes [collar de força] attempted by men much larger than Oswaldo. He didn’t mention that he had been choked out by Antonelli in August. Despite his strength, he was shaped like a pear. Scrambling on the ground could not have been his ace in the hole.

Nonetheless, as Diario de Noticias pointed out, luta livre is a sport that is always full of surprises [comoo sporté sempre cheio de supresas]. Anything could happen and sometimes did. Baldi was confident. Diario de Noticias predicted that Oswaldo would need to draw on all his reserves of strength and technique to avoid a devestating loss [para evitar um revés fulminante].89

After squashing Oswaldo, Baldi wanted to fight Carlos, Helio, and George, and after that Benedicto Perez. After dispensing with this small and bothersome swarm of mosquito-like jiu-jitsu representatives, he wanted revenge against a serious adversary, a big man, his nemesis Romulo Antonelli.90

Baldi originally said that he would only fight in shoes and without kimono. He was finally pressured into wearing a heavily reinforced kimono. The public protested and demanded that he take it off. But he wore the kimono. Neutral observers had no doubt that it worked greatly to his disadvantage.91

The fight was scheduled for eight rounds. Baldi didn’t make it past the first. Oswaldo, in no apparent awe of Baldi’s great bulk, made several feints before attacking Baldi’s foundation. Somehow he was able to apply a choke [golpe de estrangulação]. Baldi struggled and then fell heavily outside the limits of the ring. Baldi got up and tried to take off his kimono. After a period of confusion they restarted and Baldi wrestled Oswaldo to the ground. They started again and Oswaldo took Baldi down again. This time Oswaldo finished him off with a choke [chave de pescoço], “confirming the efficiency of the powerful Japanese method of defense”.92

Diario da Noite reported that Oswaldo initiated with a choke. Baldi fell out of the ring, taking Oswaldo with him; Baldi was injured in the fall [ficou em máo estado] but was helped back in. Baldi then tried to choke Oswaldo (with a golpe ao pescoço), but Oswaldo managed to free himself and applied a counter throat-lock [chave na garganta]. Baldi gave the signal of defeat early in the first round.93

A Noite reported that the disproportion between the fighters’sizes was chocante [shocking]. Oswaldo was a mignon [half-pint], Baldi was mastodontico [like a mastodon]. They looked like David and Goliath. After several feints [fintas] Oswaldo managed to apply a golpe de estrangulação. Baldi, confidant about the muscles in his bull-like neck, tried to resist. Baldi fell heavily out of the ring [caiu pesadamente fóra a dos limites do ring]. It was the beginning of the end. Led back to the center of the ring, the luta romana champion complained loudly about the kimono. Oswaldo hadn’t released his choke. Baldi finally managed to free himself. The fight re-started. Seconds later Baldi fell again to the canvas, victim of Oswaldo’s powerful chave de pescoço [choke].94

Although highly confident publically, Baldi had some misgivings about the kimono and complained about it. He wasn’t a jiu-fighter and the fight was luta livre, so why should he have to wear a jiu-jitsu costume, he asked? Oswaldo retorted that the kimono compensated for Baldi’s enormous weight advantage. Baldi ended up wearing a kimono, and as he had feared, it was partly responsible for his loss. The kimono unquestionably made it easier for the jiu-jitsu men to apply their techniques, to Baldi’s disadvantage, Diario da Noite commented, and recommended that in the future the jiu-jitsu people should let their opponents wear what they prefer, to more convincingly demonstrate the efficiency of their art.95

Treason

Carlos Gracie declared that to fight without a kimono would be treason to the sport of Japan. But Geo Omori, who was Japanese, didn’t think so. He was ready to fight anyone, with or without a kimono.

Omori’s reasons weren’t philosophical. He wanted to work. There were simply too few jiu-jitsu fighters around to fight. If he wanted to fight regularly, he had to face luta livre opponents, and almost always that meant without a kimono. In time, George Gracie came to the same conclusion, for the same reason. In addition, fans preferred no-kimono contests because they tended to be more action-packed. But that was all hypothetical. On Thursday November 19, 1931, Baldi wore a kimono. He got choked and lost.

Jayme Ferreira couldn’t blame his loss on his kimono. He didn‘t wear one. It didn’t matter. George took Ferreira immediately to the tapete [ground] and applied a choke [chave de estrangulomento]. Ferreira resisted but not for long. Feeling that he was about to be asphyxiated, he signaled defeat.96

Although the fight didn’t go past the first round, it left a magnificent impression [deixou elle magnifica impressão]. In general, unlike Oswaldo’s previous fight, the entire program was a success. Andre Jansen defeated Bahiano, a bit less impressively than he did Mané the month before, but enough to earn the decision. Caio and Walter, who like Jansen, were students of Sinhôzinho, gave a seven-round demonstration of capeoiragem that was warmly received. The public also enjoyed the Olympic acrobats.

The referee for Oswaldo Gracie versus João Baldi fight was Mario Aleixo, assisted by Hugo Italo, both selected by representatives of the press. Aleixo was a professor of capoeiragem and had his own appointment with George Gracie just two weeks in the future. He was sure that a real capoeira would have little trouble defeating jiu-jitsu.

That is about what Ferreira said before the capoeirgem versus jiu-jitsu show in July. But even Carlos Gracie stopped short of claiming that Ferreira was a competent capoeira or qualified teacher of the art. The most Carlos was willing to say was that Ferreira was a “professional luta romana man who is said to know capoeiragem”.97

Mario Aleixo, on the contrary, was hghly respected. Moreover he wasn’t an ordinary capoeira. He was also a master of the Japanese game. In fact, he had been teaching jiu-jitsu since 1913, before the Gracies came to town, and even before Carlos allegedly met Conde Koma.98 Aleixo felt secure that the Gracie brother wouldn’t spring any technical suprises on him.

Aleixo did not approve of Jayme Ferreira pretending to represent capoeiragem. It made the national game look bad. Capoeiragem and luta livre people had no illusions about what Carlos Gracie was trying to do, which was to elevate the status of his product at the expense of theirs. The problem was that he recruited patently unqualified people to represent rival styles so that he (or rather his brothers) could impressively defeat them. The ill-will this created was tempered by the fact they he was creating interest in public fights that other styles could get paid to participate in, and providing newspaper editors with free content. As a consequence, opinions about Carlos Gracie ranged from love to hate, with ambivalence in between. No sports fan could be indifferent to Carlos Gracie. He was like a bad penny. He just wouldn’t go away.

When Ferreira was tapped for the role of Mario Aleixo’s substitute, veteran capoeira Reynaldo complained that Jayme Ferreira “knows nothing about capoeiragem” and he would “only demoralize those who genuinely practice it”.99

Before the Oswaldo versus Baldi fight rumors had circulated that the fight had been “fixed” to let Baldi win. Carlos Gracie assured the fans that there was absolutely no foundation to the rumors. The fans were not entirely convinced and remained on high alert ready to raise hell if they were displeased with the fight.100 After the fight, the public was still not convinced that there hadn’t been some sort of funny business. Baldi lost suspiciously easily, they thought.101

The Grand Equation

Fixed fights were not rare in Brazil but it was unusual for genuinely fixed fights to attract attention (although it did happen). Rather, rumors were part of what Tex Rickard called the Grand Equation: Rumors = Interest, and Interest = Money.102 Jack Dempsey was news in Rio, and few articles about Demspey did not mention Tex Rickard, his methods, and the sums involved in his promotions. Carlos read about Jack Demspey and therefore he read about Tex Rickard.103

Rickard’s stratagem of planting a rumor about a possible “fix” and then firmly and indignantly denying it was a technique that Carlos Gracie used on more than one occasion. Not only Carlos, of course, all promoters big and small who wanted to sell tickets. It was too easy and too effective not to use.

If you were in the fight game, you could not do better than study and emulate Tex Rickard. With five “million dollar gates” in seven years (1921-1927), at a time when a million dollars was still worth something, Tex Rickard could not have failed to inspire people like Carlos Gracie. Whether Carlos was aware of it or not, Rickard was the man who pioneered and fine-tuned the promotional techniques that made boxing a big business. Carlos had vaguely similar aspirations for his jiu-jitsu.

The Flavor of Defeat

On Wednesday November 25, 1931 Geo Omori was in Rio again looking for fights. Accompanied by Carlos Gracie, Omori explained to Diario de Noticias that he lived inSão Paulo and had fought many times in the United States and had “never tasted the flavor of defeat” [“sem vencido até hoje, não conheço o dissabor de uma derrota”].

Carlos had visited the day before as well and insisted that the kimono is part of jiu-jitsu just like gloves are part of boxing, neither more nor less” [“O kimono faz parte integrante do jiu-jitsu, como as luvas fazem parte integrante do box. Nem mais nem menos”].

Carlos was more Japanese than the Japanese when it came to maintaining traditions that worked to his advantage. But he could also be very nationalistic when that suited his purpose.

Omori and Carlos had different points of view about the kimono. The writer asked Omori about his next opponent, Manoel Fernandes, the luta livre champion of the local Portuguese colony. Fernandes wanted to fight Omori, but with luta livre rules, or rather mixed rules. Omori could use jiu-jitsu rules, and Ferndandes would use luta livre rules. Either way, luta livre rules, or mixed rules, neither was anything new to Omori. [“aceito ao condicões imposts por Manoel Fernandes”]. He didn’t want Fernandes to complain later that he lost because of the rules [“Acho que elle não tem razão a suas desculpas são terdias”]. Omori was confident about his jiu-jitsu [“confio no jiu-jitsu e istoé a bastante”], but acknowledged that defeat was not impossible. “Win or lose, I know how to be a sportsman,” he declared [“Vencedor ou vencido, saberei ser sportsman”].104

The writer asked Omori who is the best professional jiu-jitsu man in Japan? “Despite his age, Toku is the best” [o exponente maximo do jiu-jitsu] Omori said. The writer asked about Roberto Ruhmann, the São Paulo strongman and pro wrestler, who Omori had recently fought. Omori said, “Strong arms, relatively weak legs”. Ruhmann was one of the many fighters in São Paulo whom he beat under luta livre rules he explained, possibly forgetting that he had lost to Ruhmann six months earlier on June 13.

As Fernandes pointed out a bit later, one of the luta livre rules that was at issue, and would be many times in the future, was encostamento dos espaduas [pinning the shoulders]. In luta livre but not jiu-jitsu, one could win the match by holding the opponent’s shoulders flat on the ground. It was convenient for maximizing the pay-off for a mixed fight. After losing the first fight by rules outside his specialty, the loser could reasonably ask for a rematch using the rules of his own art. Even if there was no rematch, a loser could plausibly spin his defeat into some sort of victory.

One of the capoeira partisans who challenged the Gracies after their dubious jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem tournament was Mario Aleixo. Being middle-aged, he challenged Carlos, the oldest of the brothers. Carlos accepted, but then somehow found a reason why he couldn’t fight and substituted George instead. “I challenged Carlos Gracie but I’m going to fight George. He [Carlos] accepted my challenge, however he then asked me to fight George”, Aleixo complaimed.105

Aleixo was not pleased with this development, but perhaps thinking that his knowledge of jiu-jitsu would compensate for the considerable age disadvantage, decided to go ahead with it. The fight was initially scheduled for October 8,106 postponed to October 15, then again to October 22, due to an injury to Aleixo’s ankle.107 Eventually he recovered and the fight was re-scheduled for December 3, 1931.108

Capoeiragem versus Jiu-Jitsu

The Mario Aleixo versus George Gracie confrontation was greatly anticipated. Aleixo was regarded as a great star of capoeiragem [um grande astro de capoeiragem].109 Previous jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem tests were widely viewed as logros [frauds], and the representatives of the national game as “medicore fighters who only know how to play act” [“capoeiras medicores, que sósabem fazer enscenações”].110

It was expected that Aleixo would deal devastating justice to the pretensions of the jiu-jitsu cartel. At the same time, fans hoped to see George redeem the family name after Carlos’ pitiful performance in August against Manoel Rufino.111

The bases [rules] for the fight were negotiated in a meeting of all concerned including promoter J. Correira, at 5:00 p.m., Monday October 5.112 The rules were made public on October 10. The fight would consist of five 5-minute rounds with 1-minute breaks between rounds. George would wear a kimono. Aleixo would wear the type of shirt that sailors wore [blusa simples de marinheiro]. All techniques of each style would be permitted except attacks to the eyes and genitals, chops, punches, slaps, and pulling the hair [serão permitidos todos os golpes comuns a cada escola, menos nos olhos, partes genitais, cutelada, socos, bofetadas e agarra pelos cabelos].

In other words, the fight was (expected to be) jiu-jitsu versus legs.

The fight would be decided by knock-out (or unconsciousness), or any form of “desistencia”, including tapping or leaving the ring. Also, Aleixo would be declared the winner if he managed to cleanly knock George down three times. Finally, if the fighters made contact with the ropes [cordas] they would be conducted back to the center of the ring.113

Afficionados of capoeiragem pinned their hopes on Aleixo, who in turn promised to repeat Cyriaco’s feat [“vou repitir o feito do Cyriaco”]. On the day of the fight he re-emphasized his intention: “I want to, I can, and I will repeat Cyriaco’s feat” [“quero, posso e vou repetir o feito de Cyriaco“].114

Aleixo had apparently studied Cyriaco’s game plan which he described in the following terms: “Cyriaco took the posture necessary to avoid being clinched, a precaution that has been ignored by the capoeiras who were beaten recently”. When his opponent [Sada Miyako] got close, Cyriaco unleased the fatal blow. There is nothing else that I plan to do. Needless to say, George Gracie will not touch me”. In that case, he didn’t see defeat on the horizon [“não e crivel, pois, que eu seja derrotado”].

George had a different view. He explained, “the stage at the Republica is big but not enough to run. If he stays in the ring, I will grab him. When I do, Aleixo will be defeated quickly and completely”. They both agreed that the key to the fight was distance. Aleixo was confident that he could maintain it, George was equally confident that he could close it.115

The fight took place Sunday December 3, 1931 at Theatro Republica, on avenida Gomes Friere, 82, in Rio.

Massacre

It was a major let-down. Aleixo had been over-confident. Far from repeating Cyriaco’s feat, he couldn’t apply a single technique. He was helpless. It was a massacre [Mario Aleixo foi fragorosamente derrotado].

Diairo de Noticias described the fight in the following terms. “The ring performance of Mario Aleixo, professor of capoeiragem and a former jiu-jitsu teacher to the civil guards, was worse than it is possible to describe. Mario Aleixo didn’t apply a single technique of capoeiragem and didn’t know how to take advantage of the opportunities that he had. He seemed like a neophyte in front of George Gracie, and approached him imprudently”.

In the first round George Gracie attempted a gravata. Mario Aleixo managed to pull his head out. Nothing else happened. Aleixo’s major mistake was trying to play George’s game. In the second round, Aleixo stood in front of George, keeping him off with kicks to the lower leg [pontapé sobre a tibia]. George fell [or deliberately dropped to the ground]. Aleixo followed him and tried to apply a gravata. He was on top.

The writer didn’t mention whether George had his legs in play, but from the rest of the account, it seems clear that he did.

With George still on the bottom, Aleixo initiated a light exchange of slaps [sopapos]. George went for another gravata, possibly as a feint. He then sweeped Mario Aleixo [fazendo uma ligeiro volta sobre Mario Aleixo], and immediately applied an “efficient armlock”. The fight was over.116

“It was a pathetic performance. George Gracie beat Mario Aleixo but it wasn’t a victory for jiu-jitsu over capoeiragem, because there was no capoeiragem in the fight. If Mario Aleixo had fought like a capoeira, the outcome would have been very different. Rest in Peace Mario Aleixo.”117

There were three other fights. In the first of two capoeiragem matches, Jack defeated Miguel (or Waldemar, according to Correio da Manhã) by disqualificationin the third round. In the other, Euclydes (Velludinho) defeated Mané por varias quedas [throws] after five rounds. In their luta livre match, Jayme Martins Ferreira and Geo Smith drew [empatou].118 Diario da Noite felt that Ferreira and Smith seemed to be afraid of each other and didn’t exchange a single luta livre blow during the 15-minute fight, which was a disgraceful bomb [um fracasso vergonhoso]. The police should hold the fighter’s purses in the future to discourage such incidents, the paper suggested.119

Capoeiragem Undefeated

Diario de Noticias followed up the next day with more detailed analysis of the fight and some transparently weak excuse making, for both Mario Aleixo and for capoeiragem.

Mario Aleixo was beaten as a poor jiu-jitsu fighter [“Mario Aleixo foi vencido comoum máo lutador de jiu-jitsu”]. “George Gracie beat Mario Aleixo but jiu-jitsu didn’t beat capoeiragem. Mario Aleixo was defeated because he didn’t want to use capoeiragem. He preferred not to use a single technique of the Brazilian fight”.

Some people began to have doubts that Mario Aleixo really knew jiu-jitsu at all.

“Mario Aleixo did not fight as a true master would have done. From that it can be concluded that his knowledge of the Japanese game is limited. No real jiu-jitsu master would fight with his arms extended and his neck exposed”.120

Even after his lop-sided victory over the old master, the press didn’t want to give George his due. Even with his limiations as a jiu-jitsu fighter, Aleixo lasted into the second round, they pointed out. If Aleixo had been in the ring with Conde Koma, he wouldn’t have lasted 30 seconds.121

Analysts tried to figure out what Mario Aleixo had been thinking. Why would a master of capoeiragem not use his superior skills, but instead try to beat his opponent at his own game? Moreover, it went without saying, the match was supposed to be “capoeiragem versus jiu-jistu”. It made no sense. The only explanation writers could come up with was that “Mario Aleixo wanted to demonstrate the quality of his jiu-jitsu knowledge”.122 He seemed to want to show the public that he was not only a master of capoeiragem but also a jiu-jitsu expert.123

Most people had great confidence in capoeiragem. The problem wasn’t the national game, but rather the fake and weak capoeiras who were masters at putting on shows but could not even execute a single technique of the national game correctly. Some of them didn’t even know the difference between a pantana and a rabo de arraia. Their so-called “fights” were nothing but clown acts [palhaçadas].

Until now, with the exception of Mario Aleixo, the Gracies had beaten flawed and limited capoeiras who lacked advanced knowledge of the secrets of capoeiragem. Mario Aleixo knew these secrets, but he didn’t put them into practice against George Gracie. Sympathizers of jiu-jitsu had no right to boast that jiu-jitsu was superior to capoeiragem, Diairo de Noticas cautioned.124

Enthusiasts of the national game had placed high hopes on Mario Aleixo. They had thought that he was a true master. They were profoundly disappointed.125 What made it even worse was that George looked like a child, with his blond hair, short pants, and skinny body.126

The disillusion was complete. Everyone who saw the fight agreed without reservation that Mario Aleixo had been demolished. They also agreed that the defeat was his alone. Mario Aleixo foolishly tried to match his middle-aged “jiu-jitsu” against George’s and came out second best. Capoeiragem had not been defeated because it had not been used.

Looking at the fight in retrospect, it is obvious that Aleixo understood exactly what he needed to do to stop George, which was to prevent him from getting close enough to clinch and take the fight to the ground. He explicitly said so [“não deixaria agrarrar pelo adversario”]. He simply wasn’t good enough, or young enough, to do what he knew he needed to do.

In that sense it was true that capoeiragem hadn’t been defeated because it hadn’t been used. But that was exactly what George Gracie intended. Like every jiu-jitsu fighter, his strategy was to defeat capoeiras, and other strikers, precisely by not letting them do what they did best.

The public and press were unkind to Mario Aleixo. His reputation never recovered. No one mentioned that he had lasted longer against George Gracie than Matsuda and Sada Miyako did against Sam MacVey and Cyriaco in 1908 and 1909, respectively.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Luta Livre

São Paulo was too small to contain a man like Geo Omori. São Paulo was a business town. Paulistas were generally too busy making money to have time for fun. Rio, in addition to being the political capital of the country, was also the national party town. One of the things that Cariocas [Rio people] liked doing was watching fights. Consequently, Rio had plenty of fighters. Everyone sooner or later went to Rio.

As early as January 1929, Omori publically expressed the desire to fight in Rio. Diario Carioca reported that “Geo Omori, the capable jiu-jitsu champion wants to come to Rio to confront our fighters“ [“Geo Omori, um habil campeão de jiu-jtsu, quer vir ao Rio enfrentar nossos lutadores”]. For the benefit of local readers who did not know him, Diario Carioca explained that Omori was, like most other Japanese, small, but had beaten enormous men, such as Ervin Klausner and Ismail Haki and other notable boxers, as well as numerous capoeiras of middling ability [mais ou menos habeis].127

As noted above, Omori was in Rio again in November 1931 to challenge any Brazilian or foreign capoeiras, lutadors do “catch-as-catch-can”, jiu-jitsu, or luta greco-romana who wanted to meet him in the ring. Many quickly responded. Doing so committed them to nothing but guaranteed public attention for whatever purpose they or their “managers” had in mind.

One who stepped up was the strong Portuguese luta livre champion Manoel Fernandes. Negotiations immediately ensued, most of which were regularly reported in the daily newspapers. Details to be ironed out included when and where, what the rules would be, and how the money would be divided. Fights could and were arranged on a few days notice, but usually negotiations dragged on for many months. There were more often than not numerous delays and postponements, some for unexplained and mysterious reasons, others due to training injuries, scheduling conflicts (football games had priority), disputes over payment, and mau tempo (bad weather, generally rain). Sometimes after many months of publicity and postponements, the fight simply never happened. In some cases, the commission got wind of a “work” and banned the fight. Other times, most probably, the fight was never intended anyway and was simply publicity, possibly for different fights, possibly to advertise an academy.

The Omori versus Fernandes fight, organized by Carlos Gracie, was scheduled for December 17 at Theatro Republica. It was postponed until October 1932 but it is worth looking at now because it represents the standard course of marketing for a fight during the 1930’s.128

Carlos Gracie represented Omori in the rules negotiations. Carlos was opposed to fighting “sem kimono” [without kimono], especially against a larger opponent. Omori didn’t care. It might have been a disadvantage, or rather lack of an advantage depending on one’s point of view, but for Omori, it was primarily an economic decision. Most of his potential opponents were luta livre fighters and didn’t want to wear kimonos.

Omori accepted that fact. But Omori objected to the pinning rule, citing Fernandes’ 15-20 kilo weight advantage.129 This was always a problem. Pinning [encostamento dos espaduas] was part of the luta livre rule-set, so luta livre representatives pleaded that they would be handicapped if they couldn’t make use of it. It was one of the “resources” of their game. Jiu-jitsu stylists said the same about the kimono. Obviously concessions needed to be made. More often than not the luta livre wrestler’s larger sizes provided the pretext. Kimonos and pinning could be used to adjust for weight. As Omori emphasized “I’m so certain that I will beat him anyway that I gave him the handicap, as promised, of letting him step into the ring without kimono, and other concessions”.130

It was quickly agreed that prohibited techniques included cuteladas, [chops], soccos [punches], puxões de cabellos [pulling the hair], joelhadas [knee strikes], golpes baixo [low blows] and all prohibited techniques of jiu-jitsu. That was unproblematic. Those were the rules in almost all mixed styles fights up until the 1933 George Gracie versus Tico Soledade fight. To put it in modern terms, most, or almost all mixed fights were “submission grappling” matches.

Capoeiragem and boxing were obvious exceptions, as they were basically the arts of kicking and punching, respectively. However, mixed matches involving strikers were uncommon in the 1930’s (it was more common for boxers to participate in luta livre matches, which could but usually didn’t include some types of strikes. Naturally, their gloves handicapped them in the grappling part of the fight). Everything was negotiable but fighters did not want to risk unnecessary injury if there wasn’t a good monetary reason for it.

The boxers who participated in luta livre fights or mixed fights, were generally not among the elite of their profession. Ervin Klausner was the only one who won substantially more than he lost. Tavares Crespo had a winning record, but just barely. Antonio Portugal won 7 of his 26 fights. It is not even sure whether some of them should be considered boxers, rather than luta livre men who occasionally boxed. Ismail Haki for example had only 15 boxing matches in seven years, winning five, losing ten. Some luta Romana men also (occasionally) boxed. Jayme Ferreira for example had a boxing record of 1-2-0.131

The newspapers and fight people had a mutual interest in providing or inventing stories about fights. Editors needed to fill their pages. Fight promoters were usually nearby available to offer predictions, drop hints, share secrets, stir up controversies, and pose for pictures alongside their fighters. “Can Manoel Fernandes manage to defeat Omori with the kimono?” a headline in A Noite asked [“Manoel Fernandes, sem kimono, conseguirá vencer Omori?”]. “His fans think so”, it answered [“Os adeptos do lutador Lusitano pensam que sim”]. It was not exactly news but it was content. It sold newspapers and made advertising space valuable.

In addition to the semantically vacuous filler material (“Fernandes’ fans think that he can win”), some genuine, if tentative, information was provided. Preliminary matches were announced. Euclydes versus Velludinho, and Bahiano versus Pacháin capoeiragem matches; a jiu-jitsu demonstration by the Gracies and a luta livre match between Ismario Cruz and Geo Schmith (Smith). And the final fight; a luta livre match pitting Géo Omori versus Manoel Fernandes.132

A small box ad above the article read “Academia de Jiu-Jitsu, curso em 36 aulas, rua Marquez de Abrantes, 106, telephone 5-2538.” Learning the art of the samurais from the Gracies in 1931 required 36 lessons.133

But apparently not every detail had been ironed out. Fernandes complained that his purse was insufficient. “I don’t need to fight for peanuts”, he said [“Ainda não estou morrendo de fome”]. He threatened to not fight on the 17th.134 Omori felt that Fernandes was afraid of him [“esta com medo de lutar!”].

It was an audacious challenge to the strong Portuguese fighter [um repto audaciosa ao forte lutador portuguez].

In the same article, Manoel Rufino dos Santos, instructor of luta livre (“catch-as-catch-can”) at Associação Christa de Moças (A.C.M) complained that promoters were using the name “luta livre” for unqualified people. He called it a “grande bluff.” The only qualified luta livre people, he said, were his own students Luiz Ferreira Lins, Alvaro, Salamiel [de Oliveira], and Manoel Lima.135

Despite the confidence expressed by Carlos Gracie and his brothers, it was well known that jiu-jitsu was vulnerable to punches. Next to the article mentioned in the above paragraph there was a picture showing Sam MacVea, the American boxer from California, standing over Matsuda. The caption explained that a “professional de luta Japoneza” named Matsuda was knocked out December 31, 1908, in Marigny, France, by a “cross” to the jaw in the first 8 seconds of the fight. The caption added that Matsuda “couldn’t do anything” [“não conseguiu fazer coisa alguma”].

The message was not lost on jiu-jitsu representatives. It was probably no accident that the boxers chosen to challenge jiu-jitsu were generally considered to be of “limted resources”.

Potential opponents were not in short supply. The São Paulo based middleweight boxer Paulino Costa accepted Omori’s open challenge. He said he would enter the ring as a “boxeur”, but would also use capoeiragem, of which he had profound knowledge.136

At the same time, George Gracie, with an enigmatic smile [sorriso enigmatico], accepted the challenge launched November 19 by Pedro Ivo Pereira de Carvalho, of the Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil.

Like many other people, Pedro felt that the Gracies had only beaten fake and weak capoeiras. He also challenged Mario Aleixo, who had not yet met (and lost to) George Gracie. Pedro felt that he could represent the national game better than Mario Aleixo, who after all, was not a young man. Aleixo also accepted Pedro’s challenge, saying that it would be a pleasure to confront a capoeira who is said to be a marvel [maravilha]. George added that he would be happy to meet an opponent who is capable of offering resistance to his techniques and looked forward to entering the ring with a representative of the national game.137

On Thusday December 17, 1931 a scandal broke out [Um Escandalo Que Rebenta]. Fernandes alleged that Carlos and Omori went to his house at rua Aristides Lobo, n. 240, and told him “the fight will be arranged so that it ends in a draw“ [“luta combinada, que terminaria num empate”].

The next day Carlos denied the accusation. As later developments proved, “combinadas” were not unknown, and many fighters took part in them. Given the result of the Omori versus Fernandes fight when it finally did take place, the possibility that a “combinada” had been orchestrated can not be dismissed.138

Carlos showed that he learned his lessons from Tex Rickard well. The Grand Equation worked as well in Brazil as in the United States.

The Omori versus Fernandes fight did not happen as scheduled, but all that publicity did not go to waste. Carlos challenged Fernandes on behalf of one of his brothers (as was his custom), in this case Helio, who was 18, weighed 64 kilos, and had no previous public fights. If Fernandes managed to last three rounds against Helio’s jiu-jitsu, Carlos would consider him the winner and let him keep all of the prize money [“toda a bolsa”].

Not to be out-maneuvered by Carlos, Fernandes offered to fight four or all five Gracies in the same night and promised to take no more than 20 minutes to dispose of them. He also one-upped Carlos by offering to donate half of his winner take all purse to homeless Portuguese people.139

Winner-take-all offers were common, almost the rule. Whether they were genuine propositions or simply marketing tricks is an open question.140 Professional fighters knew there was always a possibility of losing, and they weren’t fighting purely for fun or honor. Promoters didn’t need to care, but managers did.

Many fights, perhaps most, ended with no winner. In that case, no one would get paid. Everything considered, it is unlikely that the “winner take all rule” was interpreted literally if indeed it was anything more than a marketing device.

When there was time left over from promoting and marketing fights, Carlos, George, and Helio gave demonstrations. One took place on December 18, 1931 at the academia de jiu-jitsu (referred to in the heading as Academia Gracie). Attending were Chief of Police Dr. Baptista Lusarda, Secretary of Police Dr. Manoel Gonçalves, future newspaper mogul Roberto Marinho, Oscar Santa Maria, and others.141

Perhaps they were angling for positions teaching the police. That had always been excellent grist for advertising. In any case, getting such high-profile people to attend guaranteed press coverage. All in a day’s work.

Steel Bars and Armlocks

Samsão (Sanson) was a big strong, young man from São Paulo, of German descent. He was famous for bending steel bars. In December of 1931, he promised that he would do to Geo Omori what he did to those steel bars. Moreover, he would do it “easily”.142 Omori didn’t consider defeat as even a hypothetical possibility. The son of the country of the Geishas [filho do paiz das ‘gheisas’] declared that Sanson didn’t have enough power to beat him.143

Omori was aware of Samsão’s reputation but was neither impressed nor intimidated. He was ready to fight the boy under any conditions, he said, but he had two conditions of his own. One was that the winner must take all. The other was that the fight must be decided by submission.144

The show was rounded out with three capoeiragem matches, one amateur “catch-as-catch-can” (or “luta livre”) match (all five rounds) and a demonstration of jiu-jitsu self-defense techniques by the Gracie brothers. The capoeiragem fights were Amilcar versus Saracura, and Velludinho versus Jackson (aka KO Jack), and finally Coronel versus Bahiano, both former Gracie opponents.

The catch match was fought between Vico and Machado. Vico was very experienced. It was Machado’s first public fight. He promised that, under the conditions, he would try, but couldn’t promise, to win, but he would in any case, win or lose, do his best to give the fans an exciting show.

The Omori versus Samsão fight took place Wednesday December 30, 1931 at Theatro Republica. It was an eight-round jiu-jitsu versus luta livre match.

Omori and Sanson spent the first two rounds exchanging spectacular techniques [com troca de golpes espectaculares], but to no effect [sem conseguirem seu objectivo]. Early in the third round Omori penetrated Sanson’s “guarda cerrada” [closed guard], took the mounted position and finished with an armlock [chave de braço].

A clear picture in A Noite shows that it was an “up-branching” ude-garami, often called chave de braço americana. Because of Sanson’s enormous belly, Omori was mounted very precariously and couldn’t get Sanson’s elbow in the now standard “paintbrush” position.

Nevertheless, it worked. Sanson was forced to give up in order to avoid a fractured clavicle.145

Capoeiragem demonstrations usually went over well. How well a capoeiragem fight went over depended on how skillful the capoeiras were. The capoeiragem and catch fights pleased the crowd, with the exception of the Bahiano versus Coronel fight [agradaram plenamente, com excepção da semi-final, travada entre os capoeiras Bahiano e Coronel]. Amilcar and Velludinho won their fights by scoring three consecutive take-downs [quedas]. Vico won in the third round with an elbow to the stomach [cotovelada no estomago].

The Gracie’s demonstration of jiu-jitsu was also well received.

The only part of the Bahiano versus Coronel fight, or rather the shameful exhibition that it was, that the fans liked was when the referee, Jose Maria, disqualified both capoeiras for incompetence. It was a clown act in five rounds [uma palhaçada em cinco assaltos]. One of the capoeiras actually seemed to be drunk [diz-se até que um delles foi lutar embriagado]. The fans applauded the referee’s decision.146

The Gracie brothers visited A Noite’s editorial offices to declare that they intended to donate a percentage of the profits from their next jiu-jitsu promotion to a fund in support of the Brazilian national team in the 15th Olympiad to be held the next year in Los Angeles. Their generosity was greatly appreciated.147

The Manassa Mauler

American fight promoter Tex Rickard arguably had a large influence on jiu-jitsu in Brazil. He died in January 6, 1929 in Miami.148 Jack Dempsey continued fighting, mostly exhibitions, and whatever Jack Dempsey did or said was newsworthy in Rio. On August 25, 1931 the Manassa Mauler fought four exhibition bouts in Portland Oregon, knocking out Bill Hartwell and Dave McRae, both in the second round and winning decisions over Denny Lenhart and Bob Mariels. Jack seemed slower than usual but none of his opponents had enough skills to test him, reporters decided.149 Dempsey finally gave up boxing for good in 1932 at the age of 37.150

Among the many boxers the Gracie brothers challenged, Jack Dempsey was not one of them. Possibly he was already retired by the time they thought of it. That was unfortunate. Unlike most other boxers, Jack Dempsey might well have taken them on.151

.Chapter 11 Notes

Chapter 12

1932

After winning one gold, one silver, and one bronze medal, all in shooting, in the 1920 Antwerp Olympic games, Brazil faltered in 1924 (no medals), and missed the 1928 games entirely. The 1932 games were to be held in Los Angeles, USA.1 Brazil’s elites wanted to send a team. Money had to be found to pay for it. A number of fund-raising events were conducted in Rio. One of those was an evening of professional fighting,2 promoted by the Gracie brothers. To maximize attendance the event featured super-star Geo Omori fighting a boxer. Carlos Gracie’s youngest brother Helio would make his ring debut, also against a boxer. The show would also offer boxing, luta livre, and capoeiragem matches, something for all tastes.

It wasn’t a total act of altruism or patriotism. Five percent of the proceeds would be donated to the Caixa Olympica (CBD).3 As fund raisers know, offering to donate X percent of the proceeds generally increases the total intake by more than X percent, for a net profit, not including the brand-building and good-will generating aspects of the act. People seeking to increase their name recognition can usually be recruited to donate their time. One such was the samba singer-dancer Carmen Miranda, in 1932 at the start of her career, later to be, for a while at least, a major Hollywood movie star.4

The event had been scheduled for January 15 at Theatro Republica. Omori’s opponent was first named as Tavares Crespo, later as Silvano Costa, and then changed back to Crespo by ring time. Helio’s opponent would be Antonio Portugal. The luta livre match was Jose Soares versus Victorinho (later replaced by Paul Brito), the boxing match was Antonio Moreno versus Jack das Neves. The capoeiragem match was Velludinho versus Corsico. The luta livre, boxing, and capoeiragem matches were five rounds.5

The boxing versus jiu-jitsu matches were to be six 3-minute rounds. The boxers would wear 4-ounce gloves. The jiu-jitsu men would wear kimonos. It was promoted as the first time that boxing had been tested against jiu-jitsu.6 In fact, boxing versus jiu-jitsu was not new, going back to December 31, 1908, when Sam MacVea knocked out Matsuda in Marigny, France.7

In 1908, jiu-jitsu representative Matsuda was an unknown quantity. But Sam MacVea was a boxer of the highest order, a vastly experienced (against top opponents) heavyweight with a major punch.8 The same could not be said about Crespo and Portugal. Crespo was a welterweight, Portugal was a lightweight. Neither had impressive records. Crespo’s boxing record (at the time of the fight) was 43-34-7. Despite his 31 KO victories, Crespo was not regarded as a big puncher. Portugal had less experience overall, but more experience losing, in relative terms, with a 5-12-1 record, with one win by TKO.9 Helio Gracie wasn’t risking his life in the ring with Antonio Portugal.

It was Portugal who challenged Helio, or rather any Gracie. Helio was selected. Despite his lack of boxing skills, Portugal might have felt confident, because he had already knocked out a jiu-jitsu man in Pará.10 Or so it was said, perhaps to hype the fight. Details were not provided. Crespo might have had more legitimate reason to feel lucky. He had had considerable luta livre experience. Of course, the 4-ounce gloves that the boxers would be wearing did not enhance their chances if the contest came to grappling. It was Helio’s first fight. Omori was said be a veteran of “300 combates”.11

In no way did anyone assume that jiu-jitsu was going to have an easy night. Even so, some observers (boxing partisans mostly, it seemed) did not believe that Crespo and Portugal were adequate representatives of the “arte nobre”. According to Diario Carioca, Crespo was technically “shot”. Portugal lacked energy and was technically flawed. But the writer had faith that even with their deficiencies, boxing would prevail. The reasons were simple [vencerá por simples razões]. The simplest reason, the newspaper explained, was that when the jiu-jitsu man got within reach of the boxer’s fists to try to apply his jiu-jitsu “chave”, the boxer, before he felt the effects of the “chave” would unleash his own golpe (punch), thereby winning the fight.12

Diario da Noite expressed similar sentiments on a daily basis between Jauary 11 and the day of the fight. Crespo, despite not being a notable puncher, [apesar de não ser um esmurrador notavel] his punch was violent enough, that if it lands on Omori’s “button”, he will certainly win the fight.13

A Batalha introduced the men who would defend the honor of the “sport de Dempsey” against the “mysterious Asian method of defense” [enigmatico meio de defesa asiatico].14 Tavares Crespo, facing Geo Omori, was the Portuguese veteran, known as the “wild cat” [gato selvagem]” for his fearlessness and courage [destemor e coragem]. Despite what some boxing mavens thought, Crespo’s punch continued to be devastating and no one could withstand his onslaught. Antonio Portugal was an experienced boxer, who also knew the secrets of jiu-jitsu.15

Omori was too well known to need comment. It was Helio Gracie’s first public fight, but he seemed to have the requisite knowledge of jiu-jitsu to win the fight.

Everyone wanted to get into the act. The policy of open challenges was also an open invitation for clowns and attention-seekers. Delmar Xavier and Olympia visited Diario da Noite on the afternoon of the fight on behalf of a friend Waldemar Passe, resident of Piedade a rua Joaquim Silva 119. Waldemar was a “a jogador de capoeiragem de grandes recursos” [a highly skilled capoeira], his friends guaranteed, and was prepared to step into the ring with any of the Gracies.

They promised that Waldemar had the “right stuff” and would not be submitted. Nothing came of it.

That they might not have been entirely serious was suggested by their comment that Waldemar only fought in “beach pyjamas” [pyjama de praia]. If their intention was simply to get their names in the newspaper, they succeeded. They also inadvertently (or not) succeeded in publicizing the fight and the Gracie brand.16

On the afternoon before the fight, at 2:00 p.m., Carlos, Helio, George, and Oswaldo took time out to assault 51 year old former luta romana champion João Baldi outside the Café Sympathia on avenida Rio Branco at the corner of rua Rosario. Apparently, Carlos had tested himself, on January 13 against Baldi at the Clube Carioca de Box on rua do Rosario, no. 133, and found his jiu-jitsu inadequate to the task [o campeão luta romana llevou a melhor]. Carlos wanted to even the score.

After jumping Baldi and bludgeoning him with a “’box’ do ferro” [steel box], the four brothers attempted to flee the scene. George and Oswaldo were collared on the spot by a passing army officer named Newton Medeiros and escorted to jail. Baldi called it “cowardly revenge” [“vingança covarde”], and added that “what they did was low and they didn’t even use ‘jiu-jitsu’ which is supposed be the best fight” [“no entanto fez isso de uma maneira baixo e sobretudo, sem empregar o ‘jiu-jitsu’ que diz ser o melhor arma do mundo….”].17

There was no indication that the brothers received any punishment for this act. Perhaps they thought the rules didn’t apply to them and that they could settle future disputes in a similarly direct manner. They were partly right, and partly wrong.

The reports varied somewhat as to who started it, how many Gracies were involved, and who was arrested. Diario de Noticias said that Baldi (according to his own testimony) left the café and was surrounded by Carlos, Helio, George, and Oswaldo who without saying a word, attacked him with punches [soccos], kicks [rasteiras], and other “methods of attack“ [outros meios de ataque] including a steel box [um ‘box’ de ferro]. Army lieutenant Newton Medeiros, passing by on a bus, jumped off and arrested George. Carlos, Helio, and Oswaldo ran away. According to Baldi’s account, the incident may have originated in a dispute over money. He claimed that Carlos owed him 100$ for the November 1931 fight with Oswaldo. Baldi “respectfully” asked him about it at the Club Carioca de Box, on January 13, but Carlos refused, and apparently decided to attack Baldi on the street with the help of three of his brothers.18

Diario Carioca said that Carlos, George, and Oswaldo were arrested.19

Correia da Manhã and A Noite treated the story as a sort of joke and suggested that the incident was a one-on-one street fight between George and Baldi. Correia da Manhã said that both George and Baldi were escorted to the police station [conduzir os lutadores as autoridades do 1 distrito]. A Noite said that Baldi attacked George first and they were both “invited” by Newton Medeiros to go to the police station [convidou-os a irem á delegencia do 1 districto].20

Such conflicting reports were not unusual. The Diario de Noticias report, due to its detail, lack of sarcasm, and consistency with subsequent events, seems the most plausible.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Boxing

The fight took place January 16, 1932 at Colyseu Internacional, at Praça da Republica.21

Crespo weighed 71 kilos. Omori generally weighed around 68 kilos and was probably close to that weight on January 16. Helio Gracie versus Antonio Portugal was the semi-final. Geo Omori versus Tavares Crespo was the main event. Both fights were scheduled for six rounds of 3 minutes with a minute between rounds.

Omori took Crespo to the mat even before the gong stopped ringing and quickly finished the Portuguese boxer with a leg lock.22

The local newspapers varied in how much space they gave the result. Some were surprised that the boxers did not do better (despite their deficiencies) while others took it as a foregone conclusion.

Diario da Noite described the fight in the following way. “As soon as the fight started, Omori took Crespo to the ground with a ‘leg scissor.’ Then with incredible agility he threw the boxer to the ground. Crespo was stunned and quickly gave up due to the violent leg lock that Omori applied”.

Helio Gracie versus Antonio Portugal was described in less detail, simply that it was a good fight [fizeram um bom combate]. Both engaged with great enthusiasm [ambos se empenharam com grande enthusiasmo], but Helio undoubtedly, due to his calmness, pulled out the victory. (The winning technique and time were not mentioned).23

Diario Carioca’s report was brief but to the point. Forty-five seconds after the start of the main event, Omori applied a leg-scissor to the upper body of Crespo [tesoura de pernas ao thorax] and twisted his foot [torção de pé”, forcing Crespo to give up. In the semi-final, Antonio Portugal suffered a “leg-lock to the chest” [chave de pernas no pieto] and an “arm-twist” [torção de braço] at 1:45 seconds in the first round, and gave up.24

Correio da Manhã was not impressed. As had been expected, the two extremely weak boxers were easily subdued by the representatives of the violent Japanese game.25

All three of the preliminary matches, Velludo versus Corisco (capoeira), Daniel Cardoso versus Jack Neves (boxing), and Jose Soares versus Paulo Britto (luta livre) ended inconclusively, with no winners and no losers.

A comment on terminology: Tesoura [scissors] referred to a “legs around or over the opponents’ body” position or even more generally, the use of the legs (the exact meaning depended on the specific situation). In the case of Helio’s “chave de pernas no pieto” what was apparently meant was “legs over the opponent’s chest, the classical armlock on the ground position. In Omori’s case, “tesoura de pernas ao thorax” might have referred to a tomoe-nage [stomach circle throw] followed by a foot lock. But given that he immediately followed up with a leglock, the technique might well have been a kani basami (Crab Scissor). In either case, it worked.

Campeonato Paulista de Lutas

Jiu-jitsu was practiced as an amateur sport by a minority of those who enjoyed competitive wrestling. On Sunday January 17, 1932, the campeonato paulista de lutas, promoted by Empresa de Diversões Esportivos, was held at Pavilhão Alceibiades, on avenida. S. João, 102.

There were two luta romana matches: Jose Sebber (70 kilos, Germany) versus Guilher Orge (65 kilos, Spain), and Otto Rhode (60 kilos, Germany) versus Fernando Krauss (60 kilos. Germany).

There were two luta livre matches: Panthera Negra (78 kilos, Brazil.) versus Abrahão Miguel (76 kilos, Syrio); B. Sardelli (92 kilos, Italy) versus Pedro Caipira (84 kilos, German). Sardelli also went by the name of “Gigante de Guarda Civil”.

The single jiu-jitsu match was Arthur Riquetto Filho (68 kilos, Brazil.) versus Jacomo Galdi (70 kilos, Italy). Galdi was less skilled at jiu-jitsu, but was very strong [menos conhecedor das “manhas”, entretanto fortissimo]. Riquetto Filho in later years reported to have been been a student of Geo Omori. Roberto Ruhmann performed some of his patented feats of strength to ensure a good turn out.26

The second day was Sunday January 24. There were three lucta romana matches, two lucta livre matches, and one jiu-jitsu match. The jiu-jitsu match was Saburo Senda (62 kilos, Japanese) versus Jackas [Jacomo] Galdi (70 kilos, Italian).

The three lucta romana matches were: Francsico Ritter (72 kilos, German) versus Jose Magasarzky (72 kilos, Hungarian); Jose Weber (70 kilos, German) versus João Carner (68 kilos, Lithuania), and Mascarado versus João Dix (Lithuanian), the later in a “sem limite de peso” [no weight limit] match.

The two lucta livre matches were Alberto Suleiman (76, Syrio-Lebanese) versus Panthera Negra (78 kilos, Brazilian), and Abrahão Miguel (76 kilos, Syrian) versus Benedicto Peres Campos (78 kilos, Brazilian).27 The campeaonato continued Sunday January 31.The two jiu-jitsu matches were Romeu Abelito (64 kilos) versus Joao Stilzender (71 kilos), and Arthur Santos (68 kilos) versus Arthur Riquetto (68 kilos). The lucta romana matches were Pedro Iddema (62 kilos) Luxemburg versus João Dugasse (63 kilos), and Victorio Carminati (79 kilos) versus Francisco Pakanisky (84 kilos). The lucta livre matches were Pacifico Cosignoni (96 kilos) versus João da Silva (79 kilos), and Benedicto Peres Campos (79 kilos) versus Panthera Negra (78 kilos).28

Oddly perhaps, Bendicto Peres Campos did not compete in a jiu-jitsu contest although he was described as the São Paulo jiu-jitsu champion and a former Gracie student when he represented their jiu-jitsu academy in the July 3, 1931 capoeiragem versus jiu-jitsu tournament in Rio. More than anything, that may show that jiu-jitsu and luta livre were not very different, apart from the kimono (which was never absolutely necessary) and a few rules, precisely as Dudú (a luta livre man) and Donato Pires dos Reis (a jiu-jitsu man) said. Precisely because luta livre and jiu-jitsu were so similar, it was constantly necessary to emphasize their differences.

The campeonato continued. The next installment was scheduled for next Thursday, February 4, 1932.

Judging from the match-ups on subsequent days, it does not seem that it was an elimination tournament. In the jiu-jitsu matches for example, Galdi fought the first and second days, Riquetto fought the first and third days, and they did not meet each other. Saburo fought only the second day and Santos only the third day. In short, it is difficult to conclude what sort of campeonato this was, or rather how anyone would be declared the “champion”. Fighters, teachers, and promoters never hesitated to describe themselves or their clients as champions of one tournament or place or another. In the lead up to his fight with George Gracie March 11, 1939 it was reported that Riquetto Flho “years ago, won the São Paulo Jiu-Jitsu Championship” [tempo atrás, conquistou o campeonato paulista de ‘jiu-jitsu’], possibly referring to the campeonato paulistas de lutas.29 One had many opportunities to be a champion, and “luta livre” and “jiu-jitsu,” were, for at least some purposes, interchangreable expressions.

Undefeated

Portuguese greco-romana fighter Sebastião Victorino challenged Omori, to a jiu-jitsu match, but he didn’t want to wear a kimono. Omori had already said that he would accept such fights. Sebastião was undefeated in luta romana [nunca foi vencido] in his own weight class, but had never had a luta livre or jiu-jitsu fight. This would be his first.30

It didn’t happen but he parlayed the publicity into other, more conventional, luta livre matches. Challenges were a form of self-promotion. Sometimes they led to fights. Usually they led to free publicity which might have been the purpose in the first place. Everyone seemed to understand that if they wanted to get in the newspapers, all they needed to do was challenge a famous fighter. The more famous the fighter, the more newsworthy the challenge would seem. If he didn’t accept the challenge, even better. It was proof that he was afraid, which in turn was proof that the challenger (or his style) was formidable.

Rules

Roberto Ruhmann was busy fighting in Rio. On Saturday March 5 he fought Adam Mayer at Theatro Republica on avenida Gomes Ferreira.31 In April (April 2) he defeated Manoel Fernandes in a luta livre match, in the fourth round by “desistencia”. On the same show, João Baldi, still winning at the age of 52, defeated Damayer in 7:30 of the first round. In between Ruhmann squeezed in another fight with Geo Omori (the second of four, and the first of two in 1932).

The second Geo Omori versus Roberto Ruhmann fight took place March 12, 1932 at Theatro Republica.Ruhmann. Among the five preliminary matches (two boxing, one luta livre, and one boxing with luta livre) matches was a match of “gallos cegos” [blind-fold boxing] pitting Geraldo Silva aginst Jose Coutinho.32

An article in Diario da Noite in January, reprinted in April, mentioned that Omori had been defeated by Roberto Ruhmann in a recent match [a luta travada há pouco tempo] at Theatro Republica [it was June 13, 1931].

It was, the article went on, fought according to the jiu-jitsu rules set forth in H. Irving Hancock and Katsukuma Higashi’s book Tratado Completo de Jiu-Jitsu―Methodo Kano, (translated into Brazilian Portuguese by L. Ferrus and J. Pesseaud, 1909). Rules 2, 3, and 8 were most relevant.

According to rule 2, “A fighter will be considered as defeated when his two shoulders touch the ground as the result of a take-down by the opponent”. Rule 3 said that the “pin” must be held for 2 seconds. Rule 8 clarified that if the man on the bottom assumed that position with the intention of bringing his opponent to the ground [or sweeping as we would say today], then he would not be considered to have been defeated.33

A cartoon illustration in the article showed Omori on bottom, Ruhmann above. Interestingly, Omori’s legs were in what is today called the X-guard. However, if Ruhmann had forced him into that position, he would have been considered the loser, by the rules. But given that the first rule “each fighter must wear a shirt and belt” [“cada lutador deve vestir uma blusa e um cinto”] was not in effect, the match probably was a luta livre match rather than jiu-jitsu.

The luta romana wrestler Antonio Esper’snicknamehad been Dudú.That was a while ago. Now there was a new kid on the block using the name. He was Orlando America da Silva, more often referred to by his nickname. Next to the Omori versus Ruhamman article, the new Dudú explained that he fought Omori in a luta livre match, for two hours to a draw. He trained both luta livre and jiu-jitsu and in his view “faco questão de frisar” [the difference between luta livre and jiu-jitsu is a “matter of emphasis”].

He was equally successful in both luta livre and jiu-jitsu, Dudú said. He fought Omori’s students Carlos Equido, Arthur Requietto, and Gatti in jiu-jitsu matchs and beat them all quickly. He also forced national luta livre champion Archemides Rogerio to surrender after 4 minutes [“obriguei-o a desistir ao fim de quatro minutos”]. Dudú probably wasn’t lying about knowing at least some jiu-jitsu, as he trained with George and Oswaldo Gracie. In fact, he sent Oswaldo to the hospital with a broken leg after a January 11, 1933 training session at the Gracie brothers’ academy in Rio.

Various authorities were interviewed about the fight. Jiu-jitsu expert Donato Pires dos Reis was one. Donato was uniquely qualified to comment, being the only man in Brazil authorized by Conde Koma to teach jiu-jitsu [“o unico homem no Brasil que possue um diploma de professor de jiu-jitsu passado pelo Conde de Koma”]. His opinion had to be and was taken seriously. Donato thought that the techniques of luta livre and jiu-jitsu were identical, so it would difficult to predict the outcome.34

The fight did not live up to its hype.

The fight was weak, uninteresting, monotonous, and insipid [“R. Ruhmann e G. Omori fizeram uma luta fraca e desinteressante e inegavelmente monotono…Insipidez”]. The fighters seemed afraid of each other. In 40 minutes they only went to the mat twice! [Leveram perto de 40 minutos lutando e apenas duas vezes foram ao tapete!].

Ruhmann was disqualified [desclassificado] in the 3rd round by one judge, Manoel Rufino dos Santos, for hitting Omori in the face, and both were disqualified for “passivity” [falta de combatividade] by another judge, GumercindoTaboada, an act that was applauded by the fans. Ruhmann’s manager Kid Pratt however argued that the decision lacked moral force [força moral] because Ruhmann had neither given up nor lost consciousness as was required by contract for a decision. The referee and judges disagreed. Although both men were disqualified, Omori was declared the winner.35

Two days later, Kid Pratt complained that “Ruhmann was defeated by the referee” [“Ruhmann foi vencido pelo juiz“]. He argued that Omori fouled Ruhmann but was not penalized, but when Ruhmann fouled Omori (accidently, he insisted) he was summarily disqualified and deprived of victory. On top of that, Pratt said, Ruhmann did not have the 10 kilos weight advantage claimed by Omori’s camp, but on the contrary was lighter. He weighed 67.5, while Omori weighed 68 kilos.36 Under the circumstances, perhaps another fight was in order?

Ruhmann and Omori were only half-way through their series. There was more to come.

Challenges were the order of the day. On Wednesday March 16, the masters of jiu-jitsu were informed that sportsman and luta livre stylist Oswaldo Cherem wanted to confront one of them―he didn’t care which one [“quer enfrentar um dos mestres do jiu-jitsu”]. Although Carlos immediately and gladly accepted the challenge [“acceito o repto, gostosamente”], nothing happened. It wasn’t headline news, but it kept the Gracie name in at least one newspaper for one day.37

The Gracies were not the only masters of jiu-jitsu being challenged. A luta livre fighter from São Paulo named Roque Dolei apparently was not impressed with either Omori or Ruhmann. He challenged both of them.38 As frequently happened, nothing came of it.

In addition to being challenged, Ruhmann issued challenges, his latest addressed to the Gracies. Ruhmann’s challenge was more specific than most. He proposed two luta livre matches, followed by two jiu-jitsu matches.

Carlos replied that the proposal was absurd and added, “we will fight him one, two, or more matches, it doesn’t matter how many” [“lutará elle com qualquer de nós jiu-jitsu contra jiu-jitsu em dois, tres ou mais combates, não importa a numero”]. Carlos insisted that Ruhmann first defeat a Gracie in jiu-jitsu, and if so, they would then fight him in a luta livre match.39

There was considerable talk about a Helio Gracie versus Ruhmann match. It also didn’t happen. But George fought Ruhmann, once in 1932, and several times later. And not only George, but Oswaldo as well.

Credentials

In boosting the merits of jiu-jitsu, the Gracies succeeded to a limited extent in making it popular. But, despite their desire to do so, they could not monopolize it. There was only one Brazilian with formal credentials qualifying him to teach jiu-jitsu and he was not a member of the Gracie family. He was Dontao Pires dos Reis. Omori was not Brazilian but he had impeccable credentials both on paper and in the ring. He opened a school in Rio in April, close to the Gracies in fact, in Botofogo on the ground floor of rua Conde de Irajá, 142.40 The fact that he could not speak Portuguese didn’t seem to be a problem. Donato did not teach, after exiting or being eased out of the academy that he directed in 1930, at least not in Rio and not until 1939. Since there was demand for jiu-jitsu instruction, inevitably, people would emerge to supply it. Some had legitimate lineages, for example, Riquetto, who studied with Omori, to cite one example. In other cases, the legitimacy of the instruction was unknown. On Sunday April 10, at 4:00, Kid Simões opened Academia Brasileira e Sports, located at rua de Assembléa, no. 95, 2nd floor. Instruction was offered in boxing, luta livre, capoeiragem, and jiu-jitsu. Milk and cookies were provided to guests who attended the grand opening.41

The Gracies could not rely on paper credentials and some people doubted Carlos’ story of having studied three years with Conde Koma, which was undoubtedly a fabrication.42

Carlos in fact, rarely mentioned Conde Koma after his debut in São Paulo in 1929. If Koma’s name came up, it was as a hero, rather than personal teacher. By 1932, apparently, the Gracies (or Carlos) were claiming to have introduced jiu-jitsu to Brazil. The claims were refuted by Jose Brigado among others. Brigado mentioned that it was widely assumed that Carlos learned jiu-jitsu from Donato Pires, who in other articles was referred to as the Gracie’s jiu-jitsu teacher.43

Since the Gracies lacked credentials, they had to get their point across with fights and marketing. Carlos was in charge of marketing. Oswaldo, Helio, and especially George did the fighting. There were two problems with fighting. One is that you need opponents. The other is that you might lose. One solution is to pick your opponents carefully. Another is to agree to co-operate. Another is to interpret the outcome of a lost fight in such a way that it seemed to be a victory of some sort.

There was still one more problem, which became acutely evident in 1934, when the American catch wrestlers led by Wladek Zbyzsko arrived in Rio. “Real” fights could be boring. A defensive fight in which a small man survives against a big man may be a good demonstration of the merits of jiu-jitsu, but it tends to displease fans, who want action and decisive victories.

These were problems that every professional faced and the Gracies faced them. They attempted to solve them using the standard techniques of professional fighting. But they also had self-inflicted problems that most fighters didn’t have.

Among the jiu-jitsu fighters Jose Brigado mentioned in his article refuting the Gracie’s claim to be the originator of Brazilian jiu-jitsu, Mineyoshi Fukushima was exceptional. He was “a Japanese who preferred capoeiragem to jiu-jitsu!” [Um japonez que preferiu a capoeiragem ao jiu-jitsu!]. According to Mineyoshi Fukushima, capoeiragem was more attractive and effective than the traditional Japanese fight [“mais seductora e mais efficaz que a tradicional luta nipponica”]. He knew jiu-jitsu but chose to back his grappling up with the “national game” which he studied with Sinhôzinho.44

Agenor Moreira Sampaio Sinhôzinho was a self-taught capoeiragem instructor but had a back-ground in every combat sport and most sports in general. He appreciated the virtues of jiu-jitsu but believed that there were few skilled practitioners in Brazil. Sinhôzino commented that only Omori and the Gracies know how to use the “thesoura” effectively [“com excepção dos Gracie e de Omori, ninguem sabe applicar com efficiencia uma tesoura”]. Accompanying his comment was a photograph of catch wrestler Jim McMillan applying a head scissor [tesoura a cabeça] on Ray Steele, who was trying to bridge out, at Madison Square Garden in New York. According to Sinhôzino, the tesoura is part of the jogo de pés e de pernas [game of feet and legs], and if executed with some skill, can render a man semi-conscious.45

Sinhôzinho was promptly refuted by Salamiel de Oliveira, a luta livre teacher and student of Manoel Rufino dos Santos. Luta livre fighters know the tesoura, Salamiel said, but they use it differently. Jiu-Jitsu fighters use their legs for defense, while luta livre fighters use them for offense. Irrelevantly, Salamiel pointed out that Rufino’s student Jose Alvaro da Cunha (65.5 kilos) beat Sinhôzinho’s student Vico Tadey.46

Sinhôzinho replied again, mentioning that Akitaro Ono won many matches with a strong tesoura [“com a applicação da formidavel tesoura”]. It was not clear what his point was but it was evident that people were not unaware that the legs can be used for both defense and offense.47

Fukushima fought successfully several times and then faded away. Perhaps he had better things to do or perhaps the catch wrestling boom left smaller, less entertainment-oriented fighters out in the cold. He wasn’t the only one. Many fighters had to chose between fighting “combinations” and not fighting at all. Most had no choice and some probably found pretending to fight a less painful way of earning a dollar.

Controversy

As some cynics might have guessed, the controversial March 12 disqualification loss for Ruhmann at the hands of Geo Omori led to a prompt rematch. It was held on April 18 at Theatro Republica in Rio. This time, in was expected to be an extremely violent fight. The loser would go home empty handed.

History repeated itself. Ruhmann again lost by disqualification. Again Ruhmann disputed the result, insisting that he had defeated Omori according to jiu-jitsu rules (referring to Hancock’s book cited above) by pinning him for almost 20 seconds. He would have one more chance later that year to settle scores with Omori. He was so confident that he offered to fight Omori and Carlos Gracie both on same night.48

Dudú,

Orlando Americo da Silva, the new Dudú,arrived from São Paulo to Rio to challenge the Gracies, with or without kimono, Roberto Ruhmann under any conditions, and Manoel Fernandes or Geo Omori in either jiu-jitsu or luta livre. And anyone else who could draw a paying audience.

Dudú had more than 80 fights in luta livre and jiu-jitsu, he claimed. In addition to his 2 hour draw [empate] with Geo Omori, he defeated Ismail Maky [sic, Haki] in jiu-jitsu in 10 minutes, M. Gotto in 16 minutes, and Arthur Riquetto in 7 minutes, and in luta livre he defeated William Toupsou and Theodurio Antonelli, both within 3 minutes, and Archimedes Rogerio in 2 minutes.49 Unlike most challengers, Dudú was looking for more than 15 minutes of fame. He would be a fixture on the professional fight scene in Rio. He was an impressive presence in the ring, defeating jiu-jitsu super star Geo Omori and drawing with George Gracie, both in 1934. He allegedly broke Oswaldo Gracie’s leg in a rough sparring session.

Dudú never ducked the behemoths. But his toughest challenge came when he climbed into the ring with a skinny kid in 1935.

In the News

Roberto Ruhmann was in the news again, with a large double biceps pose picture in the eye-catching center of the page. He was responding to some critical remarks made by Helio Gracie. Ruhmann basically dismissed Helio however and focused his ire on Geo Omori and Carlos Gracie. He promised to beat both on the same night, jiu-jitsu versus catch-as-catch-can, providing that he could use all of the techniques permitted in his “modality” [“Lutarei com elles, e mais o Helio, na mesma noite, jiu-jitsu x catch-as-catch-can, isto é, valendo-me das cabaçadas, soccos e tudo que permitte esta modalidade de luta”].

He offered to fight Helio too, just for the heck of it. He had unkind words about Omori. Referring to their previous fight, he said Omori cried every time Ruhmann touched him [“chorava quando eu o tocava dizendo para o juiz: ve, sr. juize “o sr. juiz meu boca, meu dedo”]. Ruhmann mocked Omori for “forgetting” that he had lost by “KO” to Ruhmann in São Paulo.50 Ruhmann had grabbed Omori in a “gravata” (the headlock that was Ruhmann’s trademark move) and then twisted his arm [“peguei-ihe justo uma gravata e torci lhe o braço”]. If Omori and Carlos declined his challenge, it could only be for one reason: They were afraid of him.51 Carlos and Helio never did fight Ruhmann. George and Omori did however.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Capoeiragem

Oswaldo had been teaching several dozen young people at the Theatro Capitolio in Petropolis, operated by Empresa Roldão Barbosa, since February of 1932. He had earned some name recognition in November 1931, and took advantage of that now. It helped that his opponent on November 19, João Baldi, was well-known. Oswaldo was described as the same man who defeated the powerful Baldi in a spectacular fashion” [mesmo homem que derrotou, de modo espectaculo, o fortissimo João Baldi]. He and his brothers were dedicated body and soul and [corpo e alma] to the dissemination of the Japanese method of personal defense.52

By April he had found a more permanent location for his lessons, at avenida 15 Novembro, no. 856. He named his school “Academia Petropolitana de Jiu-Jitsu.” The school had been open about two months where he had been teaching the children of Petropolis’s elite [moços da élite petropolitana]. The school referred not to the physical location but to Oswaldo himself. In general, an academy referred to any place where a teacher taught (or offered to). Whether he had qualifications or students was a different matter.53

There were not many ways a martial arts school could get free advertising in the 1930’s. Demonstrations and fights essentially exhausted the possibilities. Demonstrations had the benefit of being planned so that they could be maximally impressive. Real fights had a different advantage. People were sometimes willing to pay to see them. If the opponent could be judiciously chosen, it was a no-lose deal.

In April it was announced that Oswaldo would face capoeira Octavio Alves “Dentinho de Catumby”, May 3 at Theatro Capitolio in Petropolis. The program of mixed fights [competições mixtos] would also include a capoeiragem match between Velludinho and Corisco (four 3-minute rounds), a luta livre match between Jose Soares and Jayme Ferreira (eight 3-minute rounds) and some demonstrations by students of the academy.54

Adepts of the national game did not regard Dentinho as worthy to represent them. José Brigado emphasized that point by describing Dentinho as a “’capoeira’ (?)” in quotation marks, followed by a question mark. He also quoted a previous letter by Manoel Rufino dos Santos complaining the the Gracie brothers were doing everything in their power to demoralize capoeiragem by setting up these sham contests. Luta livre people resented the Gracies’ campaign to eliminate the “shoulder pinning” rule in luta livre fights. That was a legitimate way to win in luta livre. Why should they give it up, they asked? Are the jiu-jitsu representatives giving up their best techniques, they rhetorically asked? The Gracie brothers simply wanted to stack the deck in their own favor by banning or ignoring everything that their opponents were better at doing, they alleged.55

On the other side, one could argue that when the rules are open to negotiation, the fight actually starts when the rules are negotiated. Carlos had few peers at that aspect of the game.

As the doubters had suspected, Dentinho did not put up a good fight. According to A Noite, Dentinho quickly showed that he didn’t have the elements to resist jiu-jitsu.

Oswaldo and Dentinho went to the ground early in the first round. Dentinho was saved by the bell. In the second round, professor Oswaldo Gracie applied an armlock that Dentinho couldn’t resist. He succumbed, clearly defeated. “The fans were not satisfied with Dentinho’s performance as he showed little capoeiragem capability”.56

However spectators enjoyed the demonstration of jiu-jitsu by students Roger Gouvéa, Roldão Barbosa Junior, O. Finkennauer, Sr. Gusmão, and a 6 year old child, as well as the two preliminary fights in which Velludinho defeated Corsico by points, and Jayme Ferreira defeated Soares in the 2nd round.

Fighters came out of retirement to challenge Omori, the Gracies, and others, and perhaps just hit the spotlight one more time. Salim Yossouf came to Rio in 1915 as part of a troupe of luta romana wrestlers. He had been away from the ring for five years. Now, in 1932, he wanted another go at it, and he didn’t want to start back at the bottom. Instead he challenged the best jiu-jitsu fighter in Brazil [o expoente maximo do jiu-jitsu no Brasil], Geo Omori, in a luta livre or jiu-jitsu match.57

Youssuf was from Syria and had been in Brazil 20 years. He was married and lived in Teresopolis, where he had a successful business. He wasn’t fighting for money, he said, he was simply complying with the requests of friends and fellow Syrians who wanted to see him in action again. He invited anyone who wanted to fight him to visit his home on rua Particular n. 82, Varzea de Therozopolis.58 Unlike so many others, Youssouf’s challenge was not just hot air.

The Better Man

Roberto Ruhmann and Dudú had both fought Geo Omori. Now they would fight each other. Omori predicted that Dudú would win before the fifth round. Manoel Rufino predicted that the better man would win [“Ao melhor ha de vencer”] and thought that Ruhmann would be the better man.59

Their confrontation took place Saturday June 11, 1932. Ruhmann’s strength proved to be too much for Dudú’s luta livre and jiu-jitsu technique. Dudú desisted in the fourth round. Also on the show were other luta livre and capoeiragem matches, and Annibal Prior knocked out Bruno Spalla in a boxing match.60

Jiu-jitsu according to Irving Hancock was again in the news. Diario de Noticias published a two-part article by Fernando de Azevedo explaining the meaning and history of jiu-jitsu, Sunday, June 5, 1932, and Sunday June 12, 1932. It was replete with misconceptions, such as, to mention two, that all Japanese people, even geishas, trained jiu-jitsu, and that jiu-jitsu training was the reason Japan’s military defeated Czarist Russia. The article featured a picture of Geo Omori. Brazilians seemed to be learning about jiu-jitsu through the interpretations of (mostly) North American popularizers. Perhaps for this reason, a short time later, Geo Omori himself decided to write his own series of articles explaining what jiu-jitsu was.

In theory, the fight business in Rio was regulated by the Boxing Commission [Comissão de Box; also referred to as Comissão de Pugilismo). The function of the commission, according to Chief of Police João Alberto, was to control all espectaculos [shows] of boxing, luta romana, luta livre, jiu-jitsu, and capoeiragem in “terra carioca” [Rio]. The effectiveness of the regulation depended on the qualities of the people who were appointed to the commission. The previous commission had been dissolved due the incompetence and dishonesty of its members, who brought ridicule into the sport which became populated by individuals with fictitious records [“classe de individuous exploradores que aqui aportam com carteis verdadeiramente ficticios”]. A new Boxing Commission was appointed, consisting of Ataliba Correa Dutra (president); Silvio Neto Machado (secretary); Leopoldo del Vale (treasurer); Inacio Loyola Daher (technical director); and Alberto Farini and Hugo Viana Marques (doctors). Tenorio de Albuquerque was also appointed due to his qualifications as director of the boxing section of the Fluminense F. Clube.61

In July Club Policial organized a rematch between Brazilan middleweight champion Tobias Bianna and Virgolino de Oliveira in Nictheroy. In addition to three other 10- round boxing fights, and one 5-round bout, there would be jiu-jitsu: A demonstration by the Gracie brothers, and an “academic match” [match academico] between Geo Omori and Namiki.62

Jiu-Jitsu versus Luta Romana

Former luta romana wrestler Youssuf had challenged Omori in March. Preparations had proceded smoothly and the two men were scheduled to meet July 9 at Colyseu Internacional. In addition, Mineyoshi Fukushima (the jiu-jitsu man who also trained capoeiragem) would fight Saburo Senda in a 5-round jiu-jitsu match.63 However, Omori suffered a serious accident while training with Namiki, it was reported.64 The injury was not so serious after all, because the fight was re-scheduled for Saturday July 16.65

The main event, Omori versus Youssuf, was a no time limit luta livre contest, to be decided, like most fights, by “desistencia ou perda dos sentidos” [give up or KO]. In addition to Mineyoshi versus Saburo, Dudú (88 kilos) faced Adam Meyer (93 kilos), Tavares Crespo (62 kilos) met Alvaro da Cunha (66.2 kilos), and Mauricio Levy of France (68 kilos) confronted Brazilian Roberto Coelho (66 kilos) in luta livre matches.66

Despite a 39 kilo weight advantage (105 kilos to 66 kilos), Youssouf was out of his league with the Japanese jiu-jitsu master. After three rounds of total domination, Omori put Yossouf away in the 3rd round by “gravata americana”.67 In the supporting fights, Crespo won in the 3rd round with a “spine press”[pressão da espinha], Dudú won by “trachea choke” [chave de estrangulamento na trachea] in 20 seconds, and Mauricio Levy defeated Roberto Coelho by “kidney scissors” [thezouras de rins]. Mineyoshi and Saburo, drew after five rounds of exciting action [apos 5 rounds bem movimentados e empolgantes empataram].68

Short Memory

The public had a short memory. In July columnist Jose Brigado felt that it was necessary to remind readers that the Gracies did not introduce jiu-jitsu to Brazil. Long before them, he wrote, there were Conde Koma and Sada Miako [sic] and others, among whom he cited Omori, Namiki, Saburo, Mineyoshi, and Fukushima. He specifically also mentioned Donato Pires dos Reis. Donato was the man, (he wrote) who some people swore was the teacher of the Gracie brothers.69

Brigado neglected to mention Mario Aleixo. Although Aleixo had verifiably been teaching jiu-jitsu in Rio, even before Conde Koma, his reputation didn’t survive his demolition at the hands of George Gracie the year before. Aleixo continued to teach physical education, but he was never mentioned again as an authority on either jiu-jitsu or capoeiragem.

Café Mouisco

In July an incident allegedly took place at Café Mouisco involving Carlos Gracie and Manoel Rufino dos Santos. Carlos was at the café and had put his hat on a chair. Rufino Santos came in later and without noticing the hat, sat on it. The following conversation between a by-stander and Rufino was overheard:

Bystander: “Acho conveniente que o senhor assigne immediamente esta apolice de seguro contra accidentes” [I think you should immediately take out accident insurance].

Rufino Santos: “Por que?” [Why?].

Bystander: “Porque o senhor está sentado sobre o chapéo do campeão de jiu-jitsu, Carlos Gracie” [Because you are sitting on the hat of the jiu-jitsu champion Carlos Gracie].

Rufino Santos: “Não se impressione. Offerecá a apolice ao dono do chapéo, que esta menos seguro do que eu…” [I don’t care. The owner of the hat should take out a policy. He needs it more than me].70

Rufino Santos must have been baffled by the description of Carlos’ as a jiu-jitsu “champion”. Carlos’ only documented public fight was the 1931 debacle with Rufino Santos, which Gracie lost. It was a luta livre fight. There is no record of him participating in a jiu-jitsu fight other than the 1929 and 1930 exhibitions with Geo Omori, which he also did not win.71 The only man that Carlos Gracie faced in a fight, a submission grappling contest, defeated him, and that man was Maneol Rufino dos Santos himself.

It might have seemed mysterious to Rufino Santos why he would need accident insurance for having accidently sat on Carlos’ hat (if it was an accident). Future events revealed that the advice was probably sound. Rufino Santos would have done well to take out a policy.

The fact that Rufino continually reminded him of his weak competition record must have annoyed Carlos―apparently enough to plan and conduct a criminal assault on him that earned him (Carlos) and two of his brothers sizeable prison terms (although they were eventually pardoned).

Omori was not merely the king of the hill who everyone wanted a piece of. He issued his own challenges and no doubt for the same publicity-seeking reasons. For example, he challenged Rufino Santos, who, although already retired, returned the challenge. Both were apparently ready to “measures forces”. It was typical of most challenges in that nothing came of it.72

Beginning in July and continuing in August, Omori, or a ghost-writer, contributed a series of newspaper articles explaining to his legions of fans exactly what jiu-jitsu really was, from the point of view of an authentic master and native of the land of its origin. Omori also had his new academy to advertise, at rua Conde de Irajá, n 142 in Botafogo.73

A Short History of “Jiu-Jitsu”

The four-part series was called “A Short History of Jiu-jitsu” [“Um Pouco de Historia do ‘Jiu-Jitsu’”] and appeared in Diario de Noticias Sunday July 24, Wednesday August 3, Tuesday August 23, and Wednesday August 31, 1932.

In Part 1 Omori explained that jiu-jitsu evolved from yawara and taijutsu over a 500 year period. A jiu-jitsu stylist named Kano Jigaro adapted techniques primarily from the schools or styles (ryu) of Hansuke Nakamura (Shibukawa ryu), Hikosuke Tozuka (Youshin ryu), Mataemon Isso (Shinyou ryu), and Tsunehei Iikubo (Kitou ryu). Kano molded them into what became known as “judo” (specifically Kodokan judo).74

In Part 2 Omori emphasized that judo was the new name for Kano’s system of jiu-jitsu [Noutras éras, o “jiu-jitsu” chamava-se “jiu-dou”….O jiu-jitsu passou a chamar ‘ju do’] and elaborated Kano’s role in shaping jiu-jitsu into a “way” [caminho]. He explained the history of the Kodokwan, the “sacred temple of jiu-jitsu” [templo sagrado do jiu-jitsu]. He described “Maeda de Koma” [Conde Koma] as a “grande mestre de jiu-jitsu.” He described other great fighters and teachers such as Maeda’s own teacher Sakujiro Yokoyama (aka O Diabo Yokoyama), Yoshiake Yamashita, Tsunejiro Tomita, Shigoro Baba, Hajime Issogai, Hideiti Nagaoka, and Shirou Saigo.

To the right of this article were two others, promoting Omori’s upcoming luta livre match with Manoel Fernandes, Saturday August 6. Fernandes had just come off a victory over Dudú, and was confident that he would beat Omori. Omori was equally confident that he would prevail. One thing was certain, the article said, was that the fight would extremely violent and one of the closest in recent history [“uma das pelejas mais renhidas dos nossos annaes sportivos”].75

In Part 3 Omori described the rank system invented by Kano (or rather borrowed from Japanese chess as way of handicapping practitioners for contests of skill). The belts, in particular the black belt (faixa negra, or faixa preta) was always mentioned in fight publicity as a way to legitimize a fighter who might otherwise be unknown. The public wanted to know the significance of these mysterious items of clothing.

Jiu-jItsu is divided into ten categories with ten belts, Omori explained. He described the colors of the belts, and named the people who held each of the higher “categorias“ [dan ranks]. The 10th rank was Kano. At 9th rank were Yamashita, Isogai, and Nagaoka. At 8th rank were Iidzuka, Samura,76 and Mifune. At 7th rank were Tomita, Miyakawa, and Tabata. One-hundred and fifty-five people held the 6th rank. In the 7th through 9th ranks professors used belts of white and red, but almost all of them prefer to wear simple black belts. In the ranks 1-5, it suffices to say there there were 30,000 people (in 1932, according to Omori).

Omori discussed 8-dan Sakujiro Yokoyama in more detail. He was one of the the most complete of Kano’s students, he was the “master of masters.” He died far from home in 1912. He had four outstanding students known as shi-teunou” [Quatro Reis, or “The Four Kings”]. They were Ito [Ito Tokugoro], Ono [Ono Akitaro] Tatake [sic, Satake], and Maeda de Koma [Maeda Mitsuyo]. The best known in Brazil is Maeda. Anyone who knows him can get an idea how great Sakujiro was. Ito taught American president Theodore Roosevelt, Omori added.

Many people asked Omori who was the best fighter in Japan? [o melhor lutador de jiu-jitsu do Japão]. The best was, according to Omori, Toku Sampou, 6-dan. He was the “star of stars” [o astro dos astros]. Sampou and Omori were both students of Ito, and trained together many times.77

In January of 1931, in Hibia Park, in Tokyo, Toku Sampou agreed to fight seven opponents, three 3-dans, two 4-dans, and two 5-dans, all of them strong fighters. His friends did not doubt his capability to beat seven men, but feared that he might be betrayed by age, because he was around 50 years old. They advised him to take on just one opponent, rather than seven. But he insisted. He easily defeated all of them.

The articles were at least partly intended to promote interest in jiu-jitsu fights and lessons, but were notable for the omission of the sort of hyperbole that marked the writings of Western popularizers such as John O’Brien and Irving Hancock. Looking at them from the perspective of 2014, they were remarkably accurate and even-handed, very much in keeping with the Kodokan philosophy and in that sense quite distinct from the marketing messages of Carlos Gracie and other local martial arts entrepeneurs.

Champion

The Omori versus Manoel Fernandes fight was originally scheduled for August 6. It had the makings of an exciting match. Fernandes was the luta livre champion of the Portuguese colony and had a 15-20 kilo weight advantage. He promised that he would not give up. Omori would have to knock him out if he wanted to win.78

The fight, planned for São Christovão Athletic Club on rua Figueira de Mello, 200, was rescheduled for September 3 to make way for a basketball game.79

Number of rounds were unlimited and pinning [classico encosto das espaduas] was not recognized as a way to win. Saburo Senda and Mineyoshi Fukushima would measure forces in a five 5-minute jiu-jitsu contest. Both trained with Omori and Namiki. Two amateur boxing matches and an 8-round contest between Rubens Soares and Lauro Alves, with 4 ounce gloves were also planned.

Fernandes was confident of the result and wanted to beat Omori so that he, rather than Omori, could fight the North American cowboy hercules Jack Hillson, who was in Rio giving demonstrations of strength. Hilson had challenged Omori to a luta livre contest.80

A New Jiu-Jitsu School

In July a new school of jiu-jitsu opened in the Realengo neighborhood in the western zone of Rio. The instructor was Jose Barbosa. Barbosa had been a second lieutenant in the army. In Pernambuco, in 1906 he developed a passion for jiu-jitsu and studied for two years. He became the instructor of the military’s physical education center [Centro de Cultura Physica do Exercito] in 1922, where he taught teams of sergants, officers, and civil guards.

Two of his best known students were Alberto La Torre Faria (also known as Al Faria), and Roberto Coelho. Coelho became a professional luta livre fighter and challenged George Gracie, who declined. Alberto La Torre Faria became an influential educator, administrator, and fight promoter, and came out on the losing end of at least one run-in with Helio Gracie.81

Jiu-Jitsu versus Luta Livre

Omori and Fernandes finally met, this time as planned on September 3. Fernandes was true to this word. He didn’t give up. However, the no time limit rule had been revised. Omori attributed Fernandes’ survival to the fact that he “didn’t have a neck to grab” [“não tem pescoso para se pegar”]. Omori finally managed to get grips on Fernandes in the last round, but it was too late. He was certain that he would have finished Fernandes if the round hadn’t ended. But it did and he had to honor the contract, which was for six 10-minute rounds. Consequently, the fight ended without a winner or loser.

Omori’s manager counted the number of times Omori threw Fernandes. It was no less than 36 times. Omori wanted another fight, either 10 rounds, or without a limit.82 A desempate was arranged for October 1, 1932, with an unlimited number of 10-minute rounds.83 Fernandes would have to do more than merely survive.

Wrestler Geo Smith wasted no time in challenging Omori. Whatever happened with Fernandes, Omori would not lack opponents. Maybe he could squeeze Smith in before the Fernandes tie-breaker?84 In fact, that is exactly what happened.

Japanese Jiu-Jitsu versus Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu

After his debut success against Antonio Portugal the previous January, Helio Gracie was ready for a more difficult test. This time instead of a mediocre boxer, he would be facing a strong jiu-jitsu fighter named Namiki. The fight was scheduled for September 3 at Theatro Republica.85

Namiki was described as an undefeated black belt [faixa preta…sendo invicto] and an “efficient and extraordinary lutador”. He was born in 1911 in Shiki, near Tokyo. He entered Kodokwan at 13 (1911), received a “red belt” [faixa rubra] at 17 (1928), which was given only to those with the aptitude to represent Kodokan without disgracing it [sem desdouro]. He received his black belt [faixa negra] from Prof. Kujirai. He came to Brazil in 1930. He had some matches at festivals in Araçatuba, in São PauloState, against other Japanese black belts. After an exhibition with Geo Omori in the ring of the campo of Santa Anna, a newspaper suggested a match between practicioners of jiu-jitsu. Namiki didn’t like challenging people [“Por meu gosto, não desafio ninguem”] but he said he was prepared to face one of the Gracies.

Namiki was confident but not boastful. Whatever happens, he said,”I will bring honor to my teacher Kujirai and to the Kodokan” [“Vou para o ring confiante. Qualquer que seja o resultado do combate, saberei honrar o meu mestre Kujirai e o nome da Escola de Kodokwan”]. Namiki was training with at Geo Omori’s academy in Rio. Omori was preparing for his own match with Manoel Fernandes.86

Helio would climb into the ring with the heavy responsibilitly to defend his title of “undefeated” [subiria ao ‘ring’ com a responsibilidae grande que Ihe dá a titulo de invicto”].87 Namiki had also never known a defeat [o formidavel japoneze que ainda não conheceu a derrota].Considering their actual records, it implied more than it literally meant. In reality it was a match between two fighters who had never had a professional fight between them. Helio Gracie’s fight with Antonio Portugal had been an “amateur fight”.

The fight was postponed to September 10 for unspecified reasons. Helio shaved off his moustache.88

The day before the fight, Geo Omori, who had been training with Namiki, predicted that Helio would not win. Helio was confident that he would, and wanted to fight Omori. Helio was training with luta livre representative Dudú.89

There would be four preliminary fights, all to be decided by giving up or being choked out. The Gracie versus Namiki match was eight 5-minute rounds. The one other jiu-jitsu match and three luta livre matches were five rounds. The jiu-jitsu match was Saburo Senda versus Fukushima Mineyoshi. The luta livre matches were Geroncio Barbosa (a “strongman”) versus Alcindo Pacheco, Herminio (a former football player) versus Maurice Levy and Jayme Ferreira versus Tavares Crespo.

Helio weighed in at 65 kilos, Namiki at 72 kilos.90 The fight took place at Theatro João Caetano on Praça Tiradentes.91

The fight was one of the few that lived up to its promise and was extremely violent [uma luta violentisima]. Omori’s prediction was correct. Helio did not defeat Namiki. Technically the fight was draw. His family’s jiu-jitsu had proven to be an efficient method of defense against a grappler in a no-striking, no-points fight. It was less outstanding as a method of attack, at least against a Kodokan black belt According to Diario de Noticias, Namiki dominated most of the fight.92

The next day, the columnist “Puncher” wrote that although Namiki dominated the fight he could not subdue Helio [“teve o predominio da luta, mas não pode sobrepujar Helio Gracie”]. Not being beaten by a Kodokan black belt was some sort of victory. In the logic of professional grappling, not losing = winning and therefore not winning could also = winning, as long as one didn’t tap out or go out.93 That made it easier to maintain an undefeated record, which in turn made matches involving at least one (and sometimes two) undefeated fighters potentially more attractive.

The imagery and symbolism of the black belt was valuable as a marketing tool. The Japanese fighters knew what a black belt really meant. Omori specifically pointed out that there were 30,000 people in the categories of 1-5 dan in his August 23 article. But Japanese were small, and jiu-jitsu was heavily hyped as a “scientific” style of fighting. The word “science” had just recently been invented and people in general associated it with knowledge-based power, vaguely miraculous, but (in theory) under direct human control.94 Where size and strength were used to hype luta romana and luta livre fighters, and agility to hype capoeiras, Kodokan credentials (belts and diplomas) were used to hype Japanese fighters. It was in the interest of the Gracies and other Brazilians to exaggerate the meaning and value of “black belts”. It automatically made almost any Japanese opponent marketable. It also made a victory more impressive and a defeat or draw more excusable. The fact that some of the Japanese fighters’ Kodokan qualifications were questionable was beside the point.

Puncher also described the fight in detail. Technically, Namiki was superior. He always had the advantage. He put Helio in bad positions on the mat whenever he wanted to, and he escaped from anything that Helio could throw at him [technicamente, Takashi Namiki foi o melhor. Houve-se sempre com vantagem. Quer quando impunha Helio situacões incomodas no tapete, quer quanda tinha que se safar golpes desferidos pelo contendor ].

He also provided a round-by-round account of the fight.

In round 1 Namiki attacked and dominated until the end of the round. In round 2 Namiki again attacked and dominated until the end of the round, at which time Helio managed to escape a dangerous position. In round 3 Namiki umabiguously dominated again [dominio franco de Namiki]. With less than a half minute remaining, Helio got Namiki in a headlock, but the round ended.

By round 4, both men seemed very tired. They studied each other for a long time looking for an opportunity to attack. Namiki was first to find one and threw Helio to the canvas again, controlling him there. However, Helio showed a lion-like courage and strength [bravura e a resistencia leonina]. Namiki forced the action but his efforts were nullified by the bell.

Round 5 was one of the most action-packed of the fight. Helio surprised Namiki with an armlock aided by a tesoura [he used his legs]. Namiki took it in stride, with the apathy that is characteristic of his race, and didn’t seem very worried. Helio made a desparate effort but had to let it go [Helio suprehende Namiki com un chave de braço auxiliada por uma tesoura. Com a fleugma que caracteriza os homems de sua raça, o valeroso athleta japonez nao se perterbou um bastante].

Puncher digressed to explain the armlock to his less enlightened readers. The chave de braço, also known as a prisão de braço com a tesoura, or in French, “clef au bras á terre” is a frightening technique that can only be escaped by an expert, and even then only with great difficulty. The Japanese fighter was vociferously applauded.

The seventh round was boring [frio and sem lances de emoção]. Understandably, both fighters were very tired, especially Helio. Helio continued to try to avoid Namiki’s attacks. Finally Gracie tried to pull out a victory with a final spurt of offensive effort but it was too little, too late. Namiki was alert and Gracie’s last ditch effort was ineffective [sem effeito].

In the undercard, Jayme Ferreira scored a sudden and complete [fulminante e decisivo] victory over Tavares Crespo, by way of gravata with tesoura (a guillotine choke with legs around, probably but not necessarily on the ground). Crespo didn’t have a chance to put the techniques of his modality into play. In less then two minutes of round 1, he asked the referee to stop the fight.

Fukushima Mineyoshi and Saburo Senda’s match was exciting [simplesmente empolgante]. The smaller Saburo conquered the public’s sympathies. Saburo numerous times spectacularly escaped the dangerous attacks of Mineyoshi but finally in the fourth round succumbed to a neck-tie choke [gravata].

Bernardo Frota, filling in for the injured Herminio (originally Maurice Levy’s opponent), finished Levy in the second round with a footlock [chave de pé]. Puncher emphasized that Frota was an amateur and had defeated Levy, who was a professional. Geroncio Barbosa beat Alcindo Pacheco in the fourth round by gravata.

Three of the five fights were decided by gravatas [headlocks], one by footlock. Gravatas were probably the most commonly used technique during this period. Everyone used them.

Helio was praised for his effective defense [“technica defensiva muito efficaz”] and for having survived, but from Puncher’s account, the fight belonged to Namiki. Officially the result was an empate [draw], so both remained professionally undefeated, Helio with a record of 0-0-1, Namiki with a 0-0-1 record. Helio would attempt to improve his record on November 5. Namiki was back in action the next week.

The Street

Life and death went on in Rio. On January 11, a widowed nurse named Rosa Del Aguila, age 31, of rua Marechal Floriano n. 170, died from a skull fracture. She had been hit by a car several days before while crossing Praça da Republica. On rua Coronel Rangel, a 21 year old man named Guiomar Olympia da Silveira, age 21, of avenida Suburbana n. 3.048, tried to kill himself by jumping in front of a bonde [street car, tram]. The driver was skillful and stopped in time to avoid crushing Guiomar, who received only brusies for his trouble and was transported back home. At 5 a.m., a ship owner named Luiz Cypriano Medina, age 35, married, a native of Cabo Verde, of rua do Propsito n. 42, decided to end it all. He had serious money problems. Luiz drank poison, cut his throat with a razor, and then jumped into the ocean at Cáes do Pharoux. Two nearby residents, Oscar Jose Alves and Miguel Gomes de Britto, heard the commotion and pulled Luiz out of the water. He was in serious condition and absolutely determined to die.95

***

Geo Smith challenged Geo Omori immediately after the Fernandes contest. Omori accepted and the match was made for September 15, 1932 at Cine Theatro Central in Nichteroy, organized by Empresa Pachoal Segreto-Moraes. Paschoal Segreto was the man who introduced professional jiu-jitsu to Rio, among many other forms of middle-class and family entertainment. He was keeping the tradition alive across the generations. He handed the reins over to his nephews, Paschoal Segreto Sobrinho and Affonso Segreto Sobrinho.96

Not much is known about Geo Smith. He was said to be the luta livre champion of England and Germany,97 and had fought Jayme Ferreira, in a preliminary to George Gracie versus Mario Aleixo in 1931. He and his brother performed acrobatics in the Gracie jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem extravaganga in the summer of 1931. They were described as “well-known luta livre champions [“conhecidos campeãos de luta livre”].98 In some reports his name was spelled “Schmith,” indicating a German background. It is possible that he was simply an all-around strongman jack-of-all-trades type, ready to do whatever was needed.99

The Omori versus Smith match was scheduled for an unlimited number of 5-minute rounds. There would a 2-minute rest between rounds. The match would continue until there was a winner. Also scheduled to fight were Saburo Senda versus Tavares Crespo.100

Takashi Namiki, five days after his eight rund manhandling of Helio Gracie, would face Portuguese luta livre “champion” Sebastião Victorino. These were jiu-jitsu matches with no round limits. Rounds were 5 minutes with 2 minutes rest. Geo Smith and Vico Tadeu would perform an exhibition of strength and gymnatstics [um exhibição de foçca, combinada e gymnatica plastica]. To cap it off, there would also be a movie.101

No results were reported and no mention was ever made of it in any subsequent news article. Since it was to be held in a theatre, the two most frequent reasons for postponements, football games and rain, did not apply, and postponements, when they occured, were announced. The program probably was cancelled.

It was the last that was heard of Namiki. Saburo was scheduled to fight in the 1936 Geo Omori versus Peçanha fight.

The fight was planned and marketed but apparently didn’t happen. It isn’t unusual for information to be missing for small shows in out of the way places, or anywhere outside of Rio, but Omori versus Peçanha was not small and it was in Rio. The fact that there was no result published in any paper (that we know of), and never mentioned again suggests that it was either cancelled or postponed indefinitely [sine-die].

But the fact that he was scheduled to fight indicates that Saburo Senda was still around in 1936. Omori continued fighting. In fact, he stepped up his pace. As far as quantity went, he had few peers.

Fred Ebert

North American “Catcher” Fred Ebert arrived in Rio on Tuesday September 29. His first order of business was to introduce himself to the Rio press.

He had just previously been to Porto Alegre, Buenos Aires, Mendoza, Montevideo, Santiago de Chile and other places, he informed reporters. He had been a member of the American Olympic team in the Antwerp games, 1920, where he was champion of greco-roman wrestling.

He was also former world luta livre champion [ex-campeao olympico de luta romana e mundial de luta livre]. He was German-American [teuto-americano]. He fought Jim Londos for 2 hours in 1929. He was 174 cm. tall and planned to stay in Rio for about six weeks. He had defeated Zbyszko and Strangler Lewis [vencedor do Zbysko e Strangler Lewis]. He planned to challenge Geo Omori, Roberto Ruhmann, Manoel Fernandes, Dudú, Namiki and any other fighters in Rio. He was a practitioner of “catch-as-catch-can” locally known as luta livre. The writer provocatively asked, “who will accept Ebert’s challenge?”.102

The next day, A Noite filled in some additional details about Ebert.

He was born in California. His parents were German. He entered the ring as an amateur in 1915, until 1921 when he went pro. He fought Jim Londos, in Boston in 1929, for 2 1/2 hours to a draw. He defeated Strangler Lewis, Joe Stecker, and Erl [sic] Cadok. He became world champion after his second fight with Lewis which he won, in Los Angeles. In India, he defeated Gama, who had never before been bested by a white man. He defeated Zbyszko in 2 minutes.

Ebert never stopped traveling in search of glory and money [sempre viajanda em busca de gloria e dinheiro]. He went to Australia, where he defeated two of the country’s best wrestlers, At [sic] Santal and Conde Zaranoff. He defeated English champion Walker Georges in New Zealand. Then he went to Panama and Peru, where he fought and never lost, and in Chile where he also defeated Quintin Romero Rojas. Finally he was in Montevideo (Uruguay) where he became champion of South America after vanquishing Argentine champion Georges Briola, among others. Ebert never really lost his title of world champion but rather conceded it to Jim London when he beat Shikat in New York. Ebert came to Rio to challenge anyone who wanted to fight him.103

Another Chance

Despite his quick loss to Oswaldo Gracie in 1931, João Baldi wanted another crack at a jiu-jitsu master. He did what most people did, he challenged Geo Omori.

Omori declined, saying Baldi was too heavy. Baldi responded that Omori easily beat Youssuf [“venceu bem, como quando quiz”], and Youssuf weighed the aame as Baldi, so why not me? Baldi asked.104

In the mean time, Omori accepted Ebert’s challenge for a luta livre match, saying that it would be an honor to fight an “authentic champion”.105 The next day it was announced that Omori would fight Helio Gracie on October 8. Omori insisted that fight be “bolsa ao vencedor” [winner take all]. Simultaneously, Roberto Ruhmann challenged Ebert, offering to pay him 5,000$ if Ebert could resist his famous headlock.106

While this was going on, the Omori versus Fernandes rematch was announced for October 1.

Omori versus Fernandes I terminated after six hard fought rounds in a draw [empate]. The October 3 “tie-breaker” [desempate], to be held at São Cristovão Athletic Club, would have no time limit; the fight would continue until there was a winner [“sem limite de round…Irá até que haja um vencedor”] which would be determined only by “give up” or KO.107

All offensive techniques were permitted except biting, pulling the hair or ears, fingers in the eyes, low blows, punches and kicks [dentadas, puxões de cabellos, e orelhas, soccos, dedos nos olhos, golpes baixos, and ponta-pés].

Fernandes was training with Fred Ebert, who was training with Dudú.108

There were three preliminary matches. The first a jiu-jitsu match between Saburo Senda and Ouchido. Saburo was “o garoto japonez” [the Japanese kid]. Oucida was the Japanese coach [“technico japonez”]. The fight would be five 5-minute rounds. The winner could only be determined by give up or KO. As there was a round limit, an empate [draw] was impossible.

There was also a five round luta livre match between Jayme Martins Ferreira and Amilcar Fortes, and a three round capoeiragem match between Euclydes Lucio “Velludinho” and Eduard o de Oliveira, o “Perna de Ouro”.109

The semi-final was a ten round boxing match with 4 ounce gloves between Peruvian Emilio Palestine and Mario Francisco.110

In addition to the preliminary fights, Fred Ebert the “catcher” who had drawn with Jim Londos [o ‘catcher’ que empatou com Jim Londos] would conduct a two 10-minute round “luta academica” [exhibition] of luta livre with the assisstance of local hero Dudú.111

The fight had been promoted as a no time limit fight to the finish in order to avoid a repeat of the first fight.112 As often happened, things did not work out that way.

The fight started out actively. Fernandes appeared to be better shape than in the September 3 outing. In the third round, Omori threw Fernandes, who rolled out of the ring, being injured in the process [contundiu-se]. In view of that and the fact that the regular rounds were finished, referee Gumercindo Taboada awarded the victory to Omori.113

Reports of the fight were not detailed, indicating that there may have been lulls in the action. That was obviously something that could happen in any fight. Promoters often prepared for that possibility by scheduling a little of every type of fight, and often demonstrations of one style or another, or gymnastics or anything else that could please the crowd while promoting upcoming events.

The Saburo Senda versus Ouchida jiu-jitsu match was violent and hard-fought, but lacked sensational exchanges. It ended in a draw. Jayme Ferreira forced Amilcar Fortes to concede in the fourth round. Well into middle age, Ferreira continued undefeated in luta livre in his weight class.

Significantly, Ebert’s “luta academica” with Dudú was the high point of the evening. [A exhibição de Fred Ebert foi sensacional e constituiu a melhor oparte do espectaculo]. Reading the reviews, smart fighters, astute managers, and wily promoters might have calculated that they could satisfy the paying customers while taking less pain and punishment if they introduced some planning into their fights. How much was the obvious question?

The writing was on the wall.

Omori belatedly responded to Baldi’s recent challenge, saying that he didn’t reply sooner because he was busy preparing for the Fernandes fight. Needless to say, he would be delighted to fight Baldi.114

Omori versus Baldi didn’t happen. But Omori and Ebert had challenged each other, and Ebert only planned to be around for about six weeks. Arrangements were speedily made. Baldi would still be available if an opponent was needed. He challenged Ebert as well as Omori.

Jiu-Jitsu versus “Catch”

Ebert was exciting because he was new, he was foreign, and he was temporary. He also had an impressive (if exaggerated) resumé. It gave the press ample material to work with. Could Omori resist the man who vanquished Zbyszko and Strangler Lewis? Could Omori do what current world champion Jim Londos couldn’t do in 1929, beat Ebert? We will have to see tomorrow, the newspapers informed readers. Gamblers were putting their money on the “lutador yankee de catch as catch can” (Ebert), and one couldn’t find any member of the local “yankee” community who thought there was any possibility of him losing.115

For the first time the fans would be able to see someone who knew how to put into practice “real catch as catch can”.116

The fight took place Saturday October 8, at São Christovão Athletic Club. There would be six 10-minute rounds.

Inexplicably, at the last minute, Omori requested that cabeçadas [head butts] not be allowed. Ebert agreed. The fans vehemently disapproved. The lack of cabeçadas made the match more conventional than decisive.

The fight was a disappointment. “The fight from the first to the last round was without action, as though the fighters were cluelessly waiting for the final bell to ring, punctuated by a few throws”.117

Ebert’s reputation, the press build-up, and his recent impressive demonstration with Dudú had misled the fans into expecting a more action-packed battle. As often happened, they were disappointed. It was a fight without great significance [luta sem maior significação]. The fans were left wondering whether Omori was really so extraordinary, or whether Ebert genuinely tried to apply his skills They also did not like the fact that the number of rounds was fixed and that cabeçadas and ponta-pés [front kicks] were not used.118

Despite his inability to beat Omori, one writer called Ebert “the best fighter to step into a ring in Brazil”.119 Carlos Gracie lost no time in challenging Ebert on behalf of his brother Helio.

Could Helio Gracie, in his second professional fight, accomplish what Omori couldn’t? Carlos Gracie thought he could. Others were sure he couldn’t.

Ebert versus Helio Gracie was set for October 23. As usual, it would a fight to the finish, determined by “give up” or KO, with no time limit [O combate deverá ser sem numero rounds fixado…desistencia ou inconsciencia]. Techniques of “real luta livre” [golpes da verdadeiro luta livre], such as head-butt, shoulder pins, and others, were prohibited. It would be “winner-take-all” [bolsa ao vencedor].120

The publicity machine went into high gear, sometimes in indirect ways. Irineu Maghres, a young Gracie student, perhaps acting on his own initiative, but more likely at the prompting of Carlos Gracie, accused Roberto Ruhmann of proposing a fixed fight, but with an agreement to draw, in order to have a tie-breaker [“propoz um empate para haver, dias depois, um desempate”].

But Irineu boldly declared that despite being the newest student at the Gracie Academy, he was ready to confront the Jewish athelete (Ruhmann) and was certain that he would defeat him.121

Ebert was new in town. He had never heard of the Gracies [“não conheço os Gracie”], he said. But he had heard Carlos’ grandiose claims on behalf of his young brother Helio, veteran of one amateur and one professional fight (Antonio Portugal and Takashi Namiki, respectively). Carlos asserted that Helio would defeat Ebert easily, even without a kimono and that Ebert woudn’t last two rounds. “He must be a phenomenon!” Ebert commented sarcastically.122

Carlos also accused Ebert and Omori of having “worked” their fight. It was not an outlandish accusation and it wasn’t the first or last time Omori would be accused of fixing fights, nor was he the only one, far from it. In fact, no one was immune to this accusation.

Indeed some fights, perhaps many fights, actually were fixed. But in 1932, it had not yet become endemic.123

The catch wrestlers did not necessarily need to work fights. They simply needed to avoid losing. If no one lost, there would be no winner to “take-all.” Everyone could get paid without extreme fear that the Commission of Boxing would withhold the purses of both fighters (although that strategy was never fool-proof).

Ambush

Manoel Rufino dos Santos’ rivalry with Carlos Gracie was beginning to show signs of spiraling out of control. Perhaps Rufino had not read the reports of the January 14 attack on João Baldi. Perhaps he did not appreciate how effective his needling was in getting under Carlos Gracie’s skin. He would find out the hard way.

On Tuesday October 18, Diario de Noticias published a letter written by Manoel Rufino in which he posed 13 questions (actually, 15) for Carlos Gracie.

Among other questions, he asked why did Mr. Gracie [sr. Gracie] ask for a clause prohibiting Rufino from banging Carlos’head on the ground more than once? Why did Mr. Gracie insist on a rest between rounds, when Rufino wanted to fight until there was a winner? Why wouldn’t Mr. Gracie accept rounds of 20 minutes? Why wouldn’t Mr. Gracie accept rounds of 10 minutes? Why did Mr. Gracie ridiculously insist on 3-minute rounds? Why did Mr. Gracie finally accept 5-minute rounds only at the insistence of the editor of A Noite? Why didn’t Mr. Gracie apply one of his 42 choke techniques [golpes de pescoço] as he had promised? Why did Mr. Gracie request to Dr. Renato Pacheco a month later that the fight be annulled? Why didn’t Mr. Gracie accept the challenge thrown down by Rufino’s student Manoel Lima? Why didn’t Mr. Gracie continue the fight when the referee ordered him to? It was because he was afraid, wasn’t it? [“porque ficou com medo, não foi?”] Why doesn’t Mr. Gracie accept the insistent challenges of Roberto Ruhmann? Why did Mr. Gracie challenge Ebert on behalf of his youngest brother (Helio) instead of fighting himself? It was because he didn’t want to risk his own skin, wasn’t it? [“Porque tem medo de arriscar a pelle, não é?”].

Rufino Santos wrapped up his lists of “questions” by saying that “Mr. Gracie knows nothing about luta livre” [“o senhor não sabe nada de luta livre”]. He also promised that if Carlos or any of his brothers could manage a draw with Ebert, he would consider the North American champion “defeated” [“se o sr. ou qualquer irmão seu conseguir empatar com Fred Ebert, considerarei o americano derrotado”].

The letter was specifically addressed to Carlos Gracie and mentioned Helio, George, and Oswaldo only as “any of the brothers” and in the context of their challenge to Ebert.

Later that evening, at 10:00 p.m., outside of the Tijuca Tennis Club.on rua Conde de Bonfim a Carlos, Helio, George, and Oswaldo waited in a car for Rufino Santos to arrive. When he did, three of the brothers ambushed him (Oswaldo remained in the car). In a reprise of the João Baldi incident in January, they used a “steel box” [“box de ferro”].

Unlike the João Baldi incident in January, reports this time were consistent, varying only in the amount of detail they included.

According to Diario de Noticias, on the evening of October 18, Tuesday, one or more anonymous persons telephoned the Tijuca Tennis Club several times and asked what time Professor Maneol Rufino dos Santos would arrive. When he did, At 20:30, a dark limousine was parked 20 meters from the entrance of the club. Several people called his name.

Helio was the first to attack, hitting Rufino’s head with the “steel box”.

Taken by surprise by “the cowardly blow” Rufino staggered and fell where he was set upon by Helio, George, and Carlos with kicks and more blows from the box, which left him unable to effectively defend himself. After a while people came out from the Tenis Club and saw what was happening. The Gracies then broke off their attack and sped away in their limousine leaving Rufino bleeding on the street. Rufino was taken to the hospital, and then home. The police began criminal proceedings against the brothers.

The writer recalled that the brothers had conducted two almost identical attacks before. The first was on their former jiu-jitsu instructor Donato Pires dos Reis in front of the America Hotel, in Catete at 16:30 (he did not mention the date). Donato was attacked by Helio and George. The next victim was João Baldi. It is curious to note, the writer remarked, that in each case a “steel box”was used. [“Em todas as aggressões―e curioso a notar―o ‘box’ de ferro foi utilizado”].124

Diario da Noite wrote that “The Gracie brothers reunited to fight with the gymnastics teacher Manoel Rufino dos Santos. The fight was unequal and left the one who fought alone seriously injured. The fight was free, very free. There was no referee, no rules, and no honor on the part of the well-known jiu-jitsu professionals. The police didn’t approve of the method used by the Gracies and began proceeding s to prosecute them

It took three Gracies to defeat Rufino and even then not without difficulty and a weapon. After a while Rufino faded and dropped. The Gracies continued their attack. Members of the Tijuca Tennis Club and passers-by witnessed the attack and recognized the assailants, who fled the scene. Rufino was taken by car to Posto Central de Assistencia, where he received treatment for severe injuries.125

A Noite reported that on the night of October 18, the three brothers, residents of rua Marquez de Abrantes 106, phoned the Tijuca Tennis Club asking when Rufino would arrive. They waited for him in a car. When he approached the entrance to the club, at 10:00 p.m., they surrounded him and initiated their attack. Helio wielded the box. All were charged with article 304 of the penal code. George and Helio were also charged according to paragraphs 1, 4, 5, 7, 13 of article 39, and paragraph 2 of article 41. The public prosecutor (auxiliary de justiça pelo offendido) was Dr. Claudiono Victor do Espirito Santo Junior. The Gracies’ lawyer [avogado dos denunciados] was Dr. João Romeiro Netto. The report explained that “after a festering dispute concerning questions of ‘sport,’ the brothers decided to resort to violence” [“resolveram os accusados levar a effeito uma aggressão como desforço”].

Their decision to resort to street crime rather than sport was unquestionably triggered by Rufino’s letter in Diario de Noticias, the report commented.126

The attack may have seemed like a good idea at the time. But when the police came to get them they realized that it was time for lawyers and public relations. Both were subjects that Carlos Gracie was familiar with.

The brothers (or Carlos) composed a letter defending themselves and mailed it to A Noite. According to the letter, they were merely defending the family honor because Rufino Santos had criticized them. Moreover, no one saw them do it because it was dark, it was raining, and the location was secluded. In fact, they didn’t even attack Rufino and even if they had, they wouldn’t need three Gracies or even two. When circumstances permitted, they would prove their innocence.127

It was an almost childish attempt to avoid the consequences of their actions. Carlos Gracie had overestimated the power of his persuasive skills. The legal system was not impressed. Rufino’s letter was entered into evidence. It was officially document number 25. It was obvious that Rufino Santos was criticizing Carlos rather than the family. Additionally, his criticisms were not slanders, but rather facts. Carlos felt insulted by them, which was obviously Rufino’s intention, but they were nevertheless facts. And despite the time of night and weather and locations, there were numerous witnesses. The Brothers had their backs against the wall. They seemed to realize that ganging up on a rival, using a “steel box,” wouldn’t work this time. They did the intelligent thing and hired a lawyer.

The matter did not go to trial until 1933, but possibly due to complications surrounding the incident, the Fred Ebert versus Helio Gracie fight was postponed to November 5. (The outcome of the case will be described in the next chapter.)

Gracie versus “Catch”

Helio was 19 year old “menino” [boy] with a total ring record of one victory in two fights, going up against an “authentic luta livre champion” [authentico campãeo da luta livre]. That didn’t bother him. Helio reiterated Carlos’ prediction that Ebert would not last two rounds.128 Despite his limited record, Helio was described as “a master of the Brazilian rings” [um mestre dos rings brasileiros]. Helio’s confidence was more impressive when we remember that he would not have the kimono to “equalize” Ebert’s advantage in weight.

The fight was held at São Christivão Athletic Club (SCAC) on Saturday November 5, 1932. It was fight with no limit of rounds, no kimono, and no points. And no striking.

There would be three other luta livre fights: Dudú versus Kid Walker, six 10-minute rounds; Manoel Fernandes versus Laurindo Armando; and Tavares Crespo versus Manoel Parada, six 5-minute rounds.

The fight was considered a boring flop. Correio da Manha simply reported that “Fred Ebert drew with Gracie. There was no winner”.129

A Noite reported that the fight didn’t end, but instead, the police suspended it after 110 minutes [O combate Helio Gracie x Fred Ebert não terminou. A policia suspendeu-o depois de 110 minutos de luta].

The preliminaries also did not offer much exctitement. Tavares Crespo and Manoel Parada drew, Dudú defeated Kid Walker, and Manoel Fernandes defeated Antonio Rocque Filho, both by “desistencia” [give up]. Geo Omori gave a demonstration of throws with the aid of Dudú.130

Diario de Noticias provided more details about the fight. Ebert was the first to enter the ring. Both fighters appeared calm. Twice Ebert tried to throw Gracie out of the ring, but Helio grabbed the ropes to avoid that. Ebert fell out through the momentum of his own throw, but he immediately climbed back in eager to continue the fight.

The fight was not exciting [não empolgou]. There were too many limitations on the techniques that could be used. If the international rules of luta livre had been strictly followed, the public without doubt would have seen a more stimulating fight. Ebert would have attacked with cuteladas [chops], joelhadas [knee strikes], and cotoveladas [elbow strikes]. These were prohibited. Ebert’s big mistake was agreeing to that restriction. One time, Ebert applied a simultaneous tesoura ao pescoço [neck lock applied with the legs] with a chave de pé [footlock]. It seemed that Gracie would be finished. But sweat allowed the Brazilian to escape. Helio initiated his own attacks. He displayed audacity, bravery, agility, and calmness. Twice Gracie attempted his favorite‘armlock’ but Ebert easily nullified them.

In the tenth round the police intervened. It was late and they did not want the fight to go on. But after interested parties requested, the police allowed one more round. If there was no winner in the next round, the fight would be stopped. The fight continued with neither man able to achieve a conclusive result. At the end of the eleventh round the police brought the hammer down. The fight was history.

The Boxing Commission informed the press that the fight been suspended by the authority of the police, without a decision [ficando sem decisão]. Columnist Puncher complained that the commission should not have authorized a no-time limit fight with the winner decided only by give up or KO, and then stop it, claiming so-called unspecified “irregularities” (“que irregularidades houve?” He asked).

The fight was not “catch as catch can as practiced in North America, he complained, but instead a strange mixture that couldn’t satisfy anyone.131

Officially there was no winner. Unoffically, Ebert claimed victory because Helio hadn’t finished him within two rounds as he and his brother Carlos had promised. Helio claimed victory because Ebert outweighed him. For marketing purposes, one claim was as good as the other. Both were still undefeated.

Manoel Rufino had said that if a Gracie could manage a draw with Ebert, he would consider Ebert to have lost. But Rufino had no official role in the fight. His opinion counted for no more than any other fan.

No one, it seemed, was particularly impressed with either man’s performance. Helio’s defense, under the circumstance, was adequate. Ebert wasn’t able to put into play all of the resources of his game. Unlike in his recent “academic fight” with Dudú, the fans were not pleased with his performance. They wanted action and results, preferably a decisive result, not a “moral” victory or a victory by not losing.

There was one man who jiu-jitsu partisans believed could provide it.

George Gracie versus Fred Ebert

George was actually the first Gracie to challenge Ebert. Helio got the shot but then failed to deliver on his promise to stop Ebert within two rounds. Indeed, he couldn’t do it in 11 rounds [Helio garantiu derrotar Fred Ebert em dois rounds para não consegui-o em onze rounds] .The public wanted to see if George could do better than his brother did [faça uma melhor figura que seu irmão Helio].132

George signed to fight Ebert on November 18. The fight was scheduled for December 10. George weighed 62 kilos, Ebert about 90 kilos. The fight would be held at SCAC and would begin at 22:30. Jiu-jitsu rules would apply (desistencia ou knock-out). Pinning [encostar da espaduas] was not permitted, in view of Ebert’s weight advantage [para contrabalançar a differencça de peso existente entre os lutadores].133 Three other matches were also planned: Manoel Pires versus Emilio Palestino in an 8-round boxing match with 4 ounce gloves; Herminio de Oliveira versus Al Faria; and Roberto Coelho versus capoeira Andre Jansen, in six-round (of 5 minutes) luta livre matches.134

A Batalha introduced six typical techniques of luta livre that fans might expect to see Ebert use. The techniques were: (1) scissor hold with armlock [saisor hold com chave de braço] (2) carotid choke [ataque de carotid] (3) kidney scissor [thesoura de rins] (4) rear naked choke with legs around waist [gravata de costas com thesoura de rins] (5)”headlock,” and (6) hammer lock with kidney scissor [hammerlock com thesoura nos rins (not shown)].135 All were ground techniques. As Rufino Santos said, jiu-jitsu didn’t have a monopoly on ground fighting. The ground held no mysteries to a luta livre stylist.

Fans hoped that George could do what his brother couldn’t. Helio had eleven rounds to beat Ebert but couldn’t do it. His defense was impressive but fights couldn’t be won in 1932 with defense alone.

Many people believed that George would have an easy job beating Ebert [muitos accreditam que George terá tarefa facil em vencer o seu forte antagonista]. They based their faith on the fact that George had more ring experience than Helio. Unlike Helio, George declined to predict a round [“náo declara em que round vencerá”] but promised not to disappoint his admirers [“saberei me conduzir para a victoria decisiva”].136

Carlos Gracie disapproved of the fight, worrying that George would be defeated without his (Carlos’) guidance. Carlos added that George did not represent the Gracie Academy.

George, writing from his training camp in Paty do Alfares [about 120 km. from Rio], replied that Carlos was exactly correct, because he (George) had left the Gracie Academy and had established his own academy at rua do Cattete 310, where he was developing his own and better technique of jiu-jitsu. He was in top shape, thanks to his primary trainer, Dudú.137

On Thursday December 8 George claimed to feel “indisposto” [unwell] and requested a postponement.138

On Tuesday December 13, Dr. Cesar Gareez, 2º (delegado auxiliary) refused São Christovão Athletic Club’s request for a license to hold the Ebert versus Gracie match, citing the great difference in the fighters’ weights.139

It was just one of the many surprises that luta livre fans had already come to expect. Both George Gracie and Ebert went about their business. George immediately began getting ready for a major jiu-jitsu show-down with the Japanese master Geo Omori followed not long after by what was probably the most significant fight in vale tudo history, the July 8 rumble with Tico Soledade, arguably the first true vale tudo fight in Brazil. Ebert returned to his specialty of fighting professional wrestlers of the more conventional kind. His next fight was with Roberto Ruhmann.

On December 15, Jayme Ferreira announced that he would be opening a school of self-defense, luta livre, and capoeiragem on December 20 at the Luar Dance Studio, formerly the Flamengo Box Club.140

Jiu-Jitsu versus Muscles of Steel

In the last month of the year, Helio Gracie was set to climb into the ring with Geo Omori on December 4, for a jiu-jitsu match. The match was postponed sine-die [indefinitely].141 Instead Geo Omori signed to fight Roberto Ruhmann again. It was the third time that year.

The fight was scheduled for December 17 at Estadio Riachuelo, on rua Riachuelo, n. 221. It was postponed due to mao tempo [bad weather] and was reset for December 20.

The fight had a tumultuous and unforeseen result.

Ruhmann was disqualified and Omori was declared the winner. A columnist called “ISBI” commented that the disqualification was a mistake, resulting from referee Ignacio de Loyola Daher’s ignorance of luta livre.

In addition, Ruhmann was profoundly unlucky that night. On his way to the ring, he tripped and fell on his already injured knee. Despite atrocious pain he entered the ring where Omori was waiting.

At the start of the fight it could be seen that the fighters were not disposed to make their maximum effort. The reporter felt that the fighters were faking and didn’t really want to fight.

Nonetheless, the first round had some exciting moments. Omori applied a thesoura de rins and golpe de estrangulamento [choke from guard position]. Thanks to his prodigious strength Ruhmanan was, not without great effort, able to free himself from Omori’s hold.

In the second round the same thing happened. But then Ruhmann applied his famous gravata esquerda [left side head lock] from which it seemed Omori was lost. But Omori was saved when the referee separated them because they had gone beyond the ropes.

Ruhmann then took Omori to the ground. It seemed that Ruhmann held Omori’s shoulders to the canvas for more than two seconds. But the referee didn’t notice. The president of the Boxing Commission, Ataiba Dutra, declared that Omori’s shoulders had not touched the ground. Ruhmann disagreed, but accepted the ruling.

The fight continued monotonously. Omori took Ruhmman to the ground and they both fell out of the ropes. The referee did not send them back to the center of the ring. Ruhmann secured a kidney lock [thesoura de rins] on Omori. This time the referee ordered them back to the center of the ring. Ruhmann protested this double standard. Ruhmann was still in pain from his knee and frustrated by the referee’s inconsistent enforcement of the rules. Ruhmann wore shoes as permitted by luta livre rules, Omori didn’t as was his option. However when Ruhmann kicked Omori [golpeou com a pé], he was admonished by referee Loyola who thought that only Omori could do that (being bare-footed).

In the ninth round Omori attacked Ruhmann with golpes á garganta [throat techniques] and poked Ruhmann in the eye. Ruhmann retaliated by punching Omori twice. Omori complained to the judges and then kicked Ruhmann in the stomach.

Referee Loyola Daher, without consulting the other official, Celso Furtado de Mendonça, held up Omori’s hand in victory.

There was protest and applause. Some fans thought Ruhmann should have won.142

After the fight, Ruhmann was disgusted. He liked Brazil he said, but didn’t feel he could get a fair shake from the establishment. He might go to Argentina, or Europe, or the United States.143

Ruhmann stayed in Brazil and had many more fights, usually with luta livre stylists, but also some with jiu-jitsu representatives who were not averse to participating in “pro-wrestling” matches.

The list of jiu-jitsu practicioners who engaged in pro-wrestling essentially included all of them, with one definite exception. Their reasoning was, no doubt, that the time for proving the efficiency of jiu-jitsu and the time for paying the rent were different, and the later was a necessity rather than a luxury. Engaging in a pro-wrestling match did not reflect on jiu-jitsu, in their thinking. The one exception, Helio Gracie, disagreed.144

.Chapter 12 Notes

Chapter 13

1933

In December of 1932, Orlando Americo da Silva, more familiarly known as Dudú, was helping George Gracie prepare for his fight with Fred Ebert. The fight was cancelled but Dudú continued helping the other Gracie brothers as well. Helio and Oswaldo were planning to confront large luta livre fighters, and needed the assistance of a “sparring” [training partner] who knew the game and could simulate it in a training environment.

Unfortunately, one day at the academy, things went terribly wrong.

On Wednesday January 11, while training luta livre versus jiu-jitsu at the “Academia de Jiu-Jitsu dos Irmãos Gracie”, Dudú broke Oswaldo’s leg in three places [Dudú quebrou uma perna de Oswaldo Gracie em tres logares!].

Geo Omori was asked for a comment. Without knowing the details of the incident, Omori said he could only speculate. It was possible, he said, that Oswaldo didn’t know how to fall correctly. He added that many people don’t realize that one of the great advantages of the Japanese fight is the skill of falling safely.1

Typically when such accidents occurred, someone would offer to provide an x-ray or medical report. None was offered in this case. But Oswaldo did not enter the ring again until November 1934. What that proved is unclear. Possibly that Dudú was a strong and capable fighter, or possibly that as Omori conjectured, Oswaldo hadn’t perfected the Japanese art of falling.

Or it might simply have been bad luck. Accidents did happen in training from time to time. On the other hand, real or alleged accidents were also commonly used as pretexts to postpone fights, substitute one fighter for another, or simply generate publicity.

The incident provides some hints as to how people trained in 1933. The Gracie brothers, as did Geo Omori, trained with luta livre fighters. They may even have learned some techniques from them, and vice-versa. Not surprisingly, both luta livre and jiu-jitsu men from time to time said that the two arts were different mainly in emphasis. Of course, when they were engaged in marketing, it was important to emphasize the differences. An art can not be superior if it is not different. One can not charge a premium for something that is the same as something else that is being provided at a lower price, or free.

Between January 17, 1933 and February 7, 1933, the Academy of Jiu-jitsu moved from Marquez Abrantes 106, to Marques Abrantes 117 (the telephone number was the same, 5-2538). The ad was revised to say that anyone of any age could learn jiu-jitsu [“em qualquer edade (sic)”]. The first class was free [“Experimente uma aula gratuita”].2

Serious challengers and publicity seekers kept coming. In February João Allemão appeared in the newspapers to challenge all and any luta livre practitioners, especially the taciturn Japanese Geo Omori [o japonez taciturno] and the man with muscles of iron [o homem de musculos de aço], Roberto Ruhmann. Allemão was shown in two photos. The writer commented that Allemão did not have an impressive physique, but rather resembled a typical luta greco-romana stylist, who tended to be top-heavy and ample in the middle. Nothing else was reported about him and nothing ever came of the match. Maybe he used the fact that Omori and Ruhmann did not respond to his challenge to promote a gym.3 It wouldn’t be the last time that happened.

There was more than one way to get publicity. On Saturday February 11, Helio Gracie gave a jiu-jitsu demonstration for the police. In the same program, Joe Assobrab fought an exhibition boxing match against Armandinho. Many years later Helio would mistakenly describe his first opponent Antonio Portugal as the boxing champion of Brazil (campeão brasileiro de boxe). In fact, Joe Assobrab was the lightweight champion of Brazil.4

Jiu-Jitsu versus Jiu-Jitsu

Postponements were the rule rather than the exception. The Geo Omori versus George Gracie fight was set for December 14, 1932,5 then changed to December 16,6 then to February 14, 1933.7 On February 17 it was announced that it would be transferred to an unspecified future date, probably a little after Carnival. It was scheduled for April 1, postponed still again to April 8, when it finally took place.

The fight was to be eight 10-minute rounds to leave no possibility that a winner wouldn’t be decided. Omori’s student Albino da Costas (known by the nickname “o Indigesto”) would meet boxer fighter Tavares Crespo in a six round (of 5 minutes each) jitsu match.8

The fight was approved by the Commissão de Pugilismo do Rio de Janeiro and would be held at São Christovão Athletic Club, on rua Figueiro Mello. There would be eight 12-minute rounds, later shortened to 10 minutes.9

Omori was training at Associação Christa de Moços (ACM) where he taught, and also at his academy in Botafogo, with Sakushi Nansiki [probably referring to Takashi Namiki], Saburu Senda, Gabadinha, Ouchida, and Mineyos [probably Mineyoshi Fukuhima].

George was a professor of the Special Police [Policia Especial] and owner of an academy on rua do Catete, 310. He was training everyday with his brothers Carlos, Helio, and Oswaldo at rua Marquez de Abrantes.10 In addition to their personal motivations, the prestige of their respective academies was at stake.11 The fight would determine whose academy offered the most perfect (or complete) method of teaching.12

Omori and George were both confident. George said “Geo Omori won’t be proud to have beaten a Gracie because he will be beaten by me” [“Geo Omori não terá orgulho de vencer um Gracie, pois que será derrotado por mim”]. Omori replied that “I won’t beat one Gracie in one night, I’ll beat the four brothers on the same night, because they don’t understand real jiu-jitsu” [“Eu não vencerei um Gracie em uma noite, vencerei os quartos irmãos no mesmo espectaculo; pois elles estão enganados quanto aos recursos do verdadeiro jiu-jitsu”].13 It was expected to be the most violent jiu-jitsu match yet seen in Brasil [amanhã será disputado o mais violento encontro de jiu-jitsu assistido no Brasil].14

The fight was less violent than had been predicted. The fight was entertaining [O embate agradou plenamente] but Omori was unable to impose his will on the Brazilian. Due to bad weather the crowd was not as large as hoped.15

Diario de Noticias’ impression was less positive. From start to finish the fight was “monotonous and devoid of technique. There was too much grabbing and not enough fighting. It was an 8-round disappointment.”

The paper also complained that the event was poorly organized and the journalists were not provided with comfortable seats with a place to record their notes, which may have contributed to their negative review.16

In the preliminary fights, Albino da Costa and Tavares Crespo drew after six rounds. The fight was described as active [movimento] but the reporter was not impressed with Crespo’s jiu-jitsu skills, suggesting that, despite his star status in boxing and adequate abilities in luta livre, he should leave jiu-jitsu to others.17

In boxing Balthazar Cardoso KOed Ferreira Manshino, and heavyweight Bunny Tunney sent Theotonio (Francisco) Costa to the land of dreams [mandou…para o paiz dos sonhos] also in the third round. Jiu-jitsu man Roberto Coelho beat Jose Ferreira in the second round of a luta livre match by desistencia.18

Jiu-jitsu fights were risky. They could be exciting, but they could also be dull if one or both fighters adopted an excessively defensive strategy. Jiu-jitsu was after all the art of self-defense. If the fighters took that literally, fans would most likely not be entertained. Boxing was a sort of an insurance policy against a night of passive fights. The only programs that did not include boxing were the exclusively “catch” shows, which generally could be counted on to provide a certain amount of action, or at least “entertainment”.

They had another advantage. They would invariably end on time.

The fans were dissatisfied with Gorge and Omori’s performance.19 So was George. He wanted to fight again with luta livre rules, thinking that he could force the action if he were permitted to use punches and kicks. Not only George, but Helio also wanted to fight Omori. Helio wanted no limit of rounds, despite his disappointing performance against Fred Ebert in 1932.20 Omori agreed to fight both.21

Carlos Gracie seemed to lose his appetite for ring fighting after the Manoel Rufino debacle, but he was never too busy for a demonstration of the Japanese art of self-defense. In May the Policia Especial promoted a night of boxing [Reunião Pugilistica] consisting of eight fights and one exhibition between champion Joe Assobrab and Ruben Soares. Carlos performed a two 5-minute round exhibition match [combate academica] with student Jose Torres Galvão.22

Brazilian Hyena

On Saturday June 3, at Theatro Recreio in São Paulo, Jose Detti, the São Paulo jiu-jitsu champion, fought a “lucta livre de kimono” [luta livre with kimono] against Gutosvski, from Germany. The match was five 5-minute rounds. Detti weighed 90 kilos, Gutovski weighed 83 kilos. The main event was a luta livre without time limits between Roberto Ruhmann and Archimedes Rogerio, the São Paulo luta livre champion who had lost many times before to Geo Omori. Ruhmann weighed 73 kilos, Rogerio weighed 83 kilos. The winner would take home 10:000$.23

On Saturday June 10, also at Theatro Recreio in São Paulo, Jose Detti fought the “Brazilian Hyena” [“a Hyena do Braz”]. The Hyena weighed 80 kilos. There was also a five round (of 5 minutes) jiu-jitsu match between two famous black belt jiu-jitsu teachers, Jack Muhai and Sugano. The main event was a “vale tudo” between Roberto Rhumann and João Baldi.24

The Bull of Copacabana

In July, the club of the Policia Especial organized a mixed program of boxing, luta livre, and other types of fights [“mixto de box e luta livre”]. There would four boxing matches, two luta livre contests, a “Royal Battle” conducted by the students of Gymnasio Villaça Guedes, and a demonstration of how the special police “subdue a man in two minutes”. The main event was a luta livre match between George Gracie and the “bull of Copacabana [touro de Copacabana] Tico Soledade.

Everything was permitted [valendo tudo], including chops [cutelladas], punches [soccos], slaps [bofetadas], kicks [ponta-pés], and head-butts [cabeçadas]. But not literally everything. Biting and low blows [dentadas and golpes nas partes secretas] were prohibited.25

Tico was a competitive weight-lifter. Like most strongmen, he dabbled in professional wrestling. A photograph in the April 6, 1932 issue of A Batalha indicated that he was probably a well-conditioned athlete, unlike many of the luta livre fighters of the time.

Tico had defeated João Baldi in a luta livre match, promoted by his brother Oscar Soledade, in April 7, 1932. Tico (83 kilos) quickly attacked Baldi (131 kilos) with chops [cuteladas] and head-butts [cabeçadas]. To avoid further punishment, Baldi ran out of the ring [preferiu fugir do ring a soffere o castigo]. Tico was declared the winner in round 1 by referee Salamiel de Oliveira.26

The George versus Tico match marked the beginning of a new era.27 Fights were generally hyped by emphasizing rivalries and grudges, but in this case the pretext came after the fight.

According to George, Tico visited his academy 18 months earlier with a mutal acquaintance named Edgard Rocha. Tico wanted to roll with George. George had already wrapped up his day’s training and was tired, but agreed, under conditions of absolute secrecy and behind locked doors. Tico put on a kimono and within 25 seconds, tapped out. He wanted another go at it, and took off the kimono. He lasted 20 seconds before tapping out again. Tico later said that things would have been different in a “luta vale tudo” or in a “real fight” [verdadeira briga] with leg trips, spinning kicks, elbow strikes, chops, head-butts, punches, knee strikes [rasteiras, rabo de arraia, cotovellada, cutellada, cabeçada, socco, joelhada], and the like. Tico wanted to fight the next day. George was in no hurry. If there was going to be a fight, why not sell tickets?28

Tico got his chance on Saturday July 8, 1933, at Palacio das Festas, on avenida das Naciões. Tico weighed 80 kilos, George weighed 58 kilos.29

Tico initiated with a violent punch to George’s face. George responded with a straight kick [ponta pé] to the stomach of Tico. They exchanged punches, kicks and chops [cutelladas]. Finally George managed to apply a violent chave de braço [armlock] on his rival. To escape the armlock Tico apparently turned his back because George ended up on Tico’s back and delivered a series of violent punches. George then applied a rear neck-tie choke [gravata] with the hooks in.30

Recognizing that it would be impossible to dominate such a strong adversary on stand up, George had intentionally set a trap for his antagonist. Tico, not understanding the ‘guarda’ of jiu-jitsu, fell into the trap. That was “the beginning of the end”, said George.31

A picture of George and Tico an instant before the fatal trap was sprung showed Tico standing above George, ready to pounce. George had his shins on Tico’s pelvic bone and his hands clasping Tico’s ankles. George lifted his hip off the mat and Tico fell back, with George in the “mounted position,” from which he executed his chave de braço.32

The decisive ‘gravata’ [neck-tie choke] was recomposed for a picture in A Batalha.33 Gravata referred to almost any “arms around the opponent’s head” position, and could mean either a headlock or choke depending on the context. The picture shows that George’s gravata was a rear naked choke.34

Tico was prodigiously strong, even stronger than George had expected [“não pensei que elle fosse tão forte”]. But strength didn’t factor into the result. George needed only five minutes to dispose of The Bull of Copacabana.35

Discussing the result, George said “The victory doesn’t thrill me” [“a victoria não me deu nenhuma emoção”]. But naturally he was satisfied that “the Gracies could practice in the ring what they preached, something that many people didn’t believe”. He praised Tico, possibly back-handedly, as “a worthy opponent who knows how to lose like a true sportsman”.36

Jose Brigado, sports analyst for Diario de Noticias took a more hardnosed view. George won and looked pretty [foi bonito] doing it. No one can deny that, Brigado wrote. But it should be remembered that Tico Soledade, while a very muscular man, knew nothing about luta livre or jiu-jitsu. He had no technique, and didn’t know how to defend or attack [“um homem de possante musculatura, mas que infelizmente, nada conhece de luta livre ou jiu-jitsu… não tem technica, não sabe defender-se nem sabe atacar”]. Brigado didn’t want anyone to miss his point. He repeated it several times. Tico was “strong, very strong, but without technique or ring skills” [“um homem forte, fortissimo, mesmo, mas sem technical, sem habilidade no ring”].

In fact, as far as anyone knew, Tico had never trained any form of “self defense”. If he had been a trained fighter, George’s victory would have had meant something. As it was, it proved nothing other than that a skilled smaller fighter can defeat a stronger unskilled man, which was not news to anybody even in 1933.

Brigado had no criticism of George. He beat Tico Soledade. That suggested that jiu-jitsu could be effective against an untrained, unskilled, big, strong attacker. But it proved nothing about the superiority of jiu-jitsu over any other system of defense, because it had not yet tested itself successfully against a qualified practitioner of one.

He specifically mentioned the jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem and boxing matches and pointed out that in the only legitimate capoeiragem versus jiu-jitsu match held in Brazil so far, the capoeira had won by knock-out.37

Obviously, more tests were needed. George was immediately challenged by his trainer Dudú to fight under the same conditions. George accepted.38

Soon after, Manoel Fernandes expressed his interest in fighting George, noting that he previously defeated Dudú under the same rules, even more violently than George had defeated Tico, which made him the logical choice as George’s next opponent.39

Most working fighters, hence available opponents, were luta livre men, and they tended to be big and slow. George increasingly looked to luta livre for opponents. The reason was simple: There were no opponents in his weight class in Brazil.40 That gradually changed, somewhat, with the arrival of the Ono brothers, Yassuiti and Naoiti. Japanese fighters generally were of the right size for the native Brazilian jiu-jitsu representatives. When a smaller and more agile opponent was wanted, managers and promoters looked to the Japanese colony, where there were some gifted and legitimate fighters. Unfortunately, they were fewer than were needed to supply all of the shows. Some Japanese fighters had to be manufactured on short notice.

Bad Luck and Trouble

More bad luck afflicted the Gracie brothers in July. In the early hours of July 29, 1933, 19 year old “Jiu-jitsu expert” Helio Gracie, of rua Marques de Abrantes n. 17 [sic], drove his motor-cycle under a bus on rua Voluntarios de Patria, in Botofogo, fracturing his left leg. He was rushed to the Hospital de Prompto Soccorro.41

Two of the Gracie brothers now had broken legs, one courtesy of a luta livre wrestler, one thanks to a city bus. Helio made a remarkable recovery and was back in the ring within a year. In the meantime, George represented the family name, if not his brothers’ academy.

Traidor

In September, luta livre wrestler Manoel Fernandes challenged George to a luta livre match. George accepted.42 Fernandes had an ace up his sleeve. He was taking jiu-jitsu lessons from Geo Omori. Carlos and George complained and called Omori a “traidor” [traitor]. Fernandes seemed amused. “The red haired cat is afraid to face me”, he said [“o ‘gato ruivo’ tenha receio de enfrental-o”]. But that was understandable. “George’s fear is natural because he knows that when I climb into the ring I will have been prepared by Geo Omori, who is undeniably a true master of jiu-jitsu and luta livre”, Fernandes explained.43

The rules were negotiated. Unlike Carlos, who wanted to extract every concession and advantage before climbing into the ring or sending his brother in, George was generally ready to fight anyone, anytime, under any rules, and for any amount of money. Despite Fernandes’ boast, George didn’t seem at all in awe of Fernandes. Fernandes out-weighed George by 20-25 kilos. But so did Tico Soledade the night he lost “like a true sportsman”.

The fight took place October 8 at Feira de Amostras. The action began at 11:44 p.m., with George on offensive. Within two minutes, Fernandes’ face was deformed by slaps [bofetões] and chops [cuteladas]. George applied an armlock, forcing Ferndandes to give up.44

Not everyone was impressed. Despite his pre-fight boasting, Fernandes did not put up much of a fight.“It’s more difficult to beat an agile fighter in your own class than an inert mastodon”, commented one observer.45

Roberto Coelho was a jiu-jitsu man who primarily competed in luta livre.46 He felt that Manoel Fernandes and George’s previous victim Tico Soledade were not legitimate fighters. He wanted to test George himself.

George did not accept Coelho’s challenge, saying “I don’t understand this boy’s desire. I don’t see him as having the skills to fight me. Coelho should first fight one of the Gracie students, Jose Cayat or Jayme Ferreira. If Coelho beats one of them, then he can fight me” [“caso esses meus alumnus caim vencidos, então, eu o enfrentarei”], George said. At the very least, he should beat Jayme Ferreira.

Ferreira jumped at the chance for a pay-day. At that time described as a “Gracie student” [pupillo de Gracie] and Carlos Gracie as his trainer [preparador], Ferreira believed he could beat the much younger Coelho.47

George’s easy win over Manoel Fernandes shook up the sports world in Rio. Everyone wanted to fight George Gracie.48 Jiu-jitsu men had taken advantage of the easy publicity by challenging boxers. Now boxers were returning the favor.

Middleweight boxer Joseph Zeeman challenged George under any conditions. George didn’t accept.49 Attempting to goad George into fighting him, Zeeman’s manager Bertys Perryn promised that the jiu-jitsu representative would not be able to last more than one round in front of the Czech middleweight boxer.50

It didn’t work, George didn’t fight Zeeman. Even heavyweight boxer José Santa, who had almost gone the distance with Max Baer in California in 1931, wanted to get into the act, declaring that he would flatten George with one punch.51

George didn’t accept these challenges but he continued to challenge boxers. In fact matches between legitimate and in-shape boxers and jiu-jitsu men were rare. Publicity was the name of the game. Being famous, whether adored or despised, helped to sell tickets. But sooner or later, the fighter had to climb into the ring and deliver.

In the midst of this flurry of boxing against jiu-jitsu challenges, Carlos Gracie challenged Geo Omori to fight his “student” Jose Cayat.

Dudú, vowing to teach George a lesson, issued his own challenge.”Dudú is a worthy fighter”, George said, “but he will fare no better against me than Manoel Fernandes did”. Nevertheless, George accepted the challenge. He insisted however, on liberty of action, including but not limited to elbow strikes [cotovelladas], chops [cutelladas], head-butts [cabeçadas], punches [soccos], kicks [ponta-pés], stomps [pisadas], and knee strikes [joelhadas].52

But George was in no hurry to fight Dudú. He wanted to fight Geo Omori, who prepared Fernandes for his confrontation with George. George declared “I want to fight Omori to avenge the treachery he committed to our sport [“Quero lutar com Omori para vingar a traição praticada a nossa especialidade esporta”].

Geo Omori wanted to fight Carlos. He was annoyed that Carlos claimed to have almost beaten him in 1930. Omori explained that Carlos and his father asked him to “carry” Carlos to a draw so that a profitable rematch could be staged. Carlos’ father explained that the boy needed money. Omori agreed. It wasn’t an unusual practice at the time, and Omori had no qualms about such arrangements. It was just an exhibition, after all. Carlos however, took advantage, and when Omori put himself in a vulnerable position, Carlos tried to apply an armlock. Omori referred to Carlos as “con artist fighter”.53

Omori pointed out that he challenged Carlos many times but each time Carlos sent his brothers or students to fight for him.54 (Omori wasn’t the only one to point this out. Mario Aleixo originally challenged Carlos, who accepted, but then substituted George; Manoel Rufino made the same claim). Under the circumstances, Omori objected to Carlos challenging his (Omori’s) students on behalf of his own students. One of Omori’s students who Carlos challenged was Saburo Senda. Omori complained that “Carlos Gracie should’t make challenges in his student’s names. It’s ugly. As a teacher, like me, he should make challenges in his own name”. Omori offered to fight Carlos under any conditions as soon as possible.55

Carlos never personally accepted. Instead, he persisted in sending his brothers and students in his place. He recruited unskilled, big, tough men and luta livre fighters, such as the Syrian Jose Cayat, to represent his school. He bet that Omori wouldn’t last two rounds with Cayat. A Noite sarcastically commented that “as everyone knows, Carlos Gracie is too busy to fight himself”.56

Vale Tudo Jiu-Jitsu

In the meantime, Omori accepted George’s challenge. The revenge match was set for December 23, 1933. In addition to breaking their empate [no winner, no loser] result of April 8, 1933, George would have the chance to punish Omori for revealing the secrets of jiu-jitsu to a Gracie opponent. The first fight had gone on for 90 minutes without a winner or loser. This time, all techniques would be permitted because the two men did not want to fight for more than an hour.57

The fight was expected to be the most violent in recent times. Three days before the fight, Carlos predicted that “Omori won’t last to the second round…the fight will be over relatively quickly…George will win violently”.58

He also asserted that Omori would be “defeated spectacularly” if he didn’t try to run away.59 According to the report, the fight would definitively establish who was the supreme jiu-jitsu fighter in Brazil. George trained with Gracie representative Jose Cayat.

Cayat was a luta livre fighter and quite a bit larger than Omori. He probably wasn’t the ideal training partner for that particular fight. But George didn’t have any other choice. Oswaldo and Helio were out with leg injuries. Oswaldo’s rehabilitation progress was kept quiet, but Helio, readers were informed on December 20, was still recuperating.60

George versus Omori was ten 5-minute rounds, fought by vale tudo rules. It was held at Stadium Brasil on December 23, 1933.61

The weigh-in [pesagem] took place at 11:00 a.m., at Associação Christa de Moços. Omori weighed 67.2 kilos; George weighed 62. 2 kilos. George vowed that even if Omori broke one of his arms, he would fight on with his remaining arm [“pode quebrar-me o braço. Ainda me ficará outro”]. No last-minute rule changes occurred. Most techniques were permitted, including elbows, chops, head-butts, punches, kicks, knees, sting-ray tail kicks [cotovellada, cutellada, cabeçada, socco, ponta-pé, joelhada, rabo de arraia]. It was also permitted to stomp on the opponent when he was on the ground [pisada quando um estiver cahido].62

The fight appeared to be in jeopardy at times, due to the Gracie brothers’ hard-headed negotiating tactics. According to Luiz Segreto, sports director of Empresa Pugilistico Brasileira, “It’s absolutely impossible to work with the Gracie brothers”, he complained.63

Somehow, they ironed out their differences. A 70-man regiment of marines [fuzileiros navaes] was contracted to guard the ring against over excited fans.

A reporter for Diario de Noticias asked Omori for a prediction. “Omori just smiles; he doesn’t want to talk. He believes that fights are won in the ring and not in the newspapers. The enigmatic Japanese doesn’t talk, he just smiles. And no one knows what he is smiling about. What mysteries are hidden beneath that pale face?” [O sympathic nipponico nada quiz dizer. Sorri apenas….E de opinão que os combates se decidem na arena e não nos jornaes]…Esse japonez e enigmatico. Não fala, sorri. E não se sabe o que os eu sorriso traduz. Quanto mysterio naqualle face pallida].

Omori was a man of few words.

‘I’m well prepared [“Estou bem treinado”]. I have unlimited confidence in myself. [“Tenho illimitada confiança em mim”]. “I’m not afraid of George” [“Não teme George Gracie”]. Three short phrases. Nothing more [Tres phrases curtas. Nada mais].64

The fight did not live up to expectations. In round 1, the fighters exchanged punches. Judge Gumercinda Taboada cautioned George for a low knee [joelhada baixa].

The second round continued violently. Round 3 was monotonous. Round 4 was more active; Omori was bleeding. Round 5 was monotonous. In round 6 George attacked Omori with some punches while Omori tried to knock George down with kicks. In round 7, George decided to use his boxing skills. The reporter commented, “after the fourth round it became a boxing match and luta livre went out the door” [desde o quarto asasalto, a luta livre fugiu do quadrado, dando logar no box, em seu inicio]. In round 8, the men clinched. Again George tried to show off his boxing skills, leaving luta livre to the wayside. Rounds 9 and 10 were the same as round 8.65

O Paiz didn’t enjoy the fight. It was “a terrible exhibition of boxing and luta livre ‘valer-tudo’ between Omori and Gracie…the fight was a dud”.66

O Paiz described the fight round-by-round as follows: In the first round they clinched and tried to apply armlocks but couldn’t succeed. They then exchanged punches and knees. George was warned for a low blow at the end of the round. Omori was bleeding from the left eye. In the second round, Omori applied a good gravata [headlock, guillotine] from which George disengaged, with difficulty. The round was Omori’s.

The third round was uneventful. The fighters hesitated a long time before deciding to act. The round was almost not a fight at all [quasi sem luta]. In the fofuth round they clinched again and swapped short punches and knees. Omori bled more. In the fifth round, they feinted and exchanged some straight kicks [“ponta pés”] until George attempted a gravata. They stayed in a clinch while George threw a succession of light punches and knees. The round went to George.

In the sixth round George led off with a series of head and body punches which Omori returned, but getting the worst of it. The round was all “boxing” and George seemed to have the advantage. The fans began to jeer the fighter’s lack of aggression [lentidão] and excess of caution [prudencia]. They continued to box in slow motion [em câmara] with neither fighter doing much. The fight was nothing at all like what the fighters had promised.

The fans jeered and began stomping their feet noisily. George threw a left at Omori’s face and Omori attempted to retaliate with some kicks [vae tirando partido de sua esquerda á cara e Omori dá ponta-pés e é só].

Already it was the ninth round and so far nothing! [Já estamos no 9th round e nada!] The referee warned the fighters, the fans continued jeering, and the fight went on in the same way, without effect [sem efficiencia].

The tenth and final round was slightly more energetic than the previous nine, but by that time it was too late. The fans had already started leaving, disenchanted with George and Omori’s dismal [fraquissima] performance.

A Batalha felt that not only George versus Omori, but all of the fights were flops [foi fraco].

Empresa Pugilistica Brasileira agreed but protested that their hands were tied. Only the Boxing Commission could withhold the fighters’ purses.67

The commission reviewed the fight and post-facto awarded the decision to George.68 Omori rejected the commisson’s act, pointing out that the contract stipulated a 10-round fight with the winner decided by knock-out or give up. As neither fighter gave up or was rendered unconscious, the outcome was properly a draw [empate].69

That same day, the commission annulled its own decision. The final official result was a draw. It also announced that from that day forward, punches would not be permitted in luta livre or any other form of sport other than boxing.70

Judging from descriptions of the fight, George must have felt confident about his boxing skills. He hadn’t wanted to fight Joe Zeeman earlier but now he wanted Isidro Pinto de Sá, who turned him down saying “George isn’t a boxer” [“George não a boxer”]. Sá asked why, if George wanted to fight a boxer, hadn’t he accepted the challenge of Anibal Prior?71

Prior was lightweight (61.2 kilos) with a professional boxing record (as of December 1933) of 22 wins, 7 losses, and 2 draws. Sá was a featherweight (57.2 kilos) with a professional record at that time of 49 wins, 13 loses, and 3 draws. Perhaps George thought that Sá’s size made him a more suitable opponent. In any case, both were considerably better boxers than Helio Gracie’s opponent, Antonio Portugal, whose professional record, when he fought Helio in 1932, was 5 wins, 12 loses, and one draw.

As for Jose Santa who also challenged George, he was a former European heavyweight champion with a professional; record (as of December 1933) of 66 wins, 17 loses, and 4 draws, with a 50 percent KO rate, who had gone 10 rounds with Max Baer (a future world champion with heavy hands).72

George said that he would gladly accept Santa’s challenge, blindly confident [“confia, cegamente”], that he would convince the skeptics about the power of jiu-jitsu. He awaited Santa’s arrival in Rio. He was smiling [sorrindo] when he said it.73 Was it the smile of blind confidence, or the smile of having successfully gotten his name in the newspapers again?

Challenging boxers was easy publicity. Most jiu-jitsu fighters did it (and some boxers reciprocated). Given the number of challenges that were launched and the apparent fact that everyone was seemingly willing to fight everyone else, it is surprising that so few boxing versus jiu-jitsu matches actually occurred.

.Chapter 13 Notes

Chapter 14

1934

By 1934, the giant killer [“o matador de gigantes”] George Gracie had pretty much run out of giants to kill. He turned his attention to his former “principal treindador“, Orlando Americo da Silva, o “Dudú”. At around 82 kilos, Dudú was big enough to qualify as a “giant.”

There was a slight problem. Dudú had suffered two shattering loses in 1933, to Roberto Ruhmann and Manoel Fernandes. Dudú’s stock had fallen among the public to the point that he was being referred to as “The Poor Dead Chicken” [“Pobre Gallinha Morta”].1 He attempted to rehabilitate his image by “confessing” that he had thrown the fights. He justified his action by saying the he needed to eat and no one would fight him for real. He preferred losing to starving [“fui um homem sem adversarios ou com adversaries que não desejavam lutar duro commigo…preferindo uma derrota a morrer de fome”].

Dudú’s plea for compassion fell on deaf ears. Faked fights were regarded by the public as anathema, moral offenses, sins, crimes. They took fighting seriously. “Would any promoter want to sponsor a Dudú versus George Gracie fight? Would the fans want to see a man who had so many times already abused their good faith?“2

It turned out that there was a promoter. His name was Dr. Erico Serzedello Machado.3 Moreover, the fans did show up to watch the fight. Perhaps they were more ingenuous than Diario de Noticias thought. Maybe they were more forgiving.

Or maybe they couldn’t resist the chance to see a good fight.

The fight was held Friday, January 19, 1934 at Stadium Brasil, on Feira de Amostras, in Rio, promoted by Empresada Ponta do Calabouço. The Boxing Commission would render a verdict in case neither man scored a clear victory by give up or KO.

Dudú entered the ring first, weighing 82.3 kilos, followed by George, who weighed 62.25 kilos. The referee was Gumercindo Taboada.

A Batalha provided a round by round account of the fight.4

George and Dudú spent round 1 clinching and “massaging each other’s neck” [massagens na nuca]. Gracie was thrown to the ground by Dudú. Gracie then prepared a trap [armadilha], but it failed.

Dudú maintained the pressure in round 2 and threw Gracie to the ground. On their feet the two worked to avoid take-downs [quedas]. Dudú applied a neck-tie choke [gravata] but George escaped. The two focused on defense and neither appeared to be in any danger.

In round 3, Dudú hurled George to the ground and administered a “kidney-lock” [chave de rins] after tossing him over the ropes. In round 4, the fighters started on their feet and looked for opportunities to “work” [trabalhar]. Gracie put Dudú on the ground and applied violent pressure to his kidneys.

The referee called their attention in round 5 to the fact that they were on their feet too much. Dudú threw Gracie down and tried to attack his neck. In round 6 Dudú took Gracie down violently and applied strong pressure on his spine. George defended himself and was saved by the bell.

In round 7, the fight went to the ground [tapete] with Dudú on top and George defending effectively. In round 8, the fighters stepped up their pace. Dudú went for a footlock [chave de pé] and both tried to apply shoulder throws [balões].

Dudú was magnificantly aggressive in the ninth round, with a footlock to neck-tie choke combination [uma gravata seguida de chave de pé], which put Gracie in danger, but he escaped with difficulty [teve difficuldade para se livrar].

In the final round, both men dug down deep trying to pull out a victory. George went for an armlock, but Dudú fended it off. The fight ended with a flurry of activity at the edge of the ring.

As had been previously agreed, in case neither man gave up or was KOed, the Boxing Commission rendered a verdict. Oddly, the Commission called it a draw (oddly, because it would have been called a draw even without their verdict). The public thought that decision was absurd in view of Dudú’s total domination of Gracie from beginning to end of the fight.5

Diario da Noite felt that the fight presented some interesting action after the eight round, but was otherwise uneventful and was lacking in the thing that an entertaining fight needs most. That was “violence” [apezar do choque ter tido seus instantes deveras interessantes, não chegou elle a empolgar. Porque faltou-lhe o melhor factor para isso: violencia]. Nevertheless, the last three rounds seemed to give the fans an overall satisfactory impression.

Both men were capable (and obviously knew each other’s games, as they had trained together), but Gracie could not overcome Dudú’s 20 kilo weight advantage.6

O Paiz had a somewhat different opinion. The first three rounds were monotonous [transcorrem monotonos]. The fans became hostile [O publioco mostra-se hostil].

George and Dudú stepped up their pace in the fouth round. The fifth round returned to the same monotonousness of the first three [volta a monotonia]. Referee Taboada exhorted George and Dudú to fight. The fans jeered them during the sixth and seventh rounds [A assistencia vaia insistentemente os luctadores no transcorrer do 6th e do 7th round]. George and Dudú picked up the pace in the eighth and ninth rounds but the fans jeered them anyway. The tenth round was the best of the ten, but the fight ended inconclusively. The reporter summed it up by saying that although Dudú and George hadn’t fought much they demonstrated good knowledge of their respective modalities.7

Left out of the action by Helio and Oswaldo’s injuries and George’s estrangment, Carlos Gracie applied his energy toward promoting his recently acquired students, Jose Cayat, Ary Martini, Edward Stone, Francisco Lima, and Roberto Villa. All were big, if not the 100 kilos that local fight fans thought that proper luta livre fighters should be.8 Carlos planned to introduce one of them, the syrio-libanez peso-pesado [heavyweight] Jose Cayat to the public by way of a “combate academica” (or lucta academica) during a program of boxing matches, February 1, 1934 at a new boxing stadium on rua do Riachuelo, 221, presented by Empresa Pugilistica Carioca (EPC). The main event was Antonio Rodrigues versus Jose (Joe) Zeeman.9

On January 27 it was reported Carlos twisted his left foot in training, but he expected to recover sufficiently in time for the exhibition, which had been rescheduled for January 31.10

Jiu-Jitsu versus Luta Livre

Many fans felt that Dudú had been robbed. But his draw with George Gracie put him back in the game. A rematch with Geo Omori was arranged for March 24.11

Omori and Dudú had met once before. The fight lasted almost three hours into the early morning until suspended by police. Empresa Pugilistica Brasileria (EPB) persuaded the men to agree to 30-minute rounds, hoping that a time limit would force them to fight seriously.12

The fight took place at Stadium Brasil on Saturday March 24, 1934. The fight was scheduled for three 30-minute rounds with 5-minute breaks between rounds. Dudú weighed 80 kilos, Omori weighed 68 kilos.13

Diario da Noite reported that Geo Omori was defeated spectacularly [Dudú derrotou espectaculosamente]. Within the first three minutes of the fight, Omori fell into a potent “gravata de estrangulamento” [probably a guillotine, or possibly simply a headlock]. He tried to free himself by throwing violent punches. Dudú retaliated by hitting Omori in the face with his forearm [ante-braço]. Omori retreated to a corner complaining to the judge. Dudú applied another gravata from which Omori attempted to extricate himself by throwing Dudú with a balão [shoulder throw] but failed. Omori had no choice but to tap out.

According to Diario da Noite, Dudú fought brilliantly with the intention of liquidating his antagonist early and was rewarded with estreporous applause from his fans as well as some jeering from Omori’s supporters. It was the most resounding [retumbante] victory of his career. After the contest Omori attacked referee Gumercindo Taboada.14

According to O Paiz, the fighters exchanged elbow strikes [cotovelladas]. Dudú initiated a “rush” and drove Omori into the ropes, where he attempted a gravata, which Omori defended. More elbows were exchanged. Omori alleged that Dudú punched him. While Omori was talking to the referee, Dudú threw what looked like a punch at Omori’s jaw. Omori was disoriented [desnorteia-se], and Dudú took advantage of that moment to apply another gravata. Omori tried to free himself and they fell to the ground with Dudú in a tesoura (legs around). Omori was on the verge of passing out [prestes a desmaiar]. He had no choice but to tap out.15

The next day the Boxing Commission said it was witholding Omori’s purse for “disrespecting the public”. Apparently they felt he didn’t fight to win. Attacking the referee didn’t help either. It was far from the sort of good sportsmanship that Omori had promised to show.16

Giant Killer

As Carlos Gracie said, Gracies never refuse a challenge.17 So it was that George Gracie accepted Roberto Ruhmann’s challenge. A match was scheduled for April 7, 1934. Some felt that George was not training seriously enough for Ruhmann.18 Indeed it seemed that George was taking Ruhmann lightly. George called Ruhmann a “sôpa” [a “push-over”]. Ruhmann was strong, no one doubted that. But George was not called the“matador do gigantes” for nothing.19 Nonetheless, anything could happen in luta livre and sometimes did, as sports writers commented before the Oswaldo Gracie versus João Baldi fight. One of those things was that a heavily marketed fight never happened. George and Ruhmann ended up fighting, several times in fact, but not in 1934.

Helio Gracie, still not fully recovered from his one-sided encounter with a city bus, was already scheduled to fight Japanese jiu-jitsu fighter Miyaki. Carlos warned fans not to bet against Helio because, despite, his recent injury, Carlos assured, Helio was still better than anyone else on the current scene.20

In the meantime, Miyaki would fight Ruhmann on April 14, 1934, in a program that also show-cased Abate, from Uruguay, making his debut against Wlasak from Germany. Myaki was a new face. No one seemed to know anything about him [ainda não o conhecemos…nada podemos dizer elle].

Carlos Gracie’s opinion was that Miyaki was a stepping stone for Ruhmann [“parace que esse japonez veiu para server escada para Ruhmann”]. There would also be a luta livre contest pitting Jayme Ferreira against Roberto Parry Pantojo, and one professional and two amateur boxing matches.21

Black Belt

The fight was held Saturday April 14, 1934 Saturday at Estadio Brasil at Ponta do Calbouço. Nevertheless, Geo Omori predicted that Miyaki would win [“Miyaki vencerá Ruhmann”]. The fight was to be sem kimono [no gi]. Despite the advantage that gave Ruhmann, Miyaki was confident that his knowledge of the secrets of jiu-jitsu would overcome Ruhmann’s strength.

The writer reminded readers that “Jim Londos and other ‘cracks’ of world luta livre became famous only after they studied the techniques of jiu-jitsu and combined them intelligently with catch-as-catch-can”. Reports emphasized that Miyaki was a Kodokan black belt [faixa preta de Kodokwan]. He also had cat-like agility [agildade feline]. Ruhmann, as everyone knew, had impressive muscles [musculature impressionante] and exceptional vigor [vigor invulgar]. Ruhmann was not impressed with Miyaki’s black belt [“A faixa preta não me impressiona”].22 The winner would in all probability face George Gracie.

Omori’s confidence was misplaced. The lack of kimono hindered Miyaki, who fell prey to Ruhmann’s famous headlock. But Miyaki demonstrated extraordinary technique during his 26 minutes in the ring.23 In any case, Ruhmann was very strong [“Ruhmann é muito forte”], as Miyaki said after his loss. Ruhmann praised Miyaki’s skill. “I’ve never faced a man with such mobility” [“nunca estive na frente de um homem de tanta mobilidade”], he said. Miyaki wanted another chance, this time in a kimono.24

Ruhmann earned a shot at George Gracie. Miyaki had acquired a little more name-recognition which would prove useful in the lead-up to his scheduled meeting with Helio Gracie in what would be billed as the first “jiu-jitsu versus jiu-jitsu” match in Brazil. That match would be held in May. Unless some unforeseen circumstance prevented it.

Gracie Luta Livre

Two of his luta livre students” introduced by Carlos Gracie in January were now ready to enter the rings, in preliminary fights to the Dudú versus Young Kid Mery “match de catch as catch can” at Stadium Riachuelo on Wednesday April 25.

Ary Martini was making his debut against Peçanha (called “Big Jones” in some reports). Ary was something shy of 100 kilos, but in Rio in the 1930’s, 80 kilos was considered big. He was 175 cm. tall, and as agile as a “peso leve” [lightweight]. He was known as “o terror” due to his strength and aggressiveness [aggressividae e resistencia]. Peçanha (Big Jones), weighed 85 kilos and was said to be Dudú’s strongest sparring partner [o mais forte sparring de Dudú].25

Two other Gracie representatives would be making their luta livre debuts, Edward Stone against Jose Soares, and Alberto Suleimã (74 kilos, from Syria) would meet the valiant Portuguese Mossoró. Suleimã, it was said, had alteady been the São Paulo jiu-jitsu champion.

It wasn’t absolutely necessary to win a fight to gain from it. Miyaki lost to Ruhmann but made a positive impression.26 He and his black belt student Shigeo planned to perform a demonstration of jiu-jitsu during a program of boxing (Januario versus Horacio Velha; Ismael Haki versus Antonio Sebastião; Tapi versus Pires, and Lazaro Gil versus Acosta) at Stadium Brasil.27

90 Lessons

Oswaldo Grace inaugurated a “New School of jiu-Jitsu” [Nova Escola] located in room 204 of the Odeon Building in the center of the city, in the Cinelandia area, near rua Santa Luzia. The director-administrator was Dr. Mario Zagari, the well-known all around sportsman. Instruction took the form of private lessons. A complete course consisted of 90 lessons [curso de aulas individuaes de jiu-jitsu sob a direcao de Prof. Oswaldo Gracie. O curso é de noventa aulas].28

The “Troupe”

May 1934 was a pivotal point for fights in Brazil. It was the month that the international troupe of wrestlers came to Rio, led by former world champion Wladeck Zbyszko^29 and his older brother Stanislau, the former world luta livre champion.30 It was also the point after which, according to one well-placed participant-observer, almost all fights were “combinadas” [worked]. It barely mattered. Fans were more concerned with entertainment than reality as long as the fakery was not excessively obvious, in just the same way that the general public preferred watching movies with skillfully staged and dramatically coherent fight scenes rather than chaotic and clumsy genuine fights. (Good stunt fighters provide what movie-viewers think a fight looks like, which they have learned from watching movie fights). In any case, the press was happy. More fighters meant more fights, and more news content. International fighters were even better. Since they were not locally known, they, their managers, or the press could say virtually anything. Every word they said or wrote might be true. But it didn’t have to be.

The troupe and the sport that they represented was itself news. On Tuesday May 8 it was announced that the famous catch-as-catch-can champion Zbyszko would arrive the next day.31

Catch as catch can (also spelled catch-as-catch-can, and often referred to simply as “catch”), was not entirely new to the Brazilian public,32 but was less familiar than luta romana. It was generally defined as “luta livre internacional americana”, or “lucta norte americana”, or something very similar. In any case, it was thought of as a uniquely North American sport (which, of course, could be practiced anywhere by anyone who chose to). Its most obvious difference from luta romana was that the legs could be used to attack the opponent, and as targets. The aim of the contest was not to throw the opponent to the floor, but to keep him there, or to force him to submit by reason of pain resulting from the application of pressure and torsion. Compared to luta romana, “catch” was exciting and violent [empolgante e violenta].

The Zbyszko troupe consisted of 12 fighters.33 Eleven of them arrived May 9, at 10 a.m. on board the “General Osorio”. They were the Zbyszko brothers, Conde Karol Nowina from Poland, Andre Castanho from Spain, Jack Conley from England, Einar Johansen from Norway, M. Zicovich from Russia, Jack Russell and George Godfrey from the United States, and Emil Hochwald and Josef Nawrocki.34

Empresa Pugilisitica Carioca (EPC) had prepared a reception for them. The fighters would proceed from the disembarkation point in a caravan of “cars” pulled by a band of trumpeters dressed up as Roman gladiators to the headquarters of the Association of Sports Columnists [Associação de Chronistas Desportivos].

Members of the press were invited to attend as were any and all fans but especially members of the various “colonies” in Rio, such as Spanish, Poland, Russian, England, and German. The troupe had a champion for every national or ethnic group (and was ready to recruit other champions as needed).

The plan was to introduce them to the public in a more naturalistic setting the following day (Thursday May 10) at Stadium Riachuelo. They would then rest up one day and make their ring debut on Saturday (May 12) at campo de Botafogo.35

Previously, catch had been synonymous with luta livre, and both terms were somewhat context-dependent, as their names suggested. Wladeck Zbyszko and his troupe were introducing the latest version of catch, which was more blatantly theatrical. Being associated with North America, the home of “Dempsey” and “million dollar gates”, catch had built-in crowd appeal. Indeed, catch matches had even been staged at the mecca of boxing, Madison Square Garden (Tex Rickard’s base of operations), “Catch-as-catch-can” was introduced as “a new and spectacular American sport in the American rings” accompanied by a photograph of a wrestler applying a hip throw on his opponent.36

In fact catch was essentially luta livre, but calling it catch made it seem new and exotic. “Catch” and “luta livre” were generally used interchangeably but also at times to distinguish one from the other in some way. Possibly the primary difference was that catch simply seemed foreign and implied the participation of an international cast of enormous fighters, most of whom were champions of some kind. But writers, promoters, and teachers could use the words as they saw fit, and generally did. By distinguishing catch from luta livre, one could promote two different matches with the same two fighters, or offer to teach two different “styles”, as George Gracie’s student Ricardo Nibbon did in 1935. In other cases, catch was probably used rather than luta livre simply because it sounded North American and therefore cool.

Jiu-jitsu did not disappear. Helio Gracie was scheduled to fight the Japanese Miyaki, whose name was variously spelled and misspelled. Despite Helio’s long period of inactivity due to his motorcycle accident, O Paiz was certain the the fight would be one of the sensations of the season.37 The match had been promoted since April. It would be Helio Gracie’s first jiu-jitsu fight, according to O Paiz,38 forgetting that he had squeaked out a technical draw against Namiki in 1932. Carlos Gracie again cautioned that it would be unwise to bet against Helio, despite his recent injury. Helio, he said, was going to prove that no one on the current scene could beat him.39

After the usual false starts, the fight was scheduled for Tuesday May 15.40 But the next day it was announced that the match would not take place after all (não se realize mais a lucta Helio x Myaki). Instead of Myaki versus Helio, George Gracie would meet  Shigeo. Shigeo was Miyaki’s student. He was even more unknown that his teacher. The date was also moved from Tuesday to Wednesday May 16, 1934.

Jiu-jitsu continued to cohabit with luta livre. More often then not, jiu-jitsu fighters participated in luta livre matches and jiu-jitsu and luta livre representatives happily cooperated whenever it was profitable to do so. It would be more accurate to say that professional jiu-jitsu scratched out a subsistance living in a minor niche in one corner of the luta livre world. Some jiu-jitsu people’s insistence on “keeping it real” often conflicted with the more compelling need to keep it entertaining, an area where luta livre had a decided edge.

Exhibitions and demonstrations (lutas academicas) were not directly lucrative, and were part and parcel of marketing other fights, either specifically or yet to be arranged.

For example, when luta livre man Mossoró, a locally recruited member of the Zbyszko troupe, was scheduled to perform an exhibition with Dudú, Carlos Gracie took advantage of the publicity by announcing that his student Alberto Suleimã wanted to fight Mossoró.41 Whether a fight happened or not was almost incidental. Announcing a desire to fight someone was enough to get into the news.

The promoters did not mark time before revealing the Zbyszko troupe to the fight-hungry Carioca public. To give fans an idea of what to expect, the rules of “catch as catch can” were explained Friday May 11 and various times thereafter.

The prohibited attacks were (1) fingers in the eyes [dedos nos olhos], (2) punches with the closed hand, [socos com as mãos fechadas] (3) pulling the hair [puxar os cabellos] (4) hitting the neck with two hands together [golpes na nuca com as duas mãos juntas] (5) twisting the fingers [torção de dedos em separado] and (6) biting, knee strikes, and low blows [mordar, dar joelhadas, aplicar golpes que affectem os orgãos genitaes]. Almost everything else was permitted: headbutts [cabeçadas], straight kicks [ponta-pés], twisting the joints [torções], head-locks [gravatas], strangles [estrangulamentos], strikes with forearm or hand [golpes com o ante-braço, e com a mão], including slaps and chops [tapona e cutiladas], leg kicks [rasteiras], shoulders throws [balões], etc.42

Victory could be obtained by (1) applying pain or pressure to the extent that the opponent gives up by tapping the mat three times or telling the referee that he doesn’t want to continue; (2) pinning the opponent’s shoulders to the mat for three seconds; (3) rendering the opponent unconscious for 10 seconds, and (4) throwing him out of the ring and he doesn’t get back in within 20 seconds.43 The judges’ decision was final. It was added that they would not be held responsible for deaths, emphasizing the great violence and excitement potential of the North American form of luta livre.

The rules were not greatly disimilar to jiu-jitsu rules as described in previous chapters, including the shoulder pinning rules, which had always been part of Kodokan competition rules, whether called jiu-jitsu or judo (although the precise application differed).

The issue about pinning may not have have arisen for marketing reasons but it had a profitable effect. It permitted any luta livre versus jiu-jitsu match to be extended into a series simply by having the jiu-jitsu representative lose by pin, protest the result, and then present another match without the pinning rule.

The season of catch as catch can was set to begin on May 11with a “grande torneio internacional of catch-as-catch-can”.44 The first matches would be Jack Conley versus Mossoró, Zicof versus Dudú, Stanislau Zbyszko versus Johannsen, and Andre Castanho versus Jack Russell. Three boxing matches (one professional between Alvaro Santos versus Jaboty and two amateur) were also presented.45

The status of Helio Gracie’s fight with Miyaki was more up in the air. On Friday May 11, 1934 Diario de Noticias over-optimistically announced that they would meet next week,46 while O Paiz more accurately informed readers that the fight had been postponed and moreover why it had been.

The reason was allegedly that Helio did not feel ready to face Miyaki and wanted more time to train. The fight was accordingly postponed.On May 20 O Paiz revealed that the fight would be held the next Saturday may 26, at Stadium Brasil. To enhance his credibility, Miyaki was photographed showing a black belt [faixa preta] diploma to promoter Luiz Segreto.47

Helio may in fact have needed more time to train. It is also possible that ticket sales were sluggish and some additional promotion was needed, such as displaying Miyaki’s diploma (something that Helio couldn’t do because he didn’t have one). Another factor was that the Gracies were waiting to find out what price they would be paying for their assault on Manoel Rufino in October 1932. A verdict was expected soon. Helio Gracie might possibly be in prison on fight night.48

In May, Empresa Pugilistica Brasileiro (EPB) announced its slate of contracted fighters for the current season of catch wrestling and boxing. They were divided by nationality. First were Brazilians, then Portuguese, and finally those from other countries. The fighters included George Gracie, Dudú, Roberto Ruhmann, Jayme Ferreira, Miyaki, Shigeo, Renato Gardini and 31 others. With the exception of George, Miyaki, and Shigeo, all were either catch wrestlers or boxers.49

Jiu-Jitsu versus Jiu-Jitsu

Shigeo was a new face. Not much was known about him. Diario Carioca published an article on May 11 titled “Who is the fighter who we will see Wednesday at Stadium Brazil?”

Shigeo was young [jovem], flexible [elastico] and as agile as a cat [apresenta uma agilidade feline]. He was dangerous [perigoso, temivel] and unpredictable. No one knew what he would do [nunca se sabe o que elle vae fazer]. He was inexpressive [impassivel] and had an odd face [rosto esquisito]. People who knew him said that he would be a difficult opponent for George Gracie and was capable of great things.50

The description could have been applied to almost any Japanese fighter. There was no mention of any ring experience. On April 21, Shigeo engaged in a self-defense demonstration [demonstração de defesa pessoal], which served as the “prova de sufficiencia” [test of competence], that most fighters were required to undergo. Shigeo’s partner in the demonstration was Miyaki, who was said to be Shigeo’s professor. According to slightly earlier reports, Shigeo had a black belt [faixa preta].51

A Noite’s article the same day was equally bereft of meaningful information. Although Shigeo was new on the scene, he was always dangerous, at least, based on his only public appearance, the demonstration with Miyaki.52

Originally, it was Miyaki who challenged George, who had obviously never heard of him and wasn’t impressed. He wasn’t convinced that Miyaki was a genuine “black belt” or that he had fought in North America. George accepted the challenge anyway and said he would be ready to fight within 48 hours.53

It didn’t happen. Instead, Miyaki fought Roberto Ruhmann (April 14) and lost. George instead geared up to meet Shigeo (Helio would confront Miyaki in June).

All five of the fighters were under contract to Empresa Pugilistica Brasileria.

The Shigeo versus George Gracie match was scheduled for three 30-minute rounds at Stadium Brasil. Striking was not permitted. George had a slight weight advantage, 63 kilos to Shigeo’s 61 kilos. The referee was the ex-boxer Kid Simões.

George was confident, as usual. “I will win”, he said, “it won’t last long” [“vencerei…não durará muito”]. His condition couldn’t be better, he added [“Creio que as minhas condicões não podiam ser melhores”]. Shigeo was also abundantly confident [Shigeo revela enorme confianca].54

That was normal. It was unusual for a fighter to admit that it was even a possibility that he might lose. Geo Omori was one of the few exceptions when he said that “he would do his fighting in the ring, not in the newspapers, and win or lose, he knew how to be a good sportsman”. Jiu-jitsu matches had the potential to be boring, as promoters knew from experience, so they generally booked luta livre and boxing fights to guarantee some excitement. Accordingly, a boxing match (Gabriel Pena versus Mario Francisco was included on the bill, and a luta livre match between Bergomas and Baxter, who was described as the Canadian catch-as-catch-can champion.

On Wednesday May 16, George and Shigeo locked horns. As often happened, the fight was boring. According to O Paiz, “The fight, like most jiu-jitsu matches, was monotonous. There were four throws, and various attempts at chokes, with the two men rolling around on the ground, wrapped up in their kimonos. Gracie, more fortunate than Shigeo, managed to get the choke”.55

In any event, George’s prediction was partially true. He won, by choke. Whether it did or didn’t last long depends on whether one thinks that 18 minutes is long, because that is how long it took him to finally catch Shigeo.56

One observer sarcastically commented that “the famous and efficient Japanese sport has hundreds of techniques, what we have seen in the rings in Rio so far has been only two types of attack. One is to trip to opponent and the other is to wrap the kimono around his neck and suffocate him”.57

The comment was not quit correct. Armlocks of various types and footlocks too had been applied by jiu-jitsu representatives (and by luta livre men as well).

But what he was saying, seen in context of entertainment, made sense. Compared to the range of moves that active collaboration made possible in catch, jiu-jitsu was a limited game. It may have been as intellectually stimulating as chess for those with a high level of technical knowledge, but chess is not a mass spectator sport. What made jiu-jitsu effective for self-defense also tended to make it boring as entertainment, particuarly if, as they were, throws were ignored or minimized.

A solution to that might have been to reward effective throws. That was considered and even tried in a limited way. The Gracie brothers did not want to match throws with the Kodokan trained people and lobbied against deciding fight outcomes based on throws (apart from one that resulted in a knock-out, which was highly unlikely in a padded ring and when one opponent could simply sit down to avoid being thrown).

According to a picture of the end of the fight in A Noite, George choked Shigeo from what is now called half-guard. The picture clearly shows George with one leg hooked in, the other high on Shigeo’s back. According to the report, George’s guard was impenetrable. Shigeo gave up before going out [desistiu antes que a perda dos sentidos].58

Columnist Dan Shupe, writing in English, summed up the fight as follows: “George Gracie, one of the famous 4 brothers, all Jiujitsu experts, won another victory, last night, when he threw the Japanese Shigeo, by strangulation. He says he is willing to take on that wild bull, Zbyszko, any time the latter is willing to wear the regulation Japanese kimono“.59

The catch match was also apparently not impressive. Baxter (89 kilos) pinned Bergomas (109 kilos) in 9:30, after some headbutts [cabeçadas] that observers said were little more than nudges with the shoulder [golpes com o ombro].60

Some of the fans at least, found the match quite exciting.

While watching the fight, a fan named Luiz Solibury, a merchant, aged 26, native of Japan, and resident of rua de Riachuela, while rooting for Shigeo, fell out of his bleacher seats and was severely injured.61

Jiu-jitsu men, including representatives of the Gracie academy, were not averse to participating in catch contests. On Wednesday May 23, at Stadium Riachuelo, Manoel Fernandes beat Manoel Baptista de Constante by decison. Einar Johanssen beat Bill Lyon, by shoulder pin, 16 minutes into round 1; Jack Conley and Jack Russel drew after 30 minutes. Estanislau Zbyszko defeated Zikoff by disqualification; and Karol Nowina and Andres Castano drew.

The following Saturday May 26, Gracie representative Ary Martini would face Zbyszko.62

Prison

On Thursday May 24, 1934 Diario de Noticias reported that the Gracie brothers had been condemned to two years and six months in prison” for violating penal code article 304 by attacking Manoel Rufino. Helio Gracie would fight Miyaki next Saturday May 26, apparently before serving his sentence.63

Life went on. North American boxer George Godfrey, a former sparring partner of Jack Dempsey with a highly respectable record of his own^64 was getting ready to fight Battling Battalino. Next Saturday there would be a “catch-as-catch-can” tournament with the participation of Wladeck Zbyszko, Conway, Conde Nowina, and Bill Lyon. In an interview Gracie representative Jose Cayat promised that “Arab champions don’t do fake fights; win or lose I will fight honestly”. Cayat was one more “Syrian” luta livre fighter who was recruited by Carlos Gracie to represent his school of “jiu-jitsu”.65

Sports figures who make their own copy are always popular with sports writers. Some are simply easy to write about due to their distinctiveness. The Zbyszko troupe was probably precisely packaged to mesh well with the publicity machine. They were all giants, all champions, and represented the league of nations. Every ethnic or national group could find their champion in the troupe.

The initial Zbyszko Troupe (the Zbyszko brothers, Karol Nowina, Andre Castanho, Jack Conley, Einar Johansen, M. Zicovich, Jack Russell, George Godfrey, Emil Hochwald, Josef Nawrocki) was augmented by foreign and local catchers and boxers such as Renato Gardini, Battling Battalino, Antonio Rodrigues, Joe Zeman, Bill Lyon, Manoel Fernandes, and many others.

Members came and went. Some of them, and some of the original troupe, ended up fighting jiu-jitsu representatives. Wladeck Zbyszko, Jack Conley, Jack Russell, Renato Gardini, and Manoel Fernandes had already fought or would fight jiu-jitsu representatives in the future.66

In some of the first of the troupe’s presentations, Roque Filho met Oscar Costa. George Godfrey boxed Joe Zeman. Stanislau Zbyszko met Manoel Fernandes, and Karol Nowina confronted Bill Lyon. Tony Marconi, representing Italy and La Verne Baxter, the Canadian champion, joined the troupe on Wednesday June 20, 1934. Others, perhaps not officially part of the troupe (if there was such a thing as an official ‘troupe’), nevertheless fought in the same events, such as Ismael Haki, Mossoró and Abraham.67

Pardon

On May 28, 1934, accompanied by their lawyer Dr. Romeiro Netto, the Gracie brothers appeared at Diretoria Geral de Investigacões (D.G.I), in order to be formally arrested, as was required before they could be pardoned, as they expected to be.

They were held in the Secção de Capturas [temporary detention facility], then transported to the Casa de Detenção [jail, house of detention] after which they would be sent to a Correção [prison] to serve their sentences.

Fight fans were understandably concerned about this. “What about the fight with Miyaki?” they asked Helio. “I don’t know. Certainly not in the near future. I need to re-train. I’ve lost my condition. For sure it will be a week”.68

On Wednesday May 30 Carlos and Helio were dismissed as professors of the Special Police [Policia Especial]. Reasons given were that they were not morally fit to be intructors to the police, and also that their services were no longer required. Both may have been true. Francisco Jose Barbosa, Agenor Sampaio “Sinhôozinho”, and Vico Taddei also were terminated, despite not having been accused of any crime.69

No sooner had the brothers been sentenced then a campaign was started to get them off. It was spearheaded by the distinguished writer Rosalina Coelho Lisboa Miller, a former Gracie student, and a personal friend of President Getulio Vargas.

The petition was persuasive. Vargas pardoned the brothers [Indulto dos Irmãos Gracie. Um ano e nova meses]. They left the House of Detention on Wednesday afternoon June 6, 1934. The three brothers were highly emotional, particularly Carlos.70

The pardon was not universally applauded in Brazil. Some critics thought it sent the message that the rules don’t apply to people who have the right connections, despite the fact that there was a good deal of truth to it. But bending or skirting the rules was done discreetly and behind the scenes, not in the street with witnesses and not in such a crude lower-class way. Upper-class Brazilians were concerned with how they looked to Europeans and North Americans. They didn’t want Brazil to be regarded as a stereotypical South American banana republic. But the indulto [pardon] was welcome news for fight fans. Now the young “sportsman” Helio Gracie could measure forces with Miayki.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Jiu-Jitsu

The fight was back on, for Saturday June 23, 1934, at Stadium Brasil, along with three amateur and two pro boxing matches, Helio Gracie (65.2 kilos) would confront Miyaki (64.2 kilos.) in a two round (30 minutes each) jiu-jitsu match. Some thought that Myaki would be Helio’s most dangerous opponent yet and might even rival Conde Koma.71

Diario de Noticias was not impressed with Miyaki’s ”caliber”. He had already lost to Roberto Ruhmann, whose own abilities were suspect. Miyaki had been scheduled to fight George Gracie but would instead fight Helio Gracie. The result of this fight should not surprise anyone, the paper said [Como Miyaki (já derrotado pelo turco Roberto Ruhmann, enfrentará Helio Gracie) deverá combater com George Gracie, o resultado deste combate não deverá surprehender a ninguem, porque todos já o conhecem].

It isn’t clear why no one should have been surprised. George was known for his “take no prisoners” style. Helio was known for his philosophy of “taking what the opponent gives” and avoiding risk.

The one thing that stands out is that Diario de Noticas, one of Brazil’s two prestige daily newspapers (hence with an incentive to be, or appear, objective and accurate), did not take Miayki very seriously.72

Usually boxing matches were added to potentially boring jiu-jitsu programs to ensure at least a minimal level of excitement. The paper was not pleased with the selection of boxers either. Waldemar Januario had been KOed constantly recently. His opponent Victor Liegard had been beaten often in Rio. The fight was not expected to be interesting. The paper’s preview was brutally honest. “The fight promises to be destitute of technique and full of grabbing. Neither fighter has the skills to deliver an impressive fight”.73

Diario de Noticias’ prediction was correct. Helio Gracie decisively defeated Miyaki with a choke in 25 minutes of the first round.74

Helio’s victory may have been decisive and clear, but it was not easy. Miyaki refused to concede defeat even when he was in a hopeless situation. He would rather die than tap out, he said [“morro, mas não bato”]. Helio praised Miyaki as the best fighter he had yet faced [“Miyaki é o maior lutador que já enfrentei”]. Miyaki was Helio’s third professional opponent (the Antonio Portugal match was an amateur fight). As Helio had been dominated by Takashi Namiki and neutralized by Ebert, both in 1932, his praise for Miyaki may have had a self-serving element. It made his victory seem more impressive, even if the reasoning behind it was illogical (he beat the best of his three professional opponents but was unable to beat two who were less than the best).

A photo in A Noite showed Helio using his guard. The caption explained “Helio Gracie uses his closed guard to prevent Miyaki from applying any effective technique” [Helio Gracie impede com a sua guard cerrada, que Myaki appliqué qualquer golpe eficiente]. Helio’s guard, the same guard he would later use against Kato in 1951, was neither closed nor open, but half and half, with his long bony shins applying controlling pressure.75 It was the same style of guard work that George used in his fight with Tico Soledade in 1933 and his probably what he had in mind when he later alluded to the “unique Gracie style” of jiu-jitsu.

O Paiz described the fight in more detail. “The fight started intensely with Miyaki attempting a choke. Helio escaped to the ropes. The referee tried to separate them but Miyaki hung on, forcing the referee to forcibly intervene. Next it was Miyaki’s turn to escape to the ropes. They returned to the center of the ring where the fight resumed as previously, that is, each trying to choke the other with his kimono. Helio spent most of the round under Miyaki, but maintained a kidney scissors position [guard], trying several times to turn Miyaki over, without success. Several times the Brazilian was in a bad situation but managed to get out with the use of his legs. After twenty minutes Helio managed to get out from under Miyaki and dominated him by sitting on him. In one of the subsequent turns and twists, Helio managed to grab Miyaki’s kimono and strangled him with it. Miyaki didn’t tap, but passed out instead”.76

The description indicates clearly that the rules of the contest permitted “rope escapes”. The kidney scissor [tesouras aos rins] referred to in the text was clearly the same is the closed guard [guarda cerrada] in the photo caption. “Dominating him by sitting on him,” obviously referred to a ‘mount’ position. Miyaki’s “viravoltas” undoubtedly referred to bridge attempts, during one of which Helio was able to slip to his back. The photo showed Helio on his back but did not indicate how Miyaki ended up on the ground with Helio on top. Possibly it was the same technique that George used to “sweep” and mount Tico Soledade, a sweep that is still used effectively in 2013.

Bianna (Virgulino) defeated Valentim Santos, and Waldemar Januario bested Liegard. It was not reported if the fights were devoid of interest.

Secrets of the Kimono

On May 15, Estanislao Zbyszko offered to fight all four of the Gracies on the same night.77 Later, Helio repaid the compliment by challenging both of the Zbyszko brothers on the same night.78 He had to settle for just one, Wladek.

After his loss to Helio, Miyaki requested a rematch. He offered to sign a contract that would pay him nothing if he lost again [não receberia bolsa, no caso de uma derrota]. It was scheduled for Saturday July 28,79 but abruptly cancelled outright on July 25. Empresa Pugilistica Brasieleira felt that a different opponent would be a better draw for Helio’s fourth professional fight. The Italian Stringari, supposedly a marvelous and technical wrestler, was briefly considered but ultimately passed over in favor of Wladek Zbyszko, who in some sense was the biggest name on the Rio fight scene in the summer of 1934.80

Zbyszko was luta romana wrestler who had adopted catch when it became popular. He was not naïve about jiu-jitsu, having already fought and convincingly beaten the famous Myaki [Taro Miyake], using a kimono, in Paris. He knew the secrets of the kimono and the risks that he would be facing [Conhece os segredos do kimono, os risco a que estaro exposto]. Luckily for him, because the match was catch versus jiu-jitsu com kimono [with kimono]. The kimono was in compensation for Helio’s 34.7 kilo weight disadvantage.81

Stanislau Zbyszko promised that his brother wouldn’t lose, he would prefer death to defeat [“não perderá. Elle achará preferivel a morte”]. Wladek said that he didn’t believe that Helio was better than Myaki [“não acredito que Helio seja melhor de que Myaki”].82 Since he had already beaten Miyake, he was confident that he could beat Helio.

Carlos Gracie, confident as always, predicted that Helio would win within 20 minutes.

Catch com kimono versus Jiu-jitsu

Helio had another disadvantage. His mentor and spiritual guide Carlos Gracie would not be in the ring with him. He had been suspended (not for the last time) by the Boxing Commission.83

The fight took place at Estadio Brasil on Saturday July 28, 1934. Wladek Zbyszko weighed 106 kilos; Helio Gracie weighed 65.3 kilos. It was a two 20-minute round luta livre match, specifically catch-as-catch-can versus jiu-jitsu, with kimono, fought strictly within jiu-jitsu rules (descriptions varied, the point was that pinning the shoulders was not recognized as a winning technique). There were also boxing matches between Waldemar Januario versus Brasilino Fino, Jack Tiger versus Lazaro Gil, and Heredia versus Diaz Canesco. The referee was Luiz Souto.84

Fans had been led by Zbyszko’s reputation and size, and Carlos and Helio’s promises of certain and devastating victory, to expect an exciting contest. They were disappointed. Helio and Zbyszko held on to each each other on the ground and did nothing [Os dois agarradas no chão nada fizeram] in a fight without interesting action [luta sem lances de sensação]. The reason was clearly shown in a photo captioned “Wladek tries but fails to break through Helio Gracie’s impenetrable guard”.85

Correio da Manhã (the other of Brazil’s two prestige daily newspapers), provided a more detailed description of the contest. In the first round, Helio jumped to the ground, pulling Wladek on top of him [1st round. Iniciado o round, Helio joga-se a lona, caido Wladek por cima]. Throughout the round Wladek stayed on top trying to choke Helio, but to no avail. Zbyszko spent the entire round with his head glued to Helio’s chest to avoid a “chave” (a choke or joint lock of some sort) that would end the fight. In the second round, the fighters clinched and Wladek threw Helio to the ground with himself on top (no doubt, in Helio’s “guard”). Various “golpes” (chokes or joint locks) were attempted, none with any effect. Zbyszko continued the round hugging Helio’s chest, not attacking [Zbyszko continua por cima agarrado ao pieto de Helio, não oferecendo combate].

The fight served to clearly show three things, Correio da Manhã concluded. First, that Zbyszko knew nothing about jiu-jitsu [Wladek Zbyszko não entende de jiu-jitsu]. Second that Helio knew how to defend himself well [Helio sabe defender-se bem]. And third, that the public does not enjoy fights in which jiu-jitsu is used [o publico nada gosta dos combates em que seja empregado o jiu-jitsu].86

A Noite, while conceding that the fight was disappointing, awarded Helio a “moral victory” [victoria moral] for avoiding defeat. After the fight, Zbyszko said that he was surprised by Helio’s courage and strength [coragem e resistencia] and believed that Helio should be considered “a great jiu-jitsu fighter” [“um grande lutador de jiu-jitsu”]. (One could question whether he had enough jiu-jitsu knowledge himself to evaluate Helio). In view of his youth and enthusiasm, Helio would soon occupy a prominent place in world sports, Zbyszko decided.

Helio, for his part, said he was satisfied with the result because he once again avoided defeat [“estou, porem, satisfeito, pois, ainda a uma vez desci do ‘ring’ com o meu titulo invicto”].87

Subsequently, Zbyszko claimed victory because Helio had failed to fulfill his promise to beat him. Carlos and Helio claimed victory because Wladek was heavier than Helio. Helio had indeed demonstrated that his “jiu-jitsu” guard was a formidable defensive tool. But in a portent of what was to come, it resulted in a boring professional fight that ended without a winner or loser [terminou empatada].

Carlos had promised just the day before that “When a Gracie climbs between the ropes the public knows that it is going to see a real fight”.88As events would later prove, the public generally preferred fake but exciting fights to real but boring fights.

Carlos and Helio stayed true to their principles. George and Oswaldo however, had other priorities. Or to put it another way, they had a clear view of the differences between real fights and professional entertainment.

There was no clamor for a Zbyszko versus Helio Gracie rematch. The public had seen enough of Helio’s defensive jiu-jitsu. George’s take-no-prisoners style was a different matter.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Catch

Jack Conley was a catch wrestler from England, and said to be one of the most skilled members of the Zbyszko troupe with surprising agility for a man of his size.89 George signed to fight him.

Carlos disapproved. Not because Conley was a pro-wrestler but because he didn’t feel that George was training hard enough. “George doesn’t represent our academy,” Carlos said [“George não representará a nossa academia”].90

George quickly lashed back, saying “Carlos was never a fighter. He likes to talk about the two times he fought. One time was at A.C.M. when he fought a man who knew nothing, and still he couldn’t beat him. The other time was at Fluminense when he abandoned the fight with Rufino dos Santos”.91

George ignored Carlos’ advice and did what he wanted to do. That involved lots of pro-wrestling. At least part of the source of the friction between the two brothers was the fact that George was willing to fight for less money than Carlos thought a Gracie was worth.92 But fans and promotors generally did not want to pay high prices to see boring fights. In addition to being over-priced by market standards, the “real fights” that Carlos and Helio wanted to offer tended too often to lack what the fans wanted to see, which was spectalular action and decisive finishes. The market-sensitive solution, as the catch wrestlers knew, was to “tweak” the fight to give it what the fans wanted. And since fighters, no more than other people, do not enjoy pain and injury, from tweaking to completely “working” the fight was a short step. It was one that George and Oswaldo were willing to take. Helio was not and that was probably one reason why he did not fight between 1938 and 1949.

Another source of friction was that George did not respect Carlos’s jiu-jitsu knowledge or fighting skills. The best evidence available suggests that they both learned from the same person at the same time, namely Donato Pires dos Reis (notwithstanding the unsubstantiated possibility that Carlos may have had some contact with Conde Koma in Belém). Given that George demonstrably had the ring skills which Carlos just as clearly lacked, George might have resented taking “orientation” from Carlos, particularly knowing how dictatorial and eccentric Carlos could be.93 George wanted to live his own life, fight his own fights, and keep his ring earnings in his own pocket.

The catch wrestlers sometimes went too far with their staging. Fans were gullible but not to an unlimited extent. It didn’t take long before writers began describing the Zbyszko troupe’s fights as clown acts rather than combats, exhorting the fighters to take their work seriously. Local fighters came in for criticism as well when they performed with troupe members. Before a match with Bill Lyon (also known as Leão, Portuguese for lion), at Estadio Riachuelo, Diario de Noticias mocked Roberto Ruhmann as “The champion of fake fights” [O campeão de lutas combinadas] and the word “fight” [“luta”], was written between quotation marks.94

But the George Gracie versus Jack Conley fight was taken seriously and unlike many of George’s other fights with catch wrestlers and luta livre fighters, it appears to have been legitimate. Conley seemed to be confident. He said, “I think George will lose the title of ‘undefeated’ tomorrow. The Gracies think that our physiques are nothing. I’m going to show them that their skills are nothing“.95

Knowing how poorly received the Helio Gracie versus Wladek Zbyszko fight had been, the press bent over backward to emphasize how George Gracie versus Jack Conley would be different. Zbyszko had been limited by jiu-jitsu rules. George versus Conley would be luta livre. Conley would be free to use all of the resources of catch-as-catch-can. Zbyszko and Helio fought in kimonos, which interfered with movement. George and Conley would fight “pieto nú “ [bare-chested]. Moreover, Zbyszko was heavier and stronger than Conley (who weighed 90 kilos) and George was a more seasoned fighter than Helio, making the match more competitive.

The fight, fortunately (for jiu-jitsu representatives), was not a repeat of Zbyszko versus Helio. Nevertheless, it did not attract a great deal of attention. There were too many fights happening. The public was surfeited with catch and luta livre, and didn’t want to see jiu-jitsu. The result was reported without details, merely that “Conley succumbed to an effective armlock after seven minutes”. 96

Carlos Gracie, wanting to rain on George’s parade, and probably retaliate for the nasty (but true) things George had said about his lack of jiu-jitsu knowledge and skills, and his weak ring record,97 told the press that he had strong doubts that the fight wasn’t a “combinada” [fixed]. 98

Jiu-Jitsu versus Catch

Fresh off this “victory” George signed to meet his team-mate (both were under contract to EPB) Roberto Ruhmann at Stadium Brasil on September 9 in a luta livre match.99 Ruhmann immediately injured himself in training. Renato Gardini, also under EPB contract, was selected as a substitute.

Italian “catcher” Renato Gardini had already been in Rio for week when the Zbyszko troupe arrived in May 9, 1934. He had came on the “Neptunia” from Buenos Aires, on May 3, 1934, along with a group of fighters that included Canadian champion Leverne Baxter and North American “cowboy” Jack Russell. The Argentine boxer Arturo Costarelli was also on board. All three had recently been signed to contracts by EPB, as was George Gracie and several other jiu-jitsu men, namely Miyaki and Shigeo.100

Initial reports indicated that Gardini was in poor physical condition and might not be in shape to participate in the Grande Torneio de “Catch-as-Catch-Can” that was set to commence May 15 at the campo do Botafogo, promoted by Empresa Pugilistica Carioca.101

By October Gardini seemed to be on the mend. He was a master of the secrets of the ring [um grande conhecedor dos segredos do rings]. His record included thousands of fights without a single defeat [em seu cartel constam milhares de luctas, sem uma unico derrota]. He had enjoyed a victory over Strangler Lewis, a draw against Jim Londos, and most impressively of all, a win over the world champion Wladek Zbyszko.102

There was undoubtedly a degree of exaggeration in this description. Gardini had been defeated twice by Andre Castano and once by Zicoff on April 3 in Buenas Aires and indeed that was the reason that he was not selected to compete in the Grande Torneio.103

Ring records in the professional wrestling world were malleable and subject to interpretation. It was not unusual for a fighter who had never won a single fight to be honored for his undefeated record. In any case, Gardini, like George Gracie was under contract to EPB. If its contracted fighters did not fight, no one could make any money. Gardini’s loses were quickly forgotten and a fight was arranged. It would be a luta livre match of two 20-minute rounds to be held Saturday September 15 at Estadio Brasil. There would be no draw. Gardini would receive a gold cigarette lighter if he won, which he was expected to do, simply because he was too strong for George. George was technical, observers conceded, but a man who had beaten Zbyszko would not be stopped by mere technique.

Naturally, George Gracie’s fans vehemently disagreed. George’s “sparrings” [sparing partners] weighed more than 80 kilos. George would be ready for Gardini, they promised.104

Writers were not uniformly enthusiastic about the George Gracie versus Gardini fight, wondering “Will it be new farce?” It is difficult to say”.105

As late as the day of the fight, O Paiz ran a long article previewing the fight. Diario de Noticias that same day ran a shorter piece, mistakenly saying that it was Helio rather than George who would meet Gardini.106

The boxing commission had recently declared that fights in which there was a great weight difference between the contendors would not be permitted. Gardini out-weighed George by roughly 40 kilos. The implication was hard to miss. No other paper mentioned the possibility that the fight might be cancelled and the pre-fight hype continued unabated.107

On the day of the fight it was announced that EPB had decided to postpone the fight after all. As the fight was postponed “sine-die“ [indefinitely], that meant that it was in effect cancelled.108

Instead Gardini would battle Jack Conley at Estadio Riachuelo the following evening.109 George presumably began preparing for Wladeck Zbyszko (also under EPB contract) in October.

Renato Gardini and George Gracie did eventually “measure forces”. Fans had to wait four years to see it happen.

The Ono Brothers Arrive

On Friday October 5, 1934, São Paulo sports fans learned that a Japanese troupe of 10 jiu-jitsu fighters would arrive the following week. The troupe consisted of Miyaki, Ono, Ywawe, Takasawa, Naioti, Azuma, Yamada, Issida, Miravami, and one not named, and two youths, Utiyama, age 13 and Saitou, age 15, and two children [petizes], Ahia, age 7, and Ogata, age 9 (both children of Migavi). They planned a demonstration of jiu-jitsu along with some matches on Saturday October 20. The matches would pit Murakami (Miravami/Migavi) versus Issida, Misawa versus Maritoni, Iamada (Yamada) versus Naioti, Iwawe, versus Azuma, Tigusa versus Ono, and Takasawa versus Miyaki.110

The exciting Japanese sport [emplogante esporte nipponico] had many practitioners in São Paulo [entre nós, tem já innumeros cultores]. At the same time, it was still relatively little known [ainda relativamente pouco conhecido entre nós]. The newspaper explained that jiu-jitsu was the art by which the weak can defeat the strong [a arte de dominio do fraco contra a forte]. In fact, it went on, one of the most famous and fearsome jiu-jitsu fighters in the world was a tiny little man, weighing 44 kilos, who could, with astonishing ease, defeat men weighing up to 140 kilos! [um dos mais celebres e temiveis luctadores de jiu-jitsu do mundo, é um japonez de 44 kilos de peso! E esse minisculo homenzinho, tem levado de vencido, com facilidade assombrosa, a homems até de 140 kilos].

It is not known who all of the fighters were, but two of them were the Ono brothers Yassuiti and Naoiti (both names variously spelled in subsequent reports). Both would participate in many matches with George Gracie (and two with Helio) and would train many notable jiu-jitsu fighters and judokas. In fact their careers closely paralleled those of the Gracies, with one difference. The Ono Brothers knew, and often pointed out, that what everyone in Brazil was practicing was Kodokan judo, not any original form of jiu-jitsu. They called it jiu-jitsu however, because that is the word that most people knew.

David versus Goliath

For unknown reasons, Helio fought Zbyszko first, but it was George who originally challenged him, in fact, even before he and his troupe got to Brazil. Zbyszko was so confidant that he offered to fight in a kimono and take on all of the Gracies on the same night. He also offered 5,000 dollars to anyone who could beat him.111 Helio was the first of the brothers to try. He didn’t lose, but he didn’t take home the 5,000 dollars either.

Fans and writers and not least of all, George, felt that he could do better than Helio against the Polish ex-luta romana champion and catch troupe leader.

Zbyszko at first said that he would fight in a kimono. George said that anyone who wanted to fight him or his brothers had to wear one also, especially if there was a large weight disparity.112 After the Helio fight, Zbyszko changed his mind, and so obviously did George.

In some sense, George did do better. However, he lost the fight. Helio fought defensively, which might have been wise under the circumstances. George fought to win. Winning was more important to George than not losing. Helio felt otherwise. Clearly, George had the better chance of winning the 5,000 dollars. He also had a better chance of losing the fight. It was gamble, but that is how gambling works. Larger potential pay-offs come with greater risks of loses. Helio wanted to retain his distinction of being undefeated more than he wanted to beat Zbyszko. George wanted to win.

George weighed 66 kilos to Zbyszko’s 106 kilos. He also had the disadvantage of not wearing a kimono. Despite these two handicaps, according to one report, the fight was extremely even for the first 10 minutes [equilibradissimo durante 10 minutos] until finally Zbyszko applied an armlock from which George could not escape, suffering his first loss.

After the fight, Zbyszko was lavish in praise of George, admiring his fighting spirit [combatividade] and calling him “one of the most perfect and complete fighters in the world in his weight category [“dentro de sua cahegoria, um dos mais perfeitos e completos luctadores do mundo”]. He added that all of the Gracies were excellent fighters who could shine in any country.113

In the same article it was mentioned that George had received several proposals to give exhibitions in the USA and Japan. He was inclined to go to the USA and had already begun taking English lessons, the report said. There is no evidence that he went.

According to O Paiz, the fight was short but intense [curta mas intensa]. The action started with Zbyszko easily taking George to the ground with himself on top. George calmly tried to repel him with his legs but Zbyszko was too heavy. Zbyszko went for an armlock [chave de braço] which George avoided. Zbyszko grabbed George’s elbow and lifted it to twist it. George skillfully unbalanced him [habilmente desequilbrou-o e Zbyszko voltou a cair sobre elle] but Zbyszko returned to his previous position. He managed to bend George’s arm, forcing him to give up.114

Gazeta de Noticias was less impressed with the George versus Zbyszko fight, describing it as “absurd and monotonous” [luta absurda e monotona]. It was no surprise that Zbyszko won, because this time he fought for real, unlike in his previous fights, especially with Helio Gracie, the cynical reporter wrote.115 A Federação and Diario Carioca reported that George held out for 10 minutes, Diario de Noticias thought that it was 2 minutes less [George Gracie desistiu aos 8 minutos do 1.º round] but both agreed that the end came with a violent armlock [violento chave de braço].

George did not make excuses. He had never trained as hard as for this fight, he said. He was in excellent shape. But Zbyszko was too big. When he inserted grips for an armlock, he was too heavy to disengage from. For anyone of my weight to fight Zbyszko without a kimono, is suicide, George declared.116

Despite Diario de Noticias’ suspicions, there was no evidence that Zbyszko “worked” his fight with Helio Gracie. The results of both fights were consistent with the conditions of the fights (kimono versus no kimono), the Gracie brothers’ different strategies (defensive versus aggressive), and probably the fact that Zbyszko modified his strategy after the first fight. Interestingly, the O Paiz report indicates that Zbyszko was in George’s guard throughout and applied the fatal armlock from that position.

Porto Alegre

Oswaldo Gracie and a Gracie Academy student named Olyntho Miranda Netto, also known by the nickname of “Barata,” went to Porto Alegre in Barata’s home state (he was from a familia gaucha) of Rio Grannde do Sul in September to spread jiu-jitsu. Their first order of business was to visit the offices of the local newspaper A Federação.

Oswaldo informed reporters that he and his brothers Carlos, George, and Helio had never lost a fight [Nunca formam derrotados! Nunca perderam!]. They had competed not only in jiu-jitsu but also in luta livre and had defeated capoeiragem masters. He mentioned that his brother Helio in only his fourth professional fight, had confronted Wladeck Zbyszko, veteran of 2,000 fights over a twenty-year career. Yet Zbyszko wasn’t able to beat Helio.

In 1931, the Gracie brothers introduced jiu-jitsu to Rio, Oswaldo said. There, in Rio, they proceeded to face representatives of every martial art, of every race and color, white, black, red, and yellow. The Gracie brothers vanquished all of them. Brazilian blood and intelligence triumphed over everyone who stood in their path [O sangue brasileiro e a intelligencia triumpharam em toda linha].

Even the Japanese masters of jiu-jitsu bowed before the supremacy of the Gracie Brothers, Oswaldo asserted.117

Oswaldo may have forgotten that Donato Pires dos Reis had established the first jiu-jitsu academy in Rio in 1930 and that two of his first students were Carlos and George Gracie. Perhaps he was unaware that Mario Aleixo had been teaching jiu-jitsu in Rio since 1913 or earlier, and that Sada Miyako and Conde Koma had introduced the Japanese game to Rio in 1909 and 1915, respectively. It was surprising given that Oswaldo and his brothers had studied with Conde Koma for several years in Pará. Or so he claimed.

On Saturday October 8, Oswaldo gave a demonstration at the Porto Algre branch of the Associação Christa do Moços (ACM), at rua Pantaleao Telles, n. 1070, next to avenida Borges do Medeiros, accessible by street cars A and C. Oswaldo, with the assistance of Barata, revealed his vast knowledge of jiu-jitsu [exhibiu com proficiencia os seus vastos conhecimentos no jiu-jitsu]. They planned another demonstration in the near future, possibly at a boxing program at the Ampitheatro Alhambra on avenida João Pessoa.118 They also planned to accept challenges from anyone who wanted to test them.119

Another demonstration was planned for Wednesday October 17, especially for the “authorities,” but was postponed to Friday October 19. It began at 8:30 p.m. and was held at Club Excursionista e Esportivo on rua Marcilio Dias. Public exhibitions would probably begin Saturday October 20 at Ampitheatro Alhambra.120

On Wednesday, ACM hosted a “night of strong fights” [noitada de luctas fortes]. There would be two luta romana matches, two boxing matches and two “jiu-jitsu livre” [no-gi] matches. The jiu-jitsu competitors were amateurs, Olmiro de Oliveira versus Carlos Dias da Silva, and Sabino Binoto versus Clovis Braga, students of Waldemar Prins, who taught jiu-jitsu at the ACM. Oswaldo and Barata gave a demonstration of jiu-jitsu.

The public was invited to appraise the efficiency of the three styles.121

The first public exhibition was held Saturday October 20 at Ampitheatro Alhambra.122

The exhibitions hit a snag. The idea was to fight challengers. But as of October 23 no one had challenged them. A local fan suggested that Waldemar Prins and his students should challenge Oswaldo and Barata. A Federação thought it was a good idea.123

Prins declined. The paper then suggested that Oswaldo and Barata fight representatives of the Circo Queirolo, currently in Porto Alegre. Circo Queirlo had introduced Geo Omori to the public and had several other experienced jiu-jitsu fighters on staff, namely Simão Munich (Espingarda) and Othelo Queirolo (Chic-Chic), both of whom were willing to fight Oswaldo and Barata.124

Oswaldo did not immediately leap at the offer. He explained that in Rio it was customary that anyone who challenged the Gracies should fight Helio (the youngest) first and then if he won, George next, and so on up to Carlos, the oldest brother. So in the present case, the Circo Quierolo representative Chic-Chic should fight Oswaldo’s best student Miranda. If he won, he could fight Oswaldo [“de ser vencedor, bater-se comigo”].125

Tibor Krausz, secretary of the Circo Queirolo, rejected Oswaldo’s idea, saying that it might make sense if Oswaldo were the world champion, but he wasn’t.

In fact, Oswaldo had already fought matches at Circo Quierolo in São Paulo, won some, lost some, and drew some, contradicting Oswaldo’s claims that he had never lost. Oswaldo was depriving the public of seeing who was better, him or Munich. Miranda would lose for sure, if he fought Munich, Krausz said. He hoped for a prompt reply because the Circo Queirolo would be leaving Porto Alegre on November 11, 1934.126

Oswaldo countered that that Espingarda and Chic-Chic were not professional jiu-jitsu fighters, but rather circus performers. He had nothing to prove by fighting them, he said. His student Miranda was perfectly capable of dispensing with them.

The discussion was cordial and Oswaldo and Circo Queirolo agreed to continue talking.127

Agreement was reached by the next day. Barata would first meet Jose Santoro (another Circo Queirolo representative) on November 8, 1934. If Barata won, he would face Espingarda, and if he beat Espingarda, he would then fight Chic-Chic. If Barata drew or lost any of the matches, Oswaldo would step in [topar] and meet any fighter that Circo Queirolo designated.128

Meanwhile in Rio, Gracie protégé Jose Cayat was set to debut October 19 against João Peçanha at Estadio Brasil in a preliminary to the catch wrestling rematch between Al Pereira versus Conde Karol Nowina.129 Cayat was described as the “number one” student of the Gracie Academy.130

Back in Porto Alegre the reason for Oswaldo and Miranda Netto’s visit and recent demonstrations became clear. They were planning to open a new academy on rua dos Andradas.131

They continued with demonstrations. The next was at a boxing program November 1, 1931 at Estadio Paysandu (Paolini versus Cabrera, Retomoza versus Maturino Osorio, and Polo Norte versus Galli).132

Barata confronted and defeated Santoro by choke in the second round. (Alcides met Lourival in a 3-round jiu-jitsu contest, which ended in a draw. Both of the Circo Queirolo athletes displayed excellent jiu-jitsu abilities.

Oswaldo worried that after beating Chic-Chic, Barata might be too tired to perform effectively against Espingarda. He therefore offered to face Chic-Chic personally, next November 9, and let Barata meet Espingarda Saturday, November 10. Oswaldo evaluated Chic-Chic as the most technical of the Circo Queirolo jiu-jitsumen, but promised to finish him in the first round, or second at the latest. When he was asked, “you don’t think there is any possibility of losing?” [“E não admitte a possibilidade de uma derrota?”], Oswaldo confidently replied, “absolutely not, not even in a dream!” [“Absolutamente. Nem em sonho!”].133

Gracie versus Circo Queirolo

Oswaldo faced Chic-Chic in Porto Alegre on November 10 as planned. It was an exciting fight [a luta foi emplogante] and Oswaldo won in the third round. Details were not provided. It was news, but not big news.134

Boxing turned the tables on jiu-jitsu. Boxers Etcheverry and Maturino Osorio challenged Oswaldo and Barata. Oswaldo adopted a policy of silence but repeated his offer that he would pay 1,000 reis to anyone who could last four rounds with him.135

In Rio, a rematch between Dudú and George was in the air. Gracie academy representative Ary Martini announced his desire to fight the winner [“quer lutar com o vencedor do combate Dudú x George Gracie”].136 The fight was set for Saturday November 3, 1934. Inexplicably, George entered the ring but refused to fight. The three preliminary boxing matches went on without him.137 George and Dudú never met again.

In November 1934, the Gracie’s reputation was tottering and fans had lined up on either the Carlos + Helio side or the George side of the family(Oswaldo maintained a stance of neutrality, and Gastão Jr. stayed out of public squabbles). The Gracie’s prestige was suffering from recent loses and weak showings. Some people were not impressed with the way Helio maintained his “undefeated” record, and some suspected that the Zbyszko fight had been worked, reasoning that because George was better than Helio, and George lost to Zbyszko, Helio could only have avoided the same fate if the fight had been fixed.138

Rematch

In Porto Alegre, it was announced that Oswaldo Gracie and Espingarda would be engaging in a rematch within the next few days. The previous fight had resulted in a draw^139 causing Gracie supporters to hope that Oswaldo would turn in a better performance this time around and hand the Circo Queirolo athlete a defeat.140 It is unknown whether that match took place and if so whether Oswaldo redeemed himself.

Oswaldo and Barata had expanded into the fight promotion business. On Saturday December 1, 1934, at Estadio Paysandu in Porto Alegre, Barata, weighing 60 kilos, faced Ricardo Cirne (73 kilos), also known as the Mountain Lion [Leão de Serra]; Barata’s student Jorge Saldanha met Brusque, and Oswaldo’s student Dante Carvalho met Rubens Alrindo.141

Rio

The 1934 season in Rio wrapped up with Geo Omori facing off with his nemesis Manoel Fernandes for the third time. This time however, it was a 20-minute luta livre benefit exhibition match for the popular wrestler Justiniano Silva “o baroneza” (a frequent participant in the Zbyszko troupe events). There would be three other luta livre matches including Silva himself facing Adan [sic] Mayer.142

Fans who had seen some of Omori’s recent fights might have wondered if there was much difference between the exhibition and the so-called fights. Like most of the older era luta romana and catch wrestlers, Omori was well into middle-age, viewed from a fighter’s perspective, and some felt, due for a long rest.

But the new kids on the block would more than take up the slack. The Ono brothers, Yassuiti and Naoiti, had arrived.

.Chapter 14 Notes

Chapter 15

1935

On Saturday January 5, Geo Omori and his student Saburo Senda gave a public demonstration of jiu-jitsu at Club da Light, at rua Figueiredo de Mello, n. 456. Victor Slazolo and Guilherem Sizheler engaged in a jiu-jitsu match and luta livre instructors Jose Sampaio and Salamiel Oliveira performed a match of catch as catch can. There were also luta livre and boxing matches.1

Jiu-jitsu was holding its own among the amateur combat sports. Its mystical and scientific aspects were mostly the stuff of pro-wrestling publicity.

Blood, Sweat, and Tears

The Brazilian luta livre champion [Campeão brasileiro de luta livre], Dudú, was said to be a master of jiu-jitsu as well as luta livre. Oswaldo, George, and Helio apparently respected his abilities. Dudú had served as Helio’s sparring partner and George’s principal trainer. Dudú and the Gracies seemed to have an amicable relationship.

Sometime around the end of 1934, the relationship deteriorated.

Dudú and George fought on January 19 of 1934. The match was officially a draw but most observers thought that Dudú had really won by virtue of having dominated George. They met again on November 3.

At that time George entered the ring but then refused to fight. Some people interpreted that as a “moral victory” for Dudú. Dudú talked as though it was more than just “moral”.

Dudú concluded from George’s unwillingness to fight that the Gracie Academy was weak, and that the Gracies weren’t any good [“os Gracies nada valiam”]. Carlos and Helio took offense at this and similar statements. Dudú also declared that he could easily beat any of the Gracies under any conditions. The proof of that, he illogically said, was that George hadn’t wanted to fight him on November 3.2

Helio reacted by going to the press and challenging Dudú, under any conditions, thereby proving, he said, that there was a Gracie who was ready to fight him.3

Dudú accepted Helio’s challenge. He reiterated that he would beat any of the brothers under any conditions, and would do it easily and within a few minutes. He promised to give Helio the same “moral defeat” that he had given George, but with one difference. Helio would also be beaten physically and painfully.4

Threats and promises have always been a routine part of pre-fight marketing. Boxers have always done it. Fighters try to hype the fight, but at the same time want to gain a psychological edge on their opponent. Fighters usually know that the pre-fight hype is designed to promote the gate.

But they also sometimes get caught up in it themselves. When a man is publically calling his future opponent a sissy, coward, homosexual, rabbit, ugly bear, Uncle Tom, gorilla, washerwoman, peanut head, or whatever he thinks will get under his skin, boxers sometimes forget that it is a verbal game and against the better judgement of their corner people, react visicerally. They take it “personally”.

Dudú promised that “this is not a game” [“Isto não é brincadeira”]. That was true. It was not a game. It was a business. Dudú might have been expecting a low-keyed, friendly match with the same theatrical embellishments that had characterized his previous fights. His goading of the Gracies did in fact help to promote the fight, but it might have had an additional consequence as well. Helio took Dudú’s “not a game” admonition literally.

But that is speculation. Dudú demonstrated a genuine intention to injure Helio. The truth might be that they both wanted to fight a real “vale tudo”.

The pesagem [weigh-in] and medical check [exame medico] took place on the morning of the fight, 11:00 a.m., at Associação Christa de Moços.

Dudú weighed 85 kilos, Helio weighed 66 kilos, and neither appeared to be suffering from any disability that would interfere with their respective tasks of totally annihilating the other.

The location was Estadio Brasil. The date was Saturday, February 2, 1934. The fight was scheduled for five 20-minute rounds.5

It started at 10:47 p.m., after three boxing matches (Acosta versus Zumbano, Pires versus Picole, and Prior versus Heredia). As promised, the fight was bloody.

The fighters began cautiously studying each other. Helio initiated with a “tapa” [slap]. Dudu retialiated and they both fell to the canvas with Dudú on top. Dudú unleashed a barrage of punches and headbutts. Helio kept his composure and calmly defended. They stayed in that position for 13 minutes. Dudú hurt Helio, but not enough to force him to give up. Helio in return inflicted damage, apparently mostly superficial.

But Dudú was on the losing side of the exchange, because as it turned out, he had less in reserve.

Observers commented that Dudú seemed to be tired already. His 13 minutes of fruitless attack had only succeeded in draining his gas tank. Whether that was Helio’s plan, or Dudú misestimated how much energy he was expending, or how much he had in his tank, we don’t know. It wasn’t the first or last time that a fighter had profited from his opponent’s miscalculation or lack of accurate information. It wasn’t the first or last time that a fighter had “punched himself out”.

They rolled partly outside the ropes and referee Gumercindo Taboada sent them to the middle of the ring. Dudú looked morally and physically beaten [está visivelmente batido moral e physicamente]. Helio kicked Dudú [dá um ponta-pé] and then punched his arm. After running around the ring, Dudú asked the referee to stop the fight. He had nothing left [depois de rodar em volta do ring, pede a suspensão do combate….havia desistido].

Dudú’s manager, Sr. Diniz, was disgusted. He had bet 12 contos after Dudú assured him that he was going to fight to win. Diniz accused Dudú of having a “cowardly lack of heart”. Correio da Manhã concluded that Dudú’s annihilation [pavorosa derrota] at the hands of much smaller Helio Gracie demonstrated that he lacked the “fiber” of a fighter [não possuir fibra de lutador].6

According to Diario Carioca, Dudú was the first to step into the ring, at 10:34, followed by Helio, wearing a kimono, at 10:36. The “brawl” [briga] started at 10:47 p.m. Helio began throwing punches, Dudú took him down. Helio closed his guard [chave de rins] and threw punches at Dudú’s face, drawing blood. Dudú retaliated, breaking Helio’s nose and rearranging his face with headbutts. Both were bleeding.

At 10:59 referee Taboada separated them and directed them to the center of the ring. Helio kicked Dudú in the throat [“Dudú e attingado por um ponta-pé no pescoço”], and kept the pressure on. To everyone’s surprise, at 11 p.m., Dudú indicated to the referee that he couldn’t or didn’t want to continue [acena ao juiz, desistindo]. According to ringside observers, in so doing Dudú had shown a high level of unsportsmanly cowardice.7

Diario Carioca’s report included four large illustrations. Two clearly showed Helio using a low closed guard (one with Dudú with knees on the mat), another with Dudú crouched over Helio, dropping bombs. In another photo Dudú is standing and Helio’s guard is half open, shins in Dudú’s side).

Dudú’s stature as a great champion and luta livre master nose-dived. The public had been fed a diet of theatrical fights and probably didn’t know what it felt like to receive a ponta-pé [front kick] in the throat. Quite likely, Dudú hadn’t known either, up to the moment that Helio’s foot found its target.

The public had been drawn by the promise of blood. They didn’t like what they saw. It is unclear whether it was because there was too much blood, or too little. Perhaps also the “cowardice” that Dudú showed in giving up when he knew he was beaten left a bad taste. Dudú was exhausted and must have been in considerable pain.

The fans didn’t care. They wanted a show. Under the circumstances, neither Dudú nor Helio could comply (Dudú because his tank was empty, Helio because Dudú quit). As a result, similar mixed fights fell into even lower disrepute. Ordinary people felt that such bloody spectacles were neither entertainment nor sports and called for them to be banned (as would happen again repeatedly in the future).8

The Federação Carioca de Box [Rio Boxing Federation] organized a program of nine amateur boxing matches on February 21, called the Campeonato Brasileiro de Amadores, held at Feira de Amostras. Representatives of Geo Omori’s jiu-jitsu academy also participated in a jiu-jitsu match.9 Omori’s last contest had been an exhibition with Manoel Fernandes in November of 1934. He was anticipating a match with another big Portuguese wrestler named Manoel Grillo.

Like most wrestlers, Grillo was middle-aged and on the plump side. He weighed 90 kilos, with an ample belly, and stick-like legs. He had (it was claimed) trained with, fought, and defeated the legendary Raku, in Portugal. He had also defeated Travaglini and ex-world champion Myaki (Taro Miyake), and was the jiu-jitsu champion of Portugal.10 Everything considered, he was probably as competent at luta livre and jiu-jitsu as Dudú.

The fight was scheduled for Saturday April 12 at Stadium Brasil. Grillo vowed to beat Omori in the first 10 minutes [“Vencerei Geo Omori nos primeiros dez minutos”]. Omori was training with a younger Kodokan graduate who had recently arrived in São Paulo and was just beginning what would be a long career in the rings of São Paulo, Rio, Bello Horizonte and other cities in Brazil.

His name was Takeo Yano. Yano had landed a job teaching the Japanese game at the Club Naval, and that is where he and Omori conducted their training.11

The fight didn’t happen. The Boxing Commssion heard rumors that a “work” was planned, and prohibited the fight from being held.12

The fight happened later, in October. Evidently the Commission’s concerns were well founded.

On Thursday March 28, in Porto Alegre, at Estadio Paysandú, a student of Oswaldo Gracie named Dante Carvalho, defeated Paulo Salvaterra in a luta livre match. It was one of two preliminaries in the Angelo Ledoux versus Waldemer Moraes boxing contest.13

Dante Carvalho had been one of Oswaldo’s most promising students in Porto Alegre. But as sometimes happened, their relations had soured. The pupil challenged his master in the pages of the local newspaper to a winner-take-all luta lvre without limit of rounds.14

Jiu-Jitsu Lessons Gratis

Takeo Yano found work as a jiu-jitsu instructor at the Club de Regatas do Flamengo (CRF). Classes were held Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday from 8 to 10 p.m. Classes were free and open to the public [a inscripções acaham-se abertas, sendo inteiramente gratis]. Omori and Yano gave an exhibition of techniques on Tuesday July 9, 8:30 p.m., to promote the new boxing, luta livre, and jiu-jitsu program.15

In Porto Alegre, Dante Carvalho’s best friend Souza was preparing to meet Barata (Miranda Netto, Oswaldo Gracie’s top student). Dante had been a boxer before he hooked up with Oswaldo. Now due to lack of interest on the part of promoters and lack of opponents, he decided to challenge boxers to mixed fights. Ceará, “O Homem Borracha” [The Rubber Man”] accepted the challenge. It wasn’t their first fight. They engaged in a boxing match in Rio before. Ceará knocked Dante down three times in the first three rounds. Dante barely made it back to his feet. But he managed to pull himself together and win on points. The rematch, with mixed rules, would be August 4. Dante promised to end it before the seventh round.16

Barata had been away, in the “frontier” areas of his home town of Alegrete. Mostly he was resting. But he accepted the opportunity to engage in some fights as well. Muniu Burg was a professor and ex- Hungarian champion of luta romana. He weighed 85 kilos.

The fight was set for three 10-minute rounds with 2-minute rests between rounds. Barata didn’t need 30 minutes or any breaks. He defeated Burg in 2 minutes of the first round with a choke. The choke was combined with a “kidney lock” [estrangulamento acompanhado de chave de rins].

Barata took time out to give some demonstrations of jiu-jitsu self-defense with a student named Euripedes Dorneles.

Barata also confronted Marcos Platcheck, a 75 kilo Lithuanian ex-professor of luta romana. There was no limit in number of rounds of 5 minutes each, but as before the fight didn’t last long. Within 3 minutes, the luta romana stylist had been choked out.

Back in Porto Alegre, Barata declared that he had no fear of Dante or any other jiu-jitsu man. But he wanted the match to take place in his hometown of Alegrete, where there was already keen interest in the fight. He and Dante were both natives of Alegrete.17

Exhibitions, demonstrations, amateur and professional fighting were all part of the jiu-jitsu business. They created interest and recruited students. Teachers also trained and supported their students who had the aptitude and desire to fight professionally, to test their skills, protect the honor of their family, prove the efficiency of their style, promote their teacher’s school, build a name for the time when they would open their own school, or meet young girls, intellectuals, and influential cultural, political, and military leaders. Or simply to earn money. The reasons didn’t matter. Being willing to enter the ring was what counted.

It was inevitable that Takeo Yano would enter the rings. His first appearance was September 28, 1935, and his first opponent was George Gracie. It wasn’t the last time they would meet in the ring.

Flu-Fla

George began teaching jiu-jitsu and luta livre at Fluminense on Tuesday September 3, 1935, at 5 in the afternoon.18 Yano represented the Red and Black [Rubro Negro], George represented the Tricolor. These were the nicknames of the two famous arch-rival football clubs, Flamengo and Fluminense, repsectively.

George Gracie versus Takeo Yano I was held Friday September 28 at Stadium Brasil. It was a five 20-minute round match. It was described it as the Flu-Fla (Fluminense-Flamengo) of jiu-jitsu,19 suggesting a significance that it probably didn’t have, given that it was the debut fight of a previously unknown sports instructor.

Given his inexperience, it wasn’t surprising that George’s brother Helio predicted that Yano would not last one round, [“Yano não passara do 1 round”]. Yano was described as a student [discipulo] of Conde Koma.20

The program also featured two well-known jiu-jitsu men. The “Arabe” Jose Detti (90 kilos) and 3-dan black belt [faixa negra da terceira categoria] Yakuro Goto would measure forces in the semi-final (two rounds of 20 minutes each). There would also be two boxing matches: Loffredo versus Sanlez “The São Paulista Sub-Machine Gun”, and Arthur Bispo versus Antonio Mesquita.21

Gazeta de Noticias provided a round by round account.22

Yano initiated the action in the first round by throwing George to the ground and from there trying to choke him. George defended skillfully. Yano threw George five more times, but each time George escaped by grabbing the ropes. Yano demonstrated skill at “rasteiras” [foot sweeps].23

In the second round George attempted to to beat Yano at his own game with a “balão”, [shoulder-throw]. Yano defended skillfully. George in turn was able to successfully avoid some of Yano’s throws and foot sweeps. The fighters veered toward the ropes, where George again attempted a “balão”, which was again unsuccessful. The fight took a violent turn with both men attempting foot-sweeps [rasteiras], but to no effect. They ended up upright, hanging on to each other’s kimonos.

Yano began the third round with a strong throw. However, George got to his feet before Yano could attack him on the ground. Again Yano threw him to the ground but George used his legs to keep Yano at a safe distance. George tried to bring Yano to the ground, but failed. Again Yano threw George but couldn’t finish him there [leva George ao chão, mas sem resultado]. George went to the ground and Yano tried to choke him.

After being in a bad situation George managed to bring Yano to the ground and get on top. At this moment the fight seemed to be going in George’s favor, but they again bumped into the ropes and were obliged to return to the center of the ring. The fans were on their seats. George tried two throws. Neither succeeded. George had been on the bottom but ended up on top, where he stayed for the next 15 minutes. George had a good opportunity at this moment, but the round ended before he could do anything.

Round four was extremely boring [esse round foi desinteressantissimo]. George and Yano only went for chokes. The public demonstrated its dissatisfaction with the lack of action.

Round five settled into the same pattern as the previous round. The fans jeered. Yano applied a sensational throw [sensacional tombo] on George, which did no damage. George attacked but Yano ran to the safety of the ropes. Yano threw George again, and George again survived without imjury. The referee halted the fight briefly to disentangle George’s legs from the ropes.

Soon after that the fight ended. There was no winner or loser. The official result therefore was a draw [empate].

In retrospect, a number of observations can be made. One is the obvious dominance of Yano in the throwing aspect of the match. Since the fight took place on a padded surface it was not surprising that George wasn’t beaten by Yano’s throws, and in 1935 points were not awarded either for individual throws or for superiority in quedas [throws and other take downs].

Neither George nor Helio had the skills to stand up with the legitimate Kodokan graduates, Omori, Yano, and the Ono brothers. That wasn’t the only reason they emphasized ground fighting, but it was one reason. The rules didn’t give them an incentive to change.

Another was the fact that “rope escapes” were permitted and used. “Rope escapes” were a feature of professional wrestling, not traditional jiu-jitsu or judo.

Also in evidence was the tendency for jiu-jitsu matches to bog down into defensive stalling.

Finally, the public’s impatience with overly defensive fights was clear. In 1936 The Federação Brasileiro de Pugilismo [Brazilian Boxing Federation] devised rules for professional jiu-jitsu matches, probably to avert such outcomes. But the rules were not consistently applied and in any case did not offer sufficient incentives for fighters to substantially alter their games.

Shame in the Ring

Geo Omori and Manoel Grillo did not give up on their plan to engage in a fight. A new date was set for October 5 at Estadio Brasil. Again Grillo promised to beat Omori in the first 10 minutes. Omori promised Grillo would not be around to answer the bell for the second round.24

Omori was again training with Takeo Yano. Geo Omori was teaching at Associação Christa de Moços in Rio. The semi-final was a jiu-jitsu match between Miyaki and Arake Kioto. Preliminary bouts were boxing matches between Rodrigues Lima and Antonio Mesquite, and Pinga Fogo versus Singarelli. Grillo was training with Kid Abyssimia.25

Grillo weighed 90 kilos. Omori weighed 66. 5 kilos.26

To most people’s surprise, Grillo administered a thorough thrashing to Omori. He threw Omori out of the ring three times. The final time, 15 minutes into the fight, Omori hit his head on the floor and was knocked unconscious. He regained his senses after massage and applications of very cold water [agua bem fria]. Grillo demonstrated great knowledge of jiu-jitsu, according to Gazeta de Noticias. In the semi-final, Miyaki defeated Kioto, by desistencia [give-up].27

The Boxing Commission held up the fighters’ purses, alleging that the match was a shameful work [combinação vergonhosa] and a “fake” [tapeça]. Gazeta de Noticas, keeping an open mind, thought that if the allegation was confirmed, both Omori and Grillo should receive long suspensions for violating “morality”and in general demanded that any perpetrators of worked fights of box, jiu-jitsu, or catch be suspended or banned.28 The press, like the fans, wanted fights to be exciting, but also real. Promoters and fighters were sometimes tempted ensure a certain level of excitment by advance planning (which would have the added advantage, from the athletes’ point of view, of less pain and fewer injuries). It was a fine line.

Helio Gracie challenged Grillo, who was willing, he said, if the commission would allow the fight.29 It might have been an interesting fight. Helio was probably the only professional fighter of the time who did not engage in worked fights. Perhaps Grillo, remembering what had happened to Dudú, was less willing than he let on.

Two undefeated students of Oswaldo Gracie, Barata (Mirando Netto) and Dante Carvalho (aka “Noqueador”) were scheduled to meet at Paisandu, Friday December 27, 1935, after many months of delays and postponements.30 The result of the fight, if it happened, was not reported.

Jiu-jitsu fighter Ricardo Nibbon was scheduled to meet capoeira Andre Jansen in a catch match [luta de ‘catch as catch can’] in Bahia, October 30, 1935 at Parque Boa Vista. Nibbon was George Gracie’s top student, and was the first to bring catch as catch can, luta livre, and jiu-jitsu to the region.

Andre Jansen (75 kilos) was Sinhôzinho’s prize pupil and was the capoeiragem champion of Rio [campeão carioca de luta nacional]. He had defeated Caio Mendonça, Alberto Silva, Eurico Fernandes, Fernando Machado, and Bahiano in capoeiragem contests. In catch as a catch can fights, he defeated the French fighter Roberto Villa Vinencio, and Americo Xerem, and drew with Ismario Cruz and Bernardo Frota. All of the aforementioned took place in the capital (Salvador).

In other states, Jansen defeated Joaquim Mattoso and Le Conti of Uruguay in Juiz de Fora, Minas, and defeated Edgard Machado and Roberto Lopes in Rio. Jansen was one of the most capable, versatile, and successful fighters of the period. No Gracie or other jiu-jitsu representative was ever able to defeat him.31

Nibbon had been challenging any fighter for months in the press. Jansen accepted. It would be the first catch fight in Bahia, and one of the few so far in the North of Brazil.32

The match took place as scheduled on Wednesday October 30. At 22:45 p.m. Nibbon tried to throw Jansen out of the ring, and then attempted a choke [golpe de pescoço] from the guard position [chave de rins]. If it hadn’t been the end of the round, Jansen might not have survived.

In the second round, Jansen went on the attack but Nibbon defended tenaciously. In the third round they were even.

By the end of the fourth round, even though he was more tired than Nibbon, Jansen attempted some techniques [golpes] but Nibbon escaped. Nibbon applied a lock to Jansen’s left arm, [chave do braço esquerdo] but just then the round ended. The fight was a “draw” [empate]. In addition to showing great knowledge [conhecimentos] of the difficult sport, they showed courage and never gave the opponent and second of respite. The audience, which included ladies, applauded the fighters enthusiastically.33

Nibbon and his students planned to demonstrate and explain the techniques of jiu-jitsu and luta livre and the rules of competition. O Imparcial expected that jiu-jitsu would become as popular as “catch” in Bahia.

Readers were familiar with catch, presumably having seen or heard about Nibbon’s match with Andre Jansen. The writer explained that luta livre was really “catch as catch can nacional” [Brazilian catch as catch can], and was regulated by the Commissão de Pugilismo de Rio de Janeiro [Rio de Janeiro Boxing Commission]. The Commission had prohibited unsafe techniques, such as fingers in the eyes, straight kicks [ponta-pés], pulling the ears or hair, biting, punching, elbows, knees, finger twisting, among others. Rounds could range from 5 to 20 minutes with breaks of from 2 to 5 minutes. The number of rounds could vary, and the winner was determined by give up or KO, or being unable to return to the ring within 20 seconds after being thrown out of it.34

In other words, catch was essentially luta livre with more consistent rules. It was to luta livre what America was to Brazil.

The Gracie brothers had seemingly shown that they were the best non-Japanese jiu-jitsu fighters in Brazil. To be the best jiu-jitsu fighters in Brazil they had to fight Japanese representatives and beat them at their own game.

Results so far had been mixed. Helio drew with Namiki and beat Miyaki. George beat Shigeo and drew once with Yano and twice with Omori. The results were inconclusive. Miyaki and Shigeo were lightly regarded. Miyaki had lost to Roberto Ruhmann and even Carlos Gracie considered him a non-entity, and Shigeo was Miyaki’s student. Omori was legitimate but old.

The most meaningful match had been George versus Yano, which ended in a draw. Moreover, Yano, also, although said to be a disciple of Conde Koma, was something of an unknown.

The Gracie’s next Japanese rival was the real deal. He was Yassuiti Ono, a 5-dan Kodokan jiu-jitsuka (or judoka, as he later insisted).35

A match was arranged between Heliio Gracie and Ono, for Thursday Decmeber 5, 1935. Ono was training with Geo Omori, Takeo Yano, and others in São Paulo. Helio was training at Paty de Alferes (a resort town about 120 kilometers from Rio).

Like Omori, Ono didn’t have a lot to say about the fight. Helio did his part to stimulate interest, visiting newspaper offices with his brother Carlos, to inform the editors that “unlike other Japanese, Ono talks too much”.36

The match was described as pitting the “violence” of Ono against the “technique” of Helio. Ono’s style was described as “aggressive”.37 Helio’s supporters had confidence in the national representative. At least, they placed their bets as though they expected him to survive. Ono’s supporters were equally confident.38

The fight took place on Thursday December 5, at Stadium Brasil.

When the fight began, Ono wasted no time attacking Helio and immediately put Helio in danger with an armlock attempt. Helio escaped with difficulty [desvencilhou-se com difficuldade].

From the start Ono was the master of the situation, throwing Helio in 32 of 55 attempts, dominating and keeping him on defense. At the end of the fourth round Helio was able to attempt his first and only attack. It failed. The final round resumed with Ono dominating Helio.

One reporter commented that while Helio demonstrated skill at defense, a teacher of jiu-jitsu should also know how to attack, as students would want to learn those skills also [professor deve sabe atacar e defender com a mesma precisão]. A fighter who enters to ring with the titles of “professor” and “invicto” [undefeated] has an obligation to take the initiative in a fight and not wait while the opponent repeatedly throws him, supposedly to prove that he knows how to defend himself on the ground. That left serious doubts about his ability to defend himself standing up.

It would be difficult, using Helio’s method, to defeat fighters like Ono and Yano, the writer concluded, correctly, as it turned out.39

The official result was a draw [empate]. Helio Gracie’s defensive skills saved him to fight another day. His brother Carlos was suspended by the City Boxing Commission [Commissão Municipal de Pugilismo] for 90 days for entering the ring during the fight.40 It was not the first or last time Carlos Gracie would collide with the authorities.

Helio remained undefeated. Some people were less than impressed. Ono was one. Like many others, Ono thought that George was a better fighter, even if he sometimes lost, because he attacked and that is what fighters are supposed to do. A strong defense is a good thing to have, but you can’t win fights with defense alone. Fans are not going to buy tickets to see someone’s defense.

Carlos understood that well. It was indeed a problem. His solution was to recruit big strong guys to represent his academy in luta livre and pro-wrestling matches. He called them “jiu-jitsu” students but how much jiu-jitsu they knew or applied in their matches was questionable, or at least, not often in evidence.

Actually, that was only one of Carlos Gracie’s solutions. He had another, which involved offering direct access to God, though he didn’t call it that. In Carlos’ vocabulary, it was “a spiritual entity” [entidade espiritual], named Egidio Lasvojinho. It would not be exaggerating to say that Egidio Lasvojinho funded not only his various jiu-jitsu activities, but, eventually, Carlos Gracie’s entire dynasty of wives, under-age girlfriends, and 21 children, and paid for lawyers to keep him out of prison (or to get him out as soon as possible). Not much of this was publically known at the time, however, and for good reason.41 Carlos Gracie’s belief system might have been ridiculed by many cosmpolitian, well-educated Brazilians (but certainly not all). The problem was that it clashed with his dedication to jiu-jitsu with its scientific principles and emphasis on morality.

The Secret

Occultism was not much out of the ordinary in Brazil, including the sophisticated capital city of Rio, during the 1930’s. Cults and esoteric associations flourished. Brazil was officially a Catholic country but its version of Catholicism was pre-counter-reformation and highly mixed with African and indigenous religions and belief systems.42 Newspapers regularly ran ads offering occult services of various sorts. The following ad, running continuously in almost every major periodical in the country, from 1933 to at least 1938, was typical:

"Do you want to always win the lottery? With the date of any person's birth, I can teach you how to win the lottery without ever losing even once. Send 600 reis in stamps and I will send a free copy of the book O Seguro da Fortuna. Thousands of people will attest to the truth of what I say.”

In the upper left hand corner was a cartoon drawing of a man wearing a turban, presumably the author of O Seguro da Fortuna, Pakchang Tong.43

Carlos Gracie had grown up with anti-Catholic and anti-organized religion attitudes. He began his career as an alternative spiritual guru by attending a meeting of an already established group. He then decided that he preferred to lead his own group. He wouldn’t have liked calling it a religion. He was simply providing access to the higher entity, who would in turn offer advice about toothpaste and real estate investments, among many other things both mundane and cosmic.44

George Gracie had a less lucrative, if more honorable solution. It was one that almost every other “name” fighter of the period adapted as well, with the sole exception of Helio Gracie. It essentially consisted of tweaking fights to make them more interesting to fans. Tweaking could range from “carrying” an opponent, letting him last longer than he could on his own merits, or not finishing him off, pretending to be in danger, all the way to deliberately losing. George did all of the above.

Bello Horizonte

In December of 1935, George Gracie transferred his base of operations to Bello Horizonte. On December 7, it was announced that he would face Eberle of Germany that same day.45 Most likely it was a luta livre match, as jiu-jitsu opponents were in short supply. The result, if it took place, was not reported, and Eberle was not heard from again. In that sense, it was a typical George Gracie fight. When he needed quick cash, which was often, according to his wife Angelina, George arranged a fight, wherever he happened to be at the time.46 Accordingly, many of them probably came and went without leaving a trace, or not much more than the sort of brief news notice described above.

On December 20, it was reported that George would be teaching jiu-jitsu at Academia Loanzi, in Bello Horizonte.47 Reasons for the move from Rio were not explained. According to Angelina, George simply moved whenever he exhausted the possibilities of any given location.48 In any case, Belo Horizonte was not so distant from the Rio that he couldn’t appear in Carioca rings when matches could be arranged. Moreover, Bello Horizonte was becoming an attractive place to promote fights.

In the last major clash between jiu-jitsu aces of 1935, Geo Omori was scheduled to take on his friend Takeo Yano in the semi-final of the Pedro Brasil versus Manoel Grillo catch match, fought according to the rules of the state of New York, on Saturday December 21.49 Like Brasil versus Grillo, the Yano versus Omori match was a “luta de catch.” The winner of Yano versus Omori would challenge the winner of Brasil versus Grillo. The result of the match, if it happened, is unknown. If it did, it probably closely resembled the demonstration they gave Tuesday June 9 at the Club de Regatas do Flamengo.50

Omori’s career was winding down. Yano’s was just beginning.

.Chapter 15 Notes

Chapter 16

1936

Jiu-jitsu was being disseminated throughout the land. It wasn’t entirely intentional. George Gracie was restless. He liked to move. Where George went, jiu-jitsu went. In January 1936 he was offered a contract to teach the Guard Civil in Bello Horizonte. He accepted and relocated there.1

On April 2, George engaged in two luta livre matches at the Academia Loanzi in Bello Horizonte. He defeated Barthowiak (German, 98 kilos) with a carotid compression [“compresseão carotideana”], and Eberle also German (weight illegible) with a Japanese neck-tie [“gravata japoneza”]. It took George, who weighed 70 kilos, a total of 12 minutes to dispose of both of the German giants. Most likely, given the circumstances, these were sparring sessions, but were described in the one newspaper that mentioned the incident as “a sensational fight of George Gracie”.2

Jose Detti was already a known name in São Paulo. He was the Arab jiu-jitsu champion of São Paulo who had fought Geo Omori twice, losing once and drawing once.3 Due to his size (85-95 kilos), Detti went by the nickname of “The Mastodon.” He met Bergomas, the Italian catch champion, on April 4 at Casino Antarctica on rua Anhangabahu in São Paulo. It was a preliminary to the Roberto Ruhmann versus Adelberto Trenka fight.4

The first publicized jiu-jitsu (or lucta japoneza) match of 1936 took place April 18 at Casino Antarctica as a preliminary (or semi-final) to the 16 Roberto Ruhmann versus Ivanoff luta livre match. The jiu-jitsu competitors were Jose Detti, weighing 85 kilos, and the minisculo [tiny] Francisco Ioshika of Japan, weighing 65 kilos.

Detti defeated Iosika in the third round.5 Ruhmann won his match as well, with a second round choke [com terrivel golpe de estrangulamento].6 Ruhmann was famous for his chokes. It was rumored that no man could survive once Ruhmann got his hands around his neck.

In May, Empresa Pugilisitca Brasilera (EPB) announced its line-up of fighters for the 1936 season. All were boxers and “catchers”. But EPB was also considering offering contracts to four jiu-jitsu fighters. They were George and Helio Gracie, Yassuiti Ono, and Takeo Yano.7

As in a Hollywood movie studio, a contract guaranteed a performer a certain number of projects, at a certain fee, for a specified period. The performer didn’t necessarily have to accept a given a project, but he wouldn’t be paid if he didn’t. Management and labor had overlapping but not identical interests. The overriding concern shared by both sides was making money. Management and labor sometimes disagreed about how to go about doing it. As far as management was concerned, performers were in one sense unique, but in another sense “fungible” (that is, functionally equivalent to any other star who could draw an equal number of people to the theater).

The performer had a different point of view. One or two sub-par performances could end a career, or at least substantially reduce one’s fees. Moreover, for those operating schools, their brand was important. And for some, but not all, winning or losing was a matter of pride.

The point is, by 1936, the majority of professional fighters worked under contract, and most were either boxers or catch wrestlers. Jiu-jitsu fighters were largely an after-thought.

Luta Livre com Kimono

Estevan Jirkus^8 challenged both Ruhmann and Detti. Ruhmann didn’t reply, but Detti immediately accepted.

Jirkus was 25 years old, from Lithuania, stood 192 cm., and weighed between 118 and 128 kilos, depending on the source. He was exceptionally strong [dotado de physico excepcional…extraordinaria força muscular]. Detti had gained 10 kilos since April, if reports were accurate.9

The fight was eight rounds of 5 minutes, with one minute breaks between rounds. It was either a “luta livre com kimono” (luta livre with gi) or catch as-catch-can match, depending on the source. It was scheduled for Saturday May 23, 1936 at Casino Antarctica.10

Roberto Ruhman, already famous as a strongman and pro-wrestler, had been learning jiu-jitsu. He wanted to convince the public of his capacity as a jiu-jitsu player [jogador de jiu-jitsu]. Ruhmann believed that his new knowledge of the Japanese sport combined with his prodigious muscle power, qualified him to face a top opponent [um adversario de classe] and even defeat the best rivals [melhores rivaes]. George Gracie, with the proverbial valor for which he was famous [valentia proverbial que o fez famoso] fit the bill. George was known for never refusing a fight. Their fight was first set for June 13 and then postponed to September 5. They were both undefeated [dois invictos do jiu-jitsu] and would try to remain that way.11

At the end of May, EPB revealed more specific information about the fighters, both foreign and Brazilian, contracted for the upcoming “season” [temporada]. There were boxers, catchers, and jiu-jitsu men.

The foreign boxers were Francisco Magnelli, Jorge Azar, Amado Azar, Schiaraffia, Antonio Rodrigues, and Annibal Prior. With the probable exception of Al Pereira, “catchers” would be announced later. National fighters (or already living in Brazil) included luta livre men Roberto Ruhmann and Dudú, and boxers Jack Tigre, Virgolino, and Loffredo. The jiu-jitsu men were Brazilians George and Helio Gracie, and the Japanese Takeo Yano and Yassuiti Ono.12

Kodokan Jiu-Jitsu versus Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu

Helio Gracie was being described as the top jiu-jitsu fighter in Brazil. He had beaten a lightly regarded Miyaki and managed to survive against Takashi Namiki and Yassuiti Ono. Against Ono especially, that was testimony to Helio’s defense on the ground (while being an indictment of his lack of defense on stand-up). But to claim to be the best, something more than mere defense was needed. Takeo Yano was still looking to make a name for himself. He was still undefeated after his fight with George in 1935. He had thrown George at will, but couldn’t subdue him on the ground. Helio thought he could do better than his older brother did against Yano.

Carlos Gracie promised that his brother Helio would defeat Yano in the first round [“Helio vencerá Yano no 1 round”]. George came all the way from Bello Horizonte to serve as Helio’s sparring partner [Helio treinando com Jorge que veiu especialmente de Bello Horizonte para server com seus sparrings]. Rio would be witness to a great jiu-jitsu match [O Rio assistirá a maior peleja de jiu-jitsu].13

On the day of the fight, Helio predicted that Yano would be defeated but stopped short of naming a round [“Yano será vencido“].14

Yano’s manager, Macedo Soares (who also managed Yassuiti Ono), quaranteed that Yano was in condition to beat Helio Gracie. Yano and Soares emphasized that Yano had trained especially for this fight, because he recongizied the Helio was a worthy foe [“um adversario, sob todos os pontos, digno e respeito”]. But Yano was confident. Without exaggeration he considered himself to be in exceptional condition and for this reason vowed to beat Helio [“em condicões excepcionaes e por isto affirma que vae derrotar Helio Gracie“]. Yano was training with Yassuiti Ono, and both men appeared to be in magnificent form.15

The fight took place at Estadio Brasil. It was three rounds of 20 minutes each. Helio Gracie weighed 65.7 kilos, Yano weighed 69.3 kilos. Helio was the Brazilian champion [campeão brasileiro], Yano was an authentic black belt [authentico faixa negra]. The referee was Gumercindo Taboada. The preliminaries consisted of seven boxing matches. The first four were amateur fights, disputed for places on the Brazilian Olympic team.

The boxing contests were magnificent and pleased the crowd [essas pelejas agradaram]. Three were professional boxing bouts, the best being a six-round middleweight bout between Gonçalves da Cunha of Portugal and Schmelling of Germany, which ended in a draw.

The much anticipated jiu-jitsu match however, was a let-down [não satifez á expectiva geral]. It was expected that the two jiu-jitsu professionals would demonstrate their skills and provide the public with an exciting contest.

Nothing of the sort happened. The fight was monotonous, devoid of the slightest interest. It was a charade that disappointed everyone who came in search of excitement. The result was a draw [empate].16

Diario de Noticias’ report was shorter and less critical, but made the same point: Yano dominated Helio on stand-up, and played defense on the ground, effectively impeding Helio’s attack in the process. The result was a boring fight [O assalto inicial foi bastante movimentado, tendo o japonez levado vantagem nas quedas]. The first round was active. Yano had the advantage in take-downs. The second round was monotonous. Helio attempted only one technique [golpe] which Yano escaped masterfully. The last round was no more active than the others [pouco animado]. Yano stayed on defense and Helio couldn’t do anything [O japonez permaneceu a defensiva e Helio nada pôde fazer]. Yano threw Helio six times, but was excessively cautious [demasiado cauteloso].17

The Gazeta de Noticias report differed only in minor details. The reporter saw Helio attempt two chokes in the second round, both easily nullified by Yano. The last round continued with the same monotony as the preceding rounds [com a mesmo monotonia do inicio a peleza]. The result was a draw. The reporter opined that “a sport as boring as this can not please the public” [“O sport e muito monotono e por isso meso não e do agrado da assistencia”].18

One writer blamed Yano for the fiasco. It seemed that Yano didn’t take the fight seriously enough [Yano, ao que parece, não subiu ao ring com a dispocição necessaria para uma luta de responsibilidade]. His fighting spirit left much to be desired [seu ardor agrressivo deixou muito de desejar]. The writer was at a loss to understand why Yano did not try to take advantage of his opportunities on the ground. Yano instead avoided coming to grips with Helio Gracie [permanecendo afastado de seu contendor]. Yano’s inexplicable tactic [essa tactica exquesita] turned what might have been an exciting fight into a boring and monotonous undertaking. The writer had no doubt that Yano’s tactic was motivated by his fear that Helio might apply a decisive technique, such as a choke.19

Yano’s approach to the fight was the same as Ebert’s and Zbyzsko’s. They did not feel comfortable on the ground and simply opted to survive by doing nothing that might open them up to unexpected dangers. No doubt such a fight would be boring for the fans. But Yano’s job was to win or at least not lose. It is precisely what Helio Gracie did when he was in with an opponent who didn’t want to play his game. With Yano, Helio knew that he wasn’t going to be able to advance his attack on the ground. He had the choice of standing up again. He could then have thrown Yano and landed in a dominating position. That is, he could have if he had the throwing skills. Since he didn’t, it was almost unavoidable that the fight would play out exactly as it did.

Helio wanted Yano to fight on the ground. Yano very rationally didn’t want to. He had a large edge on stand-up, and no edge on the ground. It would make no sense for him to voluntarily forfeit his advantage and clash directly in the aspect of the game where Helio had a relative advantage. That is not what jiu-jitsu is about and is a self-handicapping strategy in any conflict situation. Helio lacked the technical resources to make him, or the cleverness to bait him into making a mistake. Conversely, Yano couldn’t force Helio to fight the entire match standing up.

It was problem in almost every professional jiu-jitsu match. It would have been unrealistic to expect the Kodokan people to willingly give up what was a huge advantage. The national (Brazilian) jiu-jitsu representatives (mostly Gracies) didn’t want to invest in developing higher level stand-up skills but couldn’t force anyone to fight on the ground if they didn’t want to. Obviously, unskilled opponents had little choice, and this may have been one reason why most of them were middle-aged former pro wrestlers and capoeiras of questionable qualifications.

In sum, jiu-jitsu fights between jiu-jitsu fighters tended to be boring from the fans’ point of view. No one ever really came up with a viable solution to this problem, other than the obvious ones of selecting opponents who couldn’t fight and choreographing the fights. Yano was foremost among those who adopted the later solution. Helio’s brother George often collaborated with him in doing so, as did Oswaldo. Helio never did. But that may be why Helio retired from fighting in 1937 while George kept fighting as long as anyone was willing to pay him.20

Rivalry

Yassuiti Ono versus Helio Gracie in June 1935 had also ended in a draw. But no one accused Ono of lacking fighting spirit, and no one even tried to pretend that Helio’s “draw” represented equality in fighting skills. Perhaps on the ground, where neither man could make substantial headway, but certainly not on stand-up. Overall, considering both stand-up and ground aspects of their fight, Ono had been in absolute domination (as reports clearly indicated).

But the draw seemed to leave the rivalry unsettled.

In June, Ono came to Rio to challenge Helio to a rematch. Helio accepted.21 Both thought they could do better this time around. The first time Ono had been hampered by a knee injury. Otherwise, he believed, he would have finished Helio rather than merely throwing him 32 times. Helio promised to be better prepared for the rematch. The fight would eventually take place October 3, 1936. In the meantime, Helio needed a tune-up, someone with a low level of jiu-jitsu ability, if any at all.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Olympic Rules

On June 16, 1936 it was announced that on June 18 George Gracie would meet the Portuguese luta livre fighter Mossoró, and Helio Gracie would face not less than two opponents (the headline said three). Helio’s two opponents would be Geronicio Barbosa and possibly Manoel Fernandes, who had been challenging Helio and all of the Gracies and everyone else. Mossoró also had been eager to confront a Gracie.22

The fights eventually took place at Estadio Brasil on Tuesday June 23 in a night of boxing (six fights), catch-as-catch-can (three matches), and six luta livre matches, three of which were fought by George Gracie. Helio and Mossoró were nowhere to be seen. George’s three opponents were Geroncio Barbosa, Antonio Roque, and Jose Amorim

Geroncio Barbosa was a “strongman” who followed the normal course and entered luta livre.23 Antonio Roque was a professional wrestler.24 Jose Amorim was a former amateur boxer.25

The arrangement was unusual. Instead of fighting each one a specified number of rounds, he fought all three in two 20-minute rounds. The plan was to finish one and then move on to the next. This is what almost happened.

George beat Geroncio Barbosa and Antonio Roque, but had his hands full with Amorim. It seemed that everyone thought George lost, except George himself [J. Amorim, um dos adverarios de George Gracie venceu-o nitidamente]. Although George was “clearly defeated,” the referee had neglected to count to “3” as required by Olympic rules, when Amorim pinned him [Depois de o vencer nitidamente, sem que fosse contado pelo arbitro os 3 segundos exigidos pelo Comite Olympico].

George protested. There was some confusion about which rules were in effect, as often happened. Nevertheless, it was obvious that, even if George’s protest was accepted, he had been unable to subdue Amorim (and there was no indication that Amorim was playing defensively). The first round of 20 minutes ended without George getting the better of Amorim [não levou a melhor].

There was also a long disagreement concerning the number of rounds. George wanted to take his ambiguous draw and go home. The others wanted to continue with the second round, as agreed before the fight. George compromised by promising that he would fight and beat them all in a single 20-minute round some other time, when his schedule permitted.26

In August Roberto Ruhmann began his campaign to bolster his jiu-jitsu credibility and pave the way for lucrative matches with one or more of the Gracie brothers. He started by fighting two Japanese, one named Misuki, the other Yamada. Little is known about Misuki other than that he lost to Ruhmann by KO on Saturday August 1, 1936 at Estadio Brasil.

According to one report, Ruhmann defeated Misuki without difficulty [Ruhman venceu Misuki sem difficuldade] and demonstrated his knowledge of the new game that he had recently begun learning.

At the start of the fight, Misuki went for a choke but Ruhmann applied a “gravata” [headlock] that Misuki pulled out of. That seemed to impress Ruhmann, who had been known as “Strangler” [Estrangulador] in São Paulo. A few minutes later Ruhmann applied a leglock [chave de pernas] and then a choke. It was all over for Misuki.27

At least one newspaper was skeptical [Ruhmann não convenceu como praticante de jiu-jitsu]. The fight was a farce. Neither Ruhmann nor Misuki demonstrated any knowledge of jiu-jitsu and Misuki did absolutely nothing in the match [Misuki…não fez absolutamente nada]. He dropped out of sight after this debacle.28

Roberto Ruhmann versus Jiu-Jitsu

After disposing of Misuki, Ruhmann announced that he would fight Helio Gracie on September 5. Ruhmann never fought Helio Gracie. Ruhmann met George instead. On August 7 it was announced that Ruhmann would fight Tageshika Yamada on Saturday August 8. Yamada was only slightly less unknown than Misuki. He may have been among the members of the Ono group that arrived in São Paulo in October of 1934. But Yamada is a common Japanese name.

Yamada was in some way professionally associated with Massagoichi, who would fight Helio Gracie a month later.29 He was a man with “cat-like agility” [é a homem de agilidade feline], which was said about every Japanese “representative” (with the exception of Massagoichi). He had a notable career in sports [um japonez portador de notiveis antecedentes sportivos]30 which suggested to at least one paper that he would be a tougher opponent for Ruhmann than Misurki [sic, Misuki] had been.31 His style was said to be extremely fast and disconcerting [possue um estylo extremamente rapido e desconcertante]32 and to be characterized by extreme mobility [extrema mobilidade de seus movimento].33 He was “considered to be the South American jiu-jitsu champion”.34 On the day of the fight, he was shown in a photograph applying an inverted calf-crush with toe-hold on a training partner.35

Overall, the pre-fight build-up was a collection of clichés and vague, unsupported assertations. The complete absence of specific information strongly suggested that Yamada was manufactured for this fight (as it would in the case of any other unknown fighter). This possibility did occur to some people. And they said so. However, almost everyone had incentives to maintain the fiction.

The essential problem was there there were too few legitimately skilled jiu-jitsu men in Brazil, or at least those who wanted to be professional fighters. That wasn’t something that could be easily or quickly remedied. In the mean time, everyone played the game. In consequence, the public eagerly anticipated the fight. To be sure they were not too disappointed in case Yamada failed to deliver a convincing performance, several boxing matches were included, as was the general custom.36

The Ruhmann versus Yamada fight was scheduled for six rounds of 10 minutes each. Ruhmann weighed 78 kilos, Yamada weighed 62 kilos.37

Local reporter Dan Shupe described the action in the following terms:

After a long wait, Yamada enters the ring, followed by Ruhmann. Yamada sends Ruhmann to the canvas by means of a leg trip and a hold on Ruhmann’s kimono. He then attempts to apply a decisive Strangle Hold and very nearly does, Ruhmann escaping with some difficulty, thanks to his abnormal sarength [sic]. Yamada tries again to get a Strangle Hold but failed again to do so. They both get on their feet and Ruhmann gives a Stomach Throw with the Jap tightly clinging to his tunic. Ruhmann applies an Arm Stretch to the Jap who manages to escape. Yamada then downs the Syrian with a Stomach Throw and soon after tries to give another and fails. Ruhmann trips Yamada, to sit on him and apply a Strangle Hold, making his adversary give in. Yamada took some time to return to his senses. Such [sic] the power of Ruhmann’s hold. Ruhmann did not make as good a showing last night as he did last week.38

Ruhmann’s stranglehold [gravata] was legendary. Indeed, a good wrestler, which he supposedly was (an Olympic champion, he said), can apply considerable pressure with a head and arm grip. The jiu-jitsu (judo) equivalent, the kata-gatame hold-down can even be effective as a choke, if held long enough. Pictures of Ruhmann applying it leave some doubt as to how legitimate it really was. George Gracie, who encountered Ruhmann several times, was skeptical. But in this case, the only one who could speak with true authority was Yamada. He apparently had nothing to say.

Neither Misuki nor Yamada had any other fights, at least none that received press coverage. It is not out of the question that both were simply untrained members of the Japanese immigrant community who needed to make some extra cash and were recruited for the role of Ruhmann victims.

One who suspected as much was Takeo Yano, who commented, “I have never heard of these “champions” and I’m sure that they don’t know anything about jiu-jitsu”.39

Coincidentally, Misuki and Yamada and one more Japanese “champion” had been somehow “discovered” by Ruhmann’s manager Kid Pratt. The other “champion” was someone named “Masaquichi”.40

Professional Jiu-Jitsu

In an attempt to make jiu-jitsu more entertaining the Brazilian Federation of Pugilism [Federação Brasileiro de Pugilismo] formulated 15 rules for professional jiu-jitsu matches.41

The new rules introduced points. Unlike previously where victory depended solely on KO or give up (by the opponent), now a man could also win by points. The points however were not awarded for specific positions or techniques (as in judo or amateur boxing) but rather “superiority” (with one exception). There were 15 rules, as follows:

1. Fighters must wear appropriate, sturdy Japanese kimonos, with sleeves that reach half-way up the lower arms..

2. The fighters must be barefooted, without grease of any kind on their body, and with their fingernails trimmed.

3. The ring will be 5 x 5 meters. The floor will be covered with cotton or something similar.

4. The fighters will be separated if one is completely outside the rope and then they will both be sent back to the middle of the ring.

5. There will be one referee [juiz de ring] and three judges [jurados de mesa].

6. The maximum time of a fight will be 60 minutes, in rounds of 10-20 minutes each, with a break between rounds of 2-3 minutes.

7. Each fighter can have a maximum of two “seconds”.

8. Prohibited techniques are Cuteladas [chops], ante-braço [fore-arm], cotoveladas [elbows], socos [punches], bofetadas [slaps], dentadas [biting], joelhadas [knees], cabeçadas [head-butts], ponta-pés [straight kicks], puxão de cabellos ou das orelhas [pulling hair or ears], torcão dos dedos das mãos e dos pés [twisting fingers or toes], dedos nos olhos ou orgãos genitaes [fingers in the eyes or genitals]. Putting the fingers inside the sleeves or pants legs is also prohibited. Infractions will incur a warning or disqualification.

9. A medical examination is mandatory on the day of the fight, between 11:00 and noon, at a place designated by the Federation.

10. In addition to disqualification, fights can be decided by points [pontos] unconsciousness or knock-out [perda de sentidos (knockout)], give up [desistencia], or disqualification [desclassificação].

11. Decisions by points will be rendered by the table judges [jurados de mesa], as follows:

a. One point for superior defense.

b. One point for superior technique.

c. One point for superior attack.

d. One point for superior efficiency.

e. One point for knocking, throwing, or otherwise putting the opponent’s shoulders and hips on the ground and completely dominating him.

When the fighers are equal in a round they will both be given 5 points.

At the end of the fight the fighter with the largest total number of points will be declared the winner. If they have the same number of points, the result will be a draw.

12. When a fighter is unconscious [sem sentidos] the referee will count aloud to ten (10), and then declare the adversary the winner, lifting his hands in the air. It will also be considered a K.O., if a fighter is thrown out of the ring and doesn’t return by the count of 20.

13. It is considered “give up” [desistencia] if one fighter is being attacked and can’t endure further punshment [um dos contendores estiver sendo atacado e não supporter mais o golpe], he speaks to the referee, or taps with his hand or foot, more than twice, any part of the opponent’s body, or even the floor of the ring.

14. Disqualification [desclassificação] will result from passivity [falta de combatividade], failure of the fighter or any of his seconds to heed the referee’s instructions three times, and any of the “irregularities” specified in rule # 8.

15. Anyone who violates any of the rules is subject to suspension.

Helio versus the Giant

Promotion for the fight started in August. Massagoichi was described as a strong Japanese fighter [formidavel lutador japonez] a high-level fighter [lutador de grande classe], as an “almost giant” [quasi-gigante] at 85 kilos. He was also unusually tall for his race. He had received the coveted “Cruz de Merito”, was undefeated in both jiu-jitsu and “cimó” [sumo], and was the third-rated sumo fighter in Japan.

The fight was originally set for August 22.42 but re-scheduled for September 12.

After coming to Brazil, Massagoichi had acquired property in the interior of São Paulo State and dedicated himself to his business interests. But feeling nostalgiac about his past ring glories, he could not resist the temptation to throw his hat back into the ring. He had retained his flexibility and healthy dietary routine, and therefore he was seen as a worthy opponent for the kid brother of the Gracie family, Helio Gracie.43

For the benefit of those who doubted his abilities, Massagoichi challenged anyone to try him, expecially his compatriots Yassuiti Ono and Takeo Yano, and George Gracie and Roberto Ruhmann as well. Asserting his confidence, he offered to fight “winner take all”.

At first it was planned that Ruhmann and Massagoichi would fight and that the winner would automatically, without need for a “prova de sufficienia” acquire the right to face Helio Gracie, Yassuiti Ono, or Takeo Yano.44

The Ruhmann versus Massagoichi fight did not happen. Instead Massagoichi was required to undergo a “prova de sufficiencia” to demonstrate his skills and his right to confront Helio Gracie.45 The prova was held on September 9, 1936 at Estadio Brasil, beginning at 9 p.m. Admission was free. Takeo Yano was Massagoichi’s demonstration partner. In addition to the prova, two amateur catch matches were presented.

As the Ruhmann versus Misuki fight showed, it was not unheard of for a promoter to put an unqualified opponent in the ring with a name fighter, simply to give him something to do. The public was losing patience with these fights, which were negatively impacting the fight business in general. Consequently, unknown fighters were generally required to complete a “prova de sufficencia” which was intended to put their skills on display prior to an actual fight.

A prova de sufficiencia, also called prova do efficiencia and exame de sufficiencia was a half-match, half-demonstration. The “provas” were open to officials, the press, and usually, the general public. A fighter under contract would be assigned to job of testing him. It was a form of truth in advertsing. The public wanted to be sure the man could really fight. It also served the purpose of promoting the fight, or other fights, and showcasing one or more fighters. Unfortunately, the big fight which was the reason for conducting the prova depended on the tested fighter making a good showing. Everyone had an incentive to help him. It happened from time to time that a fighter who looked impressive in his prova turned inexplicably inept when it came to the actual fight.

Massagoichi performed his “sufficiency test” on August 20 at 5:00 p.m., at Estadio Brasil in a demonstration with Takeo Yano and reportedly left a magnificent impression.46

A Noite didn’t believe that Massagoichi’s 20 kilo weight advantage would be enough to nullify Helio Gracie’s technical superiority [Vinte kilos de difference não devem atemorisar Helio Gracie]. Massagoichi weighed 86 kilos. Helio weighed 66 kilos.47

The fight took place at Estadio Brasil and was scheduled for three 20-minute rounds.

Helio Gracie won in the early minutes with an armlock [venceu o brasileiro aos primeiros minutos num golpe de hermelock (sic)].48

Diario Carioca provided a bit more detail. “Helio defeated Massaogichi at the 12-minute mark with an armlock, giving evidence of his vast knowledge of jiu-jitsu”.49 One newspaper called Massagoichi “the fighter who easily forgot jiu-jitsu” [“a luctador que facilmente esquece o jiu-jitsu”] and complained that “the jiu-jitsu fights presented in Rio, with rare exceptions, had been increasingly demoralizing due to the extremely suspicious nature of the outcomes” and called the fight a “comedy” [comedia] and a fraud [burla] that profoundly revolted the public.50

Massagoichi was suspended by the Federation for 90 days, for not doing what he should have [Por não ter se empregado como era do seu dever], and having taken part in such a “fraudulent comedy”. The Federation seemed to feel that, based on his prova with Yano, Massagoichi was capable of putting up a better fight than he did.51

Dois Invictos

Roberto Ruhmann had been challenging the Gracie brothers since at least 1932. Helio was eager to fight him, but Carlos, as he often did, played hard to get. He wanted the most favorable conditions for his client. George was ready to fight under virtually any conditions. Still, it wasn’t until April 21, 1934 that contracts were signed^52 and more than two more before the usual obstacles were cleared away and the fighters climbed into the ring. In the meantime, Ruhmann’s and the Gracie’ names were familiar fare in the daily press. Indeed, anything they did or said was printable. Of course, that was true for every other wrestler as well, which meant that there was incessant competition for media attention. Interesting stories had to be constantly spun. In return for free publicity, the fight managers provided free content.

One example probably was Ruhmann’s decision to learn the fearsome Japanese game of defense. After his April 1932 loss to Omori, Ruhmann had decided to take jiu-jitsu lessons, hoping to do better the next time.53 His matches with Misuki and Yamada were designed to showcase his new knowledge. Not everyone was convinced, but it was enough to justify a fight with a Gracie.

Ruhmann and George Gracie were both undefeated in jiu-jitsu [invictos do jiu-jitsu]. A battle between two undefeated champions was always special. It was going to be the iron muscles of Ruhmann versus the technical knowledge of George Gracie at Stadium Brasil.54 George weighed 66 kilos, Ruhmann weighed 71 kilos. The fight was scheduled for two 20-minute rounds. It lasted 9 minutes.

Dan Shupe described the fight.

Ruhmann looks very serious when he appears in the ring, while shortly after Gracie appears smilingly and is the picture of confidence. Ruhmann trips Gracie and applies a Body Scissors but Gracie falls on top and both secure Strangle Holds. After 2 or 3 attempts at throwing Gracie off Gracie tightens his Strangle Hold and the impression given was that Ruhmann would lose, however, he manages to stave off defeat for a time by moving around on the canvas. Gracie tightens his Strangle Hold and a Ruhmann unconscious on the mat short time later [sic] gets up leaving after 9 minutes during which time only one hold was applied by both, a Strangle Hold. Without doubt, a significant win for Gracie.55

From Shupe’s description of the fight, it did not seem to be a “work”. In any case, neither Ruhmann’s usually faithful “gravata” nor arms of steel served saved him this time.

***

Challenges continued to arrive from every direction. On September 20, 1936 the French catch wrestler Jean Bognar challenged George and Helio Gracie to a luta livre contest. He went out of his way to make a potential match attractive to either or both of them, if they they choose to accept. It would be no-gi [não haverá kimono], but chokes [acceita estrangulamento] would be allowed, and he would eschew pinning [sem espaduas no chão]. Carlos had publically declared that the Gracies never refused a challenge. Bognar hoped that the brothers would respond soon [O desafiante pede resposta urgente]. They didn’t.56

Survival

The Yassuiti Ono versus Helio Gracie rematch took place Saturday, October 3, 1936 at Stadium Brasil. Ono’s younger brother Naoiti (also known as Oninho) would be fighting Helio’s sparring partner Carlos Pereira. Naoiti was (probably) 16 and weighed about 57 kilos. Periera was 18 and weighed 74 kilos.57 There were also three boxing matches. Helio weighed 68.3 kilos, Ono weighed 64.6 kilos.

Locally based foreign reporter Dan Shupe previewed the fight: “Never was Gracie so hard pressed as when he met Ono and this when the Japanese was handicapped by an injured knee”. Ono and Helio both felt certain of victory this time, Shupe reported.58

Both were wrong, neither won. Neither lost either. Whether Helio did better the second time around seemed to depend on the nationality of the reporter. According to A Noite, Helio avoided being thrown, which was an obvious improvement over his performance in the first fight. No mention was made of Helio’s success in attacking Ono. Again, it seemed that his game plan was centered on survival. The reporter felt that a draw was a reasonable outcome [Helio annullou a efficiencia de Ono. Evitando os quedas em que o Japonez é mestre. Empate foi o desfecho logico”].59

Frank Wright described the fight as follows:

Ono (64.6 kgs.) was the whole fight. He constantly had Gracie (68.3 kgs.) in difficulty and Gracie can thank his lucky stars for the draw decision. Gracie did not score one single effective hold and was content to remain on the defensive. Points for this fight were not counted, for it they had been, victory would have gone to Ono. Carlos Gracie as per usual found something wrong with Ono’s costume and to oblige him, Ono had to trail back to the dressing room to change it for another. Throughout the fight, Ono applied many spectacular leg trips and stomach throws and the vast crowd at once realized that they were in the presence of a master. Gracie’s defensive system was good and he made a spectacular escape from a fatal armlock engineered by Ono after the later had downed Gracie with a leg trip, by spinning. At the end of 60 minutes the result was a draw.60

The reports disagreed about how well Helio avoided being thrown. Perhaps he did better than in 1935, but apparently his stand-up defense was far from impeccable. Possibly he did not want to bother to avoid being taken down, where he wanted to be anyway, since points were not being scored for throws despite the new rule system announced by the Federação Brasileira de Pugilismo in September. Nevertheless, both reports seem to indicate that Helio’s strategy was to survive. Clearly, Yassuiti Ono was on a different level from Massagoichi.

Correio de S. Paulo summed up the match: “Ono dominated the final three rounds, applying 27 techniques to Gracie’s one” [“Ono dominou os tres ultimos tempos applicando 27 golpes em Gracie contra 1”].61

Obviously, Helio performed better in 1936 than in 1935, only being thrown 27 rather than 32 times, and accordingly to one account he even managed to execute one technique of some kind. Officially the result was again a draw [empate] and Helio remained undefeated [invicto]. The match was anything but even however, all reports agreed.62

In November the Club de Regatas do Flamengo sponsored the “Festa Pugilistica do Flamengo” to celebrate its 41st anniversary, In addition to club members, representatives from Club Carioca de Box, Policia Especial, and Academia Jose Andre also participated. There were four luta livre matches of one 10 minute round each, five boxing matches, one capoeiragem match, and three jiu-jitsu matches. In the jiu-jitsu matches, Odemar Figueiredo faced Eguti; Vicente Marques confronted Luiz Ciz; and Togo Carper met Egrad Guisher.

Takeo Yano was the jiu-jitsu instructor at the Club, but for this occasion he took off his kimono and engaged Jayme Ferrreira in one of the luta livre contests.63

Catch wrestler João Peçanha had been challenging Geo Omori for years. He was modest, restrained, and monosyllabic, but his name was a household word in Rio fight circles.64 Peçanha had just returned to Rio from a three month stint in Buenas Aires where he compiled a record of 14 wins (all by pin), 7 losses, and 5 draws and earned the admiration of the local press for his strength, durability, and agility.65

Finally Omori accepted, despite Peçanha’s 25 kilo weight edge. The four 10-minute round fight was scheduled for November 15, 1936 at Estadio Federal. Omori promised to liquidate Peçanha quickly [“Liquidarei O Peçanha rapidamente”]. Omori reportedly had more than 400 fights in Brasil, which paled in comparison to Peçanha’s more than 1,000 ring outings. Omori’s student Saburo Senda was set to face the aging boxer Tavares Crespo, who had already been quickly dispatched by Omori in 1932.66 The match was postponed to Tuesday November 17.67 The result was neither reported nor referred to subsequently, which generally meant that the fight was cancelled at the last minute.

Jiu-Jitsu sem Kimono

Takeo Yano and George Gracie battled to a boring draw in their 1935 jiu-jitsu match. Many observers had already arrived at the conclusion that the kimono, which could be a terrible weapon in the hands of a jiu-jitsu master against a naïve opponent, too often led to snooze-fests when two jiu-jitsu men met, especially if one of them was overly cautious on the ground. When more action was required, promoters implored jiu-jitsu fighters to take off their kimonos.

Technically jiu-jitsu could be sem kimono [without gi], and luta livre could be com kimono [with gi]. Such matches did sometimes take place and if so the only significant difference was the shoulder pinning rule. If that was also eliminated, there was effectively no difference―apart from the level of movement that the kimono either allowed or restricted. Essentially, jiu-jitsu without the kimono and shoulder pinning was luta livre, and indeed most writers viewed jiu-jitsu as a form of luta livre.

Accordingly, for their rematch, Yano and George took off their kimonos. The match was held Monday November 30, in Bello Horizonte and probably for that reason did not receive much coverage either before or after. In any case, George won with a choke after 52 minutes [Em uma partida de luta livre, que durou 52 minutos, Georges Gracie derrotou com chave de pescoço o japonez Zano].68 The lack of kimono evidently made a considerable difference.

The final match of 1936 that we have any evidence of was not a jiu-jitsu contest but it involved the participation of one of the most active jiu-jitsu fighters of the decade. He was the Arab Mastodon and São Paulo champion Jose Detti. On Tuesday December 22, 1936 Detti was scheduled to meet Jose dos Santos in a lucta livre match at Cine. S. Luiz on avenida Celso Garcia, 771. It is unknown whether Detti added a victory over Santos to his list of triumphs.69

.Chapter 16 Notes

Chapter 17

1937

Many jiu-jitsu representatives were happy to engage in catch wrestling, no doubt for the same reason that the legendary judoka Kimura Masahiko later did. As he explained, pro-wrestling is easier and pays more than judo.1 He was not trying to deceive anyone. He felt that it was obvious that pro wrestling was entertainment. As a form of entertainment, even in Japan, fans preferred pro wrestling to judo, professional or otherwise.

On Friday January 8, Oswaldo Gracie’s former student Dante Carvalho fought Torquato de Oliveira, also known as “Ex-Purple Mask” [ex-mascara Roxa]. Oliveira weighed 73 kilos. Dante weighed 70 kilos. It was a “no time limit” catch match held at Paisandú on rua Siqueira de campos in Porto Alegre. Rounds were 10 minutes with 4-minute breaks. Pinning [encostamentos de espaduas] was not permitted. The fight would go on until one man gave up or was knocked out or choked out 2

Oliveira revealed a lack of sense of fair play by punching Dante, contrary to the rules. Dante punched Oliveira in return. When Oliveira turned to complain to the referee, Dante took advantage of the opportunity and applied a “Chinese lock” [chave chinêsa], forcing Oliveira to give up.3

Golpe Prohibido

Dudú and Helio Gracie had a reprise of their 1935 match. This time Dudú came out on top. The occasion was the Campeonato de Luta Livre, held in Bello Horizonte, on Thursday January 13. It was straight grappling contest, and as per the regulations of sports luta livre, striking techniques were not allowed. Helio applied a prohibited technique [golpe prohibido], as a result of which the referee awarded the contest to Dudú. Helio protested [não se conformando com a derrota] and challenged Dudú to a luta livre without time limits [desafiou Dudú para uma luta livre sem tempo determinado].4 We will never know what might have happened if the two champions of their respective games had measured forces one more time. Fate stepped in and took a hand. Dudú and Helio never met in the ring again.

Teaching

Gastão Jr. was the third of the five Gracie brothers. He wasn’t tempermentally suited for fighting and never entered the ring. When luta livre and other fighters challenged the Gracie brothers, they always specifed the “four” brothers. They didn’t need to name them. Everyone knew who the fighting Gracies were (Carlos, Oswaldo, George, and Helio). Gastão Jr. was not even in the picture as a “lutador”.

Teaching was his forte. He also focused his efforts on earning a living in more conventional ways than his brothers gravitated toward. He did his share to promote both jiu-jitsu and the family brand. Teaching famous people has always been a good way to do both. Famous people are newsworthy and if they are your students, so are you. One of Gastão Jr.’s illustrious students was Deputado [Member of Parliament] Dr. Adhemar de Barros. Gastão’s other students emanated from the elite of São Paulo’s best families [as familias tradicionaes de elite paulistas”].5

Debut

Another of Oswaldo Gracie’s students, Barata (Miranda Netto) also had no issues with pro wrestling. He was scheduled to face the Portuguese catcher Moraes (Morais) on Wednesday February 3 at the Paisandú in Porto Alegre. Dante Carvalho was the best catch fighter [o catcher numero um] at Paisandú. Moraes had managed a draw against Dante and was expected to be a dangerous opponent for Barata. Who among the Porto Alegre ring fans would not want to witness the Paisandú debut of Barata, the only man so far who was able to defeat Dante?

Dante would also be making an appearance, against Stock in the semi-final. Franklin and Saraiva would supply the preliminary.6

Muscles versus Agility

Roberto Ruhmann’s new jiu-jitsu knowledge didn’t help him much against George Gracie in 1936. As generally happened when a gi fighter met a no-gi fighter and lost, or vice-versa, a rematch was called for, using the rules preferred by the loser of the previous contest. Ruhmann wanted luta livre rules in the sequel, with pinning.

The match was held Saturday March 13, 1937 in Bello Horizonte. This time Ruhmann prevailed. He beat George by shoulder pin in 5 minutes of the third round [Aos cinco minutos de terceiro round Gracie foi vencido por encostamento de espaduas].7

After beating George, Ruhmann visited the major newspaper in his hometown of São Paulo. According to the interview that resulted, Ruhmann had suffered only one defeat in his career of 698 fights (over 100 in Brazil). That was at the hands of George Gracie. Ruhmann justified his loss by explaining that at the time he didn’t know “judo” [não conhencedo o ‘judo’]. Consequently he began learning the Japanese game in hopes of one day turning the tables on George. Thanks to his new knowledge, Ruhmann defeated George Gracie, not once but twice, once in luta livre and once in jiu-jitsu [obteve dois triumphos consagrados em jiu-jitsu e luta livre contra George Gracie] and in the process became the first man to defeat George Gracie in both luta livre and jiu-jitsu [Ruhmann foi o primeiro homem a vencer George Gracie em jiu-jitsu e luta livre].8

The luta livre victory occurred on March 13. No record of Ruhmann’s jiu-jitsu victory over George has surfaced.

Flamengo

Football is the national sport of Brazil. It wasn’t always. In fact the famous Flamengo football [futbol] team was an addition to the original sporting focus of the club, which was rowing [remo]. Rowing was considered to be a manly sport, while football, was undignified at best, with all that running around, chasing a little ball.9 Rowing is where Helio Gracie started his athletic career in fact.10 In addition to football, other sports were incorporated into most clubs’ offerings. Boxing, luta livre, and jiu-jitsu were among them. Instructors, usually qualified, but not always, were recruited, invited, or allowed to teach the games. Festivals were periodically held.

On March 18, The Department of Boxing, Jiu-Jitsu, and Luta Livre of the Flamengo Clube de Regatas^11organized a night of jiu-jitsu and boxing. Participants were representatives of the Policia Especial, Flamengo, and the Gracie Academy. Pinochio met Saul; Hermes (Flamengo) met Marques (Gracie); Victor met Carlos Cruz (Gracie); the Catramby brothers faced Buenos and Rochedo (both Gracie); and Francez (Flamengo) confronted Marinho (Policia Especial). Carlos Cruz was described as the best student of the Gracie academy [“o alumno numero 1 da Academia Gracie”].12

Multiple Opponents

On March 31 it was reported that George would go to Juiz da Fóra to take on three men in the same night.13 It wasn‘t the first time George had taken on three opponents. He did it on June 23, 1936. He let one of them, Jose Amorim, slip through his fingers. Indeed, observers felt that George had lost. Perhaps he learned from that experience and wanted to try again. Unfortunately, the results were not reported. Nor were any details about the matches. It very well might have been a slightly glorified academy sparring session, such as had happened at the Academia Loanzi in April 1936, or the Carnera versus E. Bueno match at the Gracie academy in April of 1937. If the purpose was to get publicity, it succeeded.

On Thursday April 29 it was announced that George Gracie would confront Henrique Helio in a jiu-jitsu contest on Saturday May 1, 1937, at Feira de Amostras, in Rio. Results were not reported.14

In May Carlos and Helio kept active, giving a series of demonstrations in Flamengo. George did not participate.15

Desempate

The Gracie academy invited a reporter from Diario da Noite to observe a sparring session and demonstration involving two beginning students. The session was described as a “fight” [luta], possibly to make it seem more dramatic than it was. It caused a sensation, it was reported. Former luta romana champion, business partner, and family friend Jayme Ferreira also attended. The new students reportedly revealed a great variety of techniques and fought valiantly and skillfully to a draw, in view of which an even more sensational “tie-breaker” [desempate] might possibly be arranged. Shortly after the sparring session, Carlos posed for a picture with the two students, Dr. Fernando Young (“Carnera”) and E. Bueno.16

Campeonato Aberto

The Federação Brasileira de Pugilismo [Brazilian Pugilism Federation] promoted a tournament on May 15 that stretched out over a five-month period. It was “Open Championship of Jiu-Jitsu and Luta Livre” [Campeonato Aberto de Jiu-Jitsu e Luta Livre]. By May 6, 18 amateur luta livre fighters and 16 amateur jiu-jitsu fighters had registered to compete.17 O Imparcial described it as “Um Fla-Flu Pugilistica” implying an ancient and magestic rivalry between titans, having enormous national significance.

In fact it was small affair between a handfull of members of a few sports clubs. The several installaments of the tournament were held in different locations. On Saturday July 3, 1937, beginning at 9 p.m., the Academia Gracie was the site of the action. Representatives of the Gracie academy, Club de Regatas do Flamengo (C.R.F), and the Liga de Sports da Marinha, (L.S.M) and Fluminense Football Club (F.F.C) participated. There were five luta livre matches and one jiu-jitsu match. The luta livre matches were Elysio Gentil de Aguiar (F.F.C.) versus Luiz (L.S.M); Joaquim C. de Mello (L.S.M) versus Saul D. Ferreira (C.R.F.); (3) Max W. Filho (F.F.C.) versus Heleno Rosa Valies (C.R.F.); Carlos Pereira (Gracie) versus Pinsheirinho (C.R.F.); and Daniel Estvam (Gracie) versus João Vital da Silva (L.S.M.). The jiu-jitsu match was between Antonio Marques (Gracie) and Oldemar Muniz Figuereido (C.R.F.).18

Jiu-Jitsu Supremacy

Yassuiti Ono arrived in Rio on Tuesday August 31 for his contest with George Gracie to decide the supremacy of jiu-jitsu in Brazil. He hadn’t lost his ambition to beat a Gracie. He failed twice against Helio, first in 1935 and again in 1936. Ono conceded that he had problems with Helio’s defense. “Helio’s guard is a terrible enemy” he said [“aquella guarda de Helio e uma inimiga terrivel”].

Now George had been selected to taste the bitter flavor of defeat. Ono believed that George, unlike Helio, would bring it on. And if George did, Ono was confident that his dream of beating a Gracie would become a reality.19

The match took place Saturday September 11, 1937, at Stadium Brasil. The match was scheduled for six rounds of 10 minutes each with 2 minutes rest between rounds. There were four ways to win: Points, give up, KO, or disqualification [pontos, desistencia, perda de sentidos, ou desclassificção]. On the card also were the final matches in an amateur campeonato of luta livre and jiu-jitsu, and two amateur and two professional luta livre matches.20

Ono promised that there wouldn’t be a draw. It would be a duel to the death [será um duelo até a morte]. 21

No one died but Ono’s prediction was on target. There was no draw. There was a winner and a there was a loser. Ono was the winner, George was the loser. There might have been a moral for those who scoffed at the “efficiency” of throws. George was knocked semi-unconscious by one and rendered unable to defend himself against Ono’s choke attack in the third round.

George could have given up after the throw, being alert enough at least to grasp the gravity of his situation [Poderia ter evitado a derrota em cima da ring desistindo depois da queda].

But with his brother Carlos obviously in mind (specially his “abandonment” of the ring and consequent loss to Manoel Rufino on Saturday August 22, 1931), George explained, “I could have avoided defeat in the ring by stopping after the throw. But between losing fighting and running like a coward, I prefer to fight until I have nothing left”.22

According to A Noite, Ono left no doubt about his profound knowledge of the secrets of jiu-jitsu. His victory was indisputable.23

But doubt remained. George was injured by a throw that left him almost unconscious [quasi desacordado]. If not for that throw, would George have been defeated? George thought not. “I’m defeated, but not convinced”, he said, almost poetically [“vencido, mas não convencido”]. He felt sure that the outcome would have been different if he hadn’t been injured by Ono’s throw [“Se não fosse a queda que soffri”].

Logically, it was like a boxer saying that he might have won on points if he hadn’t been knocked out. It was possible, but highly irrelevant. Nevertheless, George insisted on a rematch. He might be able to do better next time. He couldn’t do much worse.24

Diario de Noticias described the sequence of events leading up to George’s loss. The first round was actively contested. Ono had the edge in throws and take-downs, six against three. George demonstrated an effective defense. Overall Ono had the advantage

The second round was more even. George stepped up his pace. Ono had a slight advantage.

Round 3 began violently and both fighters fell outside the ring subsequent to one of Ono’s spectacular throws. George hit his head on the floor and re-entered the ring “groggy”. Ono applied a classical strangle in combination with a headlock [gravata] and George, in pain, gave up. The time was 4 minutes into the third round.25

It is noteworthy that George was able to take Ono to the ground three times in round 1. It would be interesting to know how he did it. But coverage was not that detailed, and the vocabulary at that time was limited.26

George’s friends tried to make excuses for him, saying that he was out of shape [fóra de forma]. Diario de Noticias rejected that and any other excuse. George’s lost because Ono was physically superior and had a deeper understanding of jiu-jitsu [maiores conhecimentos technicos]. George’s loss was honorable. If not for the throw in round 3, he might have resisted 24 more minutes (finishing out the fight), but physically and technically he was in over his head. Oddly, the writer did not think that Ono could repeat this against Helio, who (he wrote) was stronger and more aggressive than George. It would be difficult for Ono to beat Helio, he said.27

It was an opinion shared by virtually no one, with the notable exception of Helio Gracie. It was certainly true that Ono would have a difficult time defeating Helio Gracie, as he admitted himself, but that was entirely due to Helio’s “impenetrable” guard.

By the same token, Helio had no possible chance of defeating Ono. And this applied only if the decision was based strictly on knock-out or give up. Ono dominated Helio in both of their fights, all reporters seemed to agree. He simply couldn’t get through the Helio’s defense, while Helio in turn was unable to mount any offense. But such were the rules. Styles make fights, as boxing trainers say. Helio’s style was hard for Ono to deal with. George’s was easier. But some styles excite fans and make them want to buy tickets. Others bore fans and send them looking for more exciting fights to watch. Even if they are less “real”.

Ono talked about the fight before heading back to São Paulo. He realized that George was hurt when they fell (Ono fell on top of George). He thought that it not for the fall, George could have resisted longer. But the result would have been the same.28

A photo in A Noite suggested a difference between George’s defense and Helio’s (judged from pictures of the Dudú and Zbyszko fights and George’s fights with Tico Soledade on July 8, 1933 and Geo Omori on April 8, 1933). Helio seemed to prefer a closed guard, generally speaking, while George evidently liked a more open guard. Helio’s guard would more effectively prevent an opponent from moving, while George’s would let the opponent move but keep him a safe distance from his own neck. Everything else being equal, it is easy to see George’s how guard would produce a more interesting fight, at least against aggressive opponents like the Ono brothers.

In addition, George used his guard to spring traps. Against both Geo Omori and Tico Soledade, George waited until his opponents had grabbed both of his ankles and stood up hoping to crank on a double anklelock or possibly to step over into a “Boston Crab” or some similar maneuver. As everyone who has taken a few jiu-jitsu lessons will know, that allows the man on bottom to grab the standing man’s ankle, lift his hip, forcing the standing man to fall straight back. That is how George mounted Tico. It didn’t work as well against Geo Omori, because Omori was not an unskilled weightlifter like Tico Soledade. The principle was the same however.

The two brothers’guard preferences may have stemmed from their very distinct personalities, or from their opponents’ tactics, or simply from the fact that George had shorter legs and couldn’t close his guard as easily as Helio even if he wanted to. In any case, both of their guard games seemed to work adequately well as defensive tools, when they could be deployed.

Ono’s throw highlighted one weak spot in defense-oriented jiu-jitsu as well as one of the advantages in being able to throw well. It is less useful to be skilled on the ground if you cannot compel the opponent to go there with you. It is then that stand-up skills are particularly important.

Helio Gracie acknowledged that the crown of Brazilian jiu-jitsu now was on the head of a “foreigner” (or more literally, that the sceptre of jiu-jitsu in Brazil was no longer in the hands of a Brazilian). But that was unimportant, he said.29

Helio reminded readers that Ono had tried and failed to beat him twice before, on December 5, 1935 and October 3, 1936. How could Ono claim to be the king of jiu-jitsu in Brazil when Helio Gracie was still undefeated? The fact that Ono would not fight him a third time had “great significance”, Helio hinted.30

Ono’s manager Antonio Lins replied to Helio’s attacks. Ono regarded George as a better fighter than Helio, Lins quoted Ono as saying, because George went for the win, while Helio only tried to avoid losing. Lins elaborated that if Helio tried to fight aggressively like George he would be liquidated in less than 20 minutes.31

A week later Antonio, now identified as Luis rather than Lins, suggested that Ono and perhaps the fans as well were uninterested in seeing Helio’s “defense” for a third time. There needed to be a compelling reason for another go at it. Helio probably needed the money, but Ono didn’t. Antonio explained, “Ono doesn’t live only by fighting. He has a business and teaches at three locations in São Paulo in addition to his own academy” .32

Much later (in October 1951) Ono relented and offered Helio his rematch. But by that time Helio didn’t want it.

But Ono didn’t mind giving George a rematch, in fact, several, and neither did his brother Naoiti, also known as “Oninho” [Little Ono].33

The reason may have come down to styles. Helio waited for his opponent to give him an opening. If the opponent didn’t give anything, then nothing happened, and fans didn’t pay to see nothing, or if one prefers, two men lying on the floor holding each other. George in contrast, understood that the public wanted to be entertained. If he could do that by choking a big man out, he was happy. If he had to do it some other way, he was also happy―as long as it was entertaining.

Everyone grasped the implications of that formula. Some were prepared to act on it. Others weren’t. They looked for other sources of income.

“Electra”

On Saturday September 25, 1937, Carlos Gracie flew from Rio to Bello Horizonte via the Panair airplane “Electra.” He returned September 28 on the same airplane.34 It has never been revealed what he was doing there.

***

Takeo Yano and Manoel Fernandes signed to meet at Estadio Brasil in the semi-final to the Pedro Brasil versus Dudú tilt for the Brazilian luta livre title. Yano versus Fernandes was also a luta livre match. According to press reports, Fernandes had trained carefully and was in magnificent physical condition. With his large weight advantage, he was capable of giving Yano a tough fight, and possibly even defeating him. Yano was at serious risk of suffering a decisive defeat at the hands of Fernandes. However, due to his abundance of technical resources, Yano was favored to win.35

The Dudú versus Pedro Brasil fight was on and off for years and it is likely that as a result Yano did not fight Fernandes after all. If not, it wasn’t because he had any objection to confronting big men. Or professional wrestlers. Or engaging in questionable fights.

Jiu-Jitsu versus Heavyweight Boxer

In his last fight until 1950, Helio Gracie took on boxer Ervin Klausner on September 26, 1937. Klausner was the second boxer among Helio’s opponents up to that point.

Unlike Antonio Portugal, Helio’s first opponent, Klausner was an experienced and legitimate heavyweight boxer, who (unlike Antonio Portugal) had won more fights than he lost. At 30, he was old (for a boxer) but not ancient. He could have been a dangerous opponent for a relatively small man like Helio Gracie.36

This fight might have provided some foundation for Helio’s supreme confidence in 1947 (ten years into his first retirement) that he could beat undisputed world heavyweight boxing champion Joe Louis.

Except for one thing. Helio’s fight with Klausner was not a mixed-styles fight, or a vale tudo, as they would later be called. It was a jiu-jitsu contest. Needless to say, Klausner was not a jiu-jitsu expert. He did however have luta livre experience, and at one time, he was considered among the best luta livre fighters in São Paulo (he fought and lost to Geo Omori several times, but also won his share of fights, including one against a “jiu-jitsu” representative named Dario Letone in 1928). The same however was true of Tavares Crespo when he fought Albino da Costa in 1933. Klausner was probably no better a grappler with a kimono than Crespo was.

The match was held at Feira de Amostras in Bello Horizonte on Sunday September 26, 1937. As was usual with reports from outside Rio, details were sketchy, other than the fact that Helio won by armlock in the second round.37 Perhaps it was a tribute to his luta livre training that Klausner made it into the second round, but it didn’t reveal much about how Helio would fare against Joe Louis.

Oninho

Yassuiti Ono insisted that George prove himself worthy of a rematch by fighting Naoiti Ono (Oninho), Yassuiti’s brother. Despite being only 17 years old, and weighing around 55 kilos, Naoiti had what it took to beat any Gracie, Ono said.38 Geo Omori agreed, “Naoiti vencerá” [Naoiti will win], he predicted.39

Naoiti was not under contract to EPB, and he was young, small, and inexperienced (he may have fought Carlos Pereira in October 1936 in a preliminary to his brother’s second fight with Helio Gracie. In 1938 he said that he had only been training three years). The Federation insisted on a prova de sufficiency^40 to confirm that Naoiti was ready for George, or rather, that he could offer a solid, professional, entertaining fight. They invited Helio Gracie to do the honors. Helio choked Oninho out, but the Federation concluded that Naoiti was qualified to fight George. The fight was set for October 2, 1937.41

The George Gracie versus Oninho match took place at Stadium Brasil on Saturday October 2. It was six 10-minute rounds, with two minute rests. George weighed 65 kilos, Oninho weighed 55 kilos.42

It was not an easy fight for George Gracie despite his tremendous advantage in weight and experience. According to one report “Oninho dominated various phases of the first fight and spectacularly threw George about 20 times”.43 Oninho eventually wore himself out, he later said, throwing his heavier opponent. He favored his brother’s aggressive style of fight and didn’t endorse the philosophy of waiting for the opponent to make a mistake.44 It took George 52 minutes to finally apply an effective technique. Two minutes into the sixth round George applied a fight-finishing armlock.45

Rematch

George beat Oninho. Yassuiti had to give him his rematch. It was held Saturday October 16 at Estadio Brasil. It was an eight-round fight, each round being 10 minutes with 2-minute breaks. Both men weighed 65 kilos.46

George did better than previously. He avoided being injured by throws. But six minutes into the sixth round, something happened that no one could have anticipated. Feeling that he had fallen into a position that made him susceptible to a George Gracie attack, Ono apparantly lost his composure and punched George in the face several times, in blatant violation of the rules.

George was awarded the victory.47

It was hardly a conclusive finish. The public could not be faulted for wanting to see a third meeting between the two no longer undefeated jiu-jitsu masters.

Gravatas

The jiu-jitsu versus luta livre rivalry continued, encouraged above all by Carlos Gracie and close associates, such as Jayme Ferreira. The situation was slightly confused by the fact that every jiu-jitsu fighter also competed in luta livre. Indeed there was little difference between them other than the kimono, particularly when the fighter lacked strong throwing abilities. The large number of fights that end in “neck-ties” [gravatas] suggests that many fighters were trying to “tackle” their opponents to the ground, but exposing their necks in the process.

The Campeonato Aberto de jiu-Jitsu and Luta Livre that had begun in May was still going on in October. On October 21, the finals were held. In addition to the amateurs from the three clubs and one academy that had signed up, professionals Jayme Ferreira and Mossoró had gotten involved. Antonio Marques (Gracie) met Marinho (Flamengo); Carlos Pereira (Gracie) confronted Max Wolf (Fluminense); Jayme Ferreira encountered Antonio Bueno (both representing Gracie), and Carnera (Gracie) faced off against the pro wrestler Antonio Mossoró. Carnera was the nickname of Dr. Fernando Young, the novice who took part in the hyped up sparring session in March with “E. Bueno”, who was probably Antonio Bueno. From the July and October match-ups, it is unclear how this tournament was organized. Why were professional luta livre wrestlers matched against white belt amateur jiu-jitsu students, and so on? The significance of this event is also unclear. It provided competition experience for some amateur grapplers and publicity for the Gracie Academy (Fluminense and Flamengo were well enough known without it). Perhaps Ferriera and Mossoró participated in order to provide opponents for the two Gracie students Carnera and Bueno. Carnera and Bueno could have confronted each other again but the tournament directors may have decided that two matches were better than one.

Carlos Pereira eventually split from the Gracies and established his own São Paulo centered lineage which continues to this day.48

Goliath versus David

The George Gracie versus Oninho rematch was set for November 12, 1937 at Stadium Brasil. According to Diario Carioca “George has an enormous advantage in weight, and much more ring experience. The tiny Japanese is still new to the ring, but gifted with disconcerting aggressiveness”.49

Oninho was absolutely confident of victory. He explained that he deliberately hadn’t submitted George quickly in the first fight because he wanted to demonstrate his technical superiority, which unfortunately gave George some openings. “George was lucky the first time, this time he will lose. I will liquidate him, but only after I throw him a couple dozen times, as I said”.50

The fight was even, according to Diario Carioca and George failed to establish control at any time during the 60-minute contest. The judges nevertheless awarded the victory to George. Diario Carioca felt that a draw would have been a more reasonable decision under the circumstances. The fans loudly rejected the decision.51

Dead Chicken

Gracie academy student Ary Martini was scheduled to fight Maximino Grandi in the ring at Feira de Amostras in Bello Horizonte. On Saturday November 20 the day of the match, both happened to be at Café Academico when Grandi overheard Martini refer to him as “dead chicken” [Gallinha Morta]. One thing led to another and a dreadful brawl broke out. Takeo Yano coincidentally happened to be there and attempted to break it up. The injured athletes fled the premises when the police approached.52  It is unknown whether the “free preview” [antecipação gratuita], as A Noite labeled it, boosted attendance at the show later that evening.

36 Lessons

In addition to fighting, George shared his knowledge with the public. In December he was teaching jiu-jitsu and luta livre at O Club Universitario, on rua de Maio, 33 and 35, 4th floor (phone number 22-6394). The course lasted three months with three lessons per week.53

The content of the 36 lesson course is unknown but judging by the limited training time allotted, it was probably an assortment of basic self-defense moves such as were depicted in the popular instructional manuals of the day.

Possibly it was similar or even identical to the curriculm of the Gracie academy in Rio, which also consisted of 36 lessons. The academy was founded in 1930 by Donato Pires dos Reis, so the curriculum may have been designed by him.“Rolling” was not part of the course in the early 1950’s according to those who trained at that time, and it is unlikely that it was part of the 36 lesson course in 1937 or any other time. Wrestling on the ground was not what people thought jiu-jitsu was at that time. Like his brother Helio, George trained fighters to fight, but the majority of their students were not fighters and did not fight.

Gastão Jr. concentrated on teaching. To recruit students, instead of fighting, he gave demonstrations. On Sunday November 14, he performed a demonstration at the gymnasium Oswaldo Cruz in the Parque Industria Animal, in São Paulo, with the assistance of his best student Ennio Voss. It was part of a festival of physical education sponsored by the department of Agriculture and the Banda da Guarda Civil. It began precisely at 10:00 a.m.54

Grillo

Manoel Grillo made his debut in Rio in October 5, 1935 against Geo Omori. He was said to be an expert at jiu-jitsu, having learned directly from Raku, whom he later fought and beat in Lisbon. He also beat the ex-champion Miyaki [Taro Miyake]. He had 25 years experience and over 500 fights under his belt.55 Grillo had an astonishing agility [espantosa agilidade] for a man of 90 kilos, and impressive offensive and defensive resouirces. He approached every fight with the same aim, which was to win as quickly as possible.56

After the Omori fight, Grillo focused on catch wrestling. That’s where the opponents and money was. But now the time was ripe for another confrontation with jiu-jitsu. Now it was time to renew his acquaintance with the local jiu-jitsu representatives. This time George Gracie was the opponent.

The fight was set for Thursday December 9. The winner would qualify to face the English champion Dr. Len Hall.57

Due to rain it was rescheduled for Saturday December 11 at Estadio Brasil, fortunately for George, according to Grillo, because it postponed the painful fate in store for him. It would be a luta livre match of four 10-minute rounds with 2-minute breaks.

Grillo wanted to wager 5 contos (five thousand milreis) with George on the outcome of the fight. He asserted confidently that the only way he might lose a fight was if it were fought with sticks in the traditional Portuguese way [jogo do pãu]. George accepted, but only on the condition that the fight was as violent as it could be, that is, permitting chops [cuteladas], punches [socos], straight kicks [ponta-pés], head-butts [cabeçadas], and everything except low blows and attacks to the eyes [golpes baixos e nos olhos]. He wanted a crushing victory that made his superiority over Grillo clear.58

Grillo weighed 80.4 kilos, George weighed 66.4.59

According to O Imparcial George dominated the first round and threw (or pushed) Grillo out of the ring. Grill rallied in the second round. At the beginning of the third round Grillo managed to pin George’s shoulders, and thereby won.60

Judging by the aftermath to the contest, one of the rules had been inadequately clarified, namely the crucial encostamento de espaduas rule [pinning the shoulders]. After an action packed three rounds of battle, Grillo managed to pin George’s two shoulders to the floor, winning the match.

George and several fans immediately protested, saying that pinning had not been stipulated as a winning technique. George therefore rejected the result and demanded a rematch to efficiently decide the victory [decider efficientemente a vitoria].

Grillo instantly agreed to the rematch and requested Empresa Brasil Ring to make it happen and as soon as possible. He wanted to dispel any doubts about his victory.

Grillo also complained about the referee Armando Jagle.61 Grillo felt that Jagle was biased in favor of George for patriotic reasons. He also thought that George was handed an undeserved victory over Oninho for the same reason. For the second match, Grillo wanted a different referee. Euzebio de Queiroz, Pillar Drummond, Gumercindo Taboada, Soroa, among others, would be acceptable, he thought.62

The rematch was arranged for Thursday December 16, in accordance with Grillo’s request to waste no time. It was again held at Stadium Brasil. The semi-final was a boxing match between Loffredinho and Gabriel Pena.63

The rematch was recognized by the Federation as a catch-as-catch-can exhibition rather than a regulation match.

The first round was active and entertaining. Both fighters were aggressive but neither was able to seize a decisive advantage. Grillo initiated the second round with a strong offensive that knocked Gracie out of the ring. Before George could climb back in, Grillo flattened him with a punch. The judge, Leonal Martins, awarded George the victory by disqualification, as specified in the rules.64

Catch versus Jiu-Jitsu

Due partly to the shortage of qualified jiu-jitsu fighters, as well as the public’s obvious desire to watch giants in the ring, Yano increasingly confronted luta livre and catch wrestlers. On December 16, 1937 at Feira de Amostras in Bello Horizonte he faced the Greek catch wrestling champion Jim Atlas in a catch match of six rounds.65

Despite Atlas’ weight advantage of approximately 30 kilos,66 the match was even until Atlas applied a powerful neck-tie choke [ponderosa gravata] in the fifth round. Atlas held the choke for 2 minutes, almost suffocating Yano.

Four minutes into the sixth round, Atlas applied a very powerful scissors hold [fortissimas tesouras], which knocked Yano out cold [fóra de combate]. Fortunately, Oswaldo Gracie, the referee for the fight, intervened in time to save Yano from being killed [evitar a morte do lutador Japonez]. Atlas was so focused on winning that Oswaldo had to punch him on the chin to make him release his hold.67

Cold Canvas

After the first Grillo versus Gracie match, Oninho challenged the “Catcher Luso” [Portuguese catcher, i.e., Grillo].68 He had already fought George twice, brilliantly, earning the admiration of the public. George was sometimes described as a “pygmy.” Compared to Oninho, George was a giant. Fight fans were always up for David versus Goliath confrontations, and Oninho versus Grillo would be one.

It promised to be a close fight [certeza de ser renhidissima]. Grillo had size and experience on his side. Oninho had youth and impetuosity on his.69

Diario Carioca emphasized Oninho’s technique, in an indirect way. Oninho was Japanese. So was Conde Koma, who even in 1937 at his advanced age, in Pará, was capable of defeating men much heavier than himself. Oninho, despite his youth and miniscule size, Diario Carioca stressed, was a very dangerous for any opponent. Oninho was faster and more agile than Grillo and had the major advantage of training with his older brother Yassuiti, a true master. “Oninho is capable of beating Grillo,” the paper concluded.70

The story appeared side by side with two others. From Bremerhaven, Germany, Max Schmeling declared that he wouldn’t fight Joe Louis in New York. Schmeling shook up the boxing world when he knocked Louis out in the 12th round on June 19, 1936. Louis had been regarded as unbeatable. Schmeling noticed a flaw in Louis jab and took full advantage of it that night. Louis regrouped and took the heavyweight crown from James Braddock in 1937, but needed to avenge his loss to Schmeling in order to be accepted as the “real” champion.71

On the other side of the planet, Japan had not given up its plan of hosting the 1940 Olympic Games, in spite of the negative press it had gotten from its invasion of China.

Bad things were brewing but that was still a few years and two oceans away. Brazil was only peripherally involved. In 1937 Cariocas were more concerned with whether Oninho could beat Manoel Grillo.

It turned out that he could.72 Oninho left Grillo unconscious on the cold canvas [deixando-o descordado na lona fria].73

.Chapter 17 Notes

Chapter 18

1938

The Yassuiti Ono versus George Gracie rematch hadn’t been entirely satisfying, due to Ono’s inexplicably dishonorable rule violation. Prior to the fight, George had been dominated by his desire to completely re-establish himself, something that could only be possible with a decisive victory over Ono [esta dominado pelo a sua desejo de obter uma rehabiliatção completa, que so poderá ser conseguida com uma victoria decisive sobre o seu vencedor].

George wanted to be able to use cuteladas [chops] in the rematch. Ono replied that “chops are techniques of jiu-jitsu. George should to try to beat me under the same rules that I beat him” [“cutelada não é golpe de jiu-jitsu. George deve procurar vencer-me nas mesmas condições foi derrotado”]. Opinions were divided on the issue. Some felt that Ono’s position was reasonable, others thought that he was afraid of George’s chops.1

A win is a win, but it wasn’t the complete rehabilitation that George was hoping for. In the meantime George had fought Manoel Grillo twice, neither time with an ideal outcome, losing the first and winning the second on disqualification when Grillo, emulating Ono, punched George’s face. Ono had been out of action but by January 9 was ready to take on any comer.2

A new company named Empresa Brasil Ring, or Brasil Ring for short,3 quickly set up a “rematch of the rematch” for Saturday January 15. It would be a luta livre match, to ensure more action. Often, one paper complained, in jiu-jitsu matches the fighters grab each other’s clothes and wait for a chance to apply a technique. Without kimonos they have to be more active and apply more techniques and combinations of techniques which would make the fight more exciting.4 George insisted that pinning not be allowed.5 But prevailing opinion held that with or without kimono, it would be difficult for George to avoid another defeat.6

The day before the fight, Ono’s manager Antonio Lins announced that Ono had received an injury in training. He would fight, but only in kimono. That was unacceptable to the promoters, Brasil Ring, who cancelled the fight, and effectively terminated the luta livre “temporada” [season].7 The boxing matches (Loffredo versus Gabriel Pena; Antonio Soares versus Gaucho; and Loffredinho versus Virato Monteiro) were postponed to Saturday January 22.8

Ono didn’t fight again until October. George went to Bello Horizonte to prepare for a possible match with Takeo Yano.9 Apparently nothing came of it. It was never unusual for fights to be announced and then be indefinitely postponed and simply forgotten. Everyone got their names in the paper and that was worthwhile in itself. It might have been the point in the first place.

A third match between Geo Omori and George Gracie was scheduled for January 29, 1938. However, on the day of the fight it was announced that the fight would be postponed.10 Unfortunately, Omori would never fight again.

Between Life and Death

Disturbing news came from Bello Horizonte that Omori was in grave condition [gravamente enfermo],11 somewhere between life and death [entre a vida e a morte].12

Expecting the worst, A Noite Illustrada published a report on February 22, titled “Omori: O Campeão que Eulogueceu” [“Omori, the champion who has become mentally incapacitated”]. According to the report, Omori’s friend, the wrestler Antonio Mossoró went to visit him. He found Omori stretched out motionless, unresponsive, on a bench. He learned from Omori’s co-workers that he had been like that for more than six hours. He was taken to the Instituo Raul Soares.

The director, Dr. Galba Moss Veloso was at a loss to diagnose the problem. Omori’s wife Cetuko^13 said that he had been worried about money and had been having increasingly severe headaches. Therapeutic modalities were to no avail. Omori was blind, dumb, deaf, and unresponsive.

When he came to Brazil after an unspecified period of time in the “land of dollars” [terra dos dollars], the United States, he had accumulated as much money as he needed. He was tired of fighting and wanted to rest. He opened a tropical fish store [casa de peixes raros e de fantasia] in São Paulo. But the store didn’t prosper. He returned to fighting and became a Brazilian legend. Eventually, as happens to all fighters, he grew older. Younger rivals appeared to claim their share of the spotlight. His name appeared in the press less and less. His financial situation deteriorated. He had a wife and young daughter named Kimika^14 to support.

Desperate to restore his shakey finances, he traveled around the Brazilian states performing in lutas avulsos [uncontracted fights] and lutas a combinar [faked fights]. Finally, he found a job as a care-taker [zelador] at the aquario da Feira Permanante de Amostras de Bello Horizonte, which suited him tempermentally. In his youth in Japan, he enjoyed working with tropical fish. They didn’t talk and he didn’t have to either.

The problem was money. The monthly salary was 1,400$. He could barely scrape by. For a man who had once been a super-star, it was a serious let-down.

At one point about seven days after he was hospitalized, Omori seemed to be making one last attempt to pull out a victory of some sort. He was able to mutter a few words. His mental condition was still poor, but it gave hope that he might somehow pull through. One of the attending physicians, Dr. Nagib Abdo, was optimistic. Journalists asked him if Omori would be able to return to the “rings”.

“I don’t think so”, Dr. Abdo said. “Even if he completely recovers, he will never fight again. The damage he has suffered so far has already been severe. It is only his remarkable physical constitution that has allowed him to survive even this long”.15

The next day it was reported that Omori’s condition was improving [vae melhorando].16

It was a false hope.

Death of a Superstar

Omori died at 4:40 p.m., Friday afternoon, March 2, 1938.17 His wife Cetuko and four year old daughter Kimika and faithful friend Takeo Yano were there with him.18 He was 46 years old.19

Doctors had been baffled by Omori’s symptoms. Psychiatrist Neves Manta speculated that they might have been caused by injuries suffered in the ring, or possibly auto-intoxication or hetero-intoxication.20 Takeo Yano was not a doctor, but he was sure fighting wasn’t the cause. Omori had had about 600 fights, he said. But, he added, that was normal in Japan, where fighters fight every day.21

Like so many fighters, Geo Omori died broke.22 Compatriots, friends, and fans contributed money for Kimika’s education. The first to donate were N. Touzuki, W. Miyazaki, K. Hizumi, Abelardo Moreira, and one anyonymous person, who donated 10$000 each. Dr. Motto Ohno offered 20$000.23 The Queirolo brothers, good friends of Omori since he joined their circus in 1928, donated 1,750 milreis.24

The Geo Omori era was finished. For everyone else, life and fighting went on.

Open Challenge

Alberto Suleiman taught jiu-jitsu at Academia Kid Pratt in São Paulo although, like many others, his jiu-jitsu qualifications were obscure. On April 3, he accepted Yassuiti Ono’s open challenge to all São Paulo based luta livre and jiu-jitsu fighters,25 and had been preparing to fight him as late as April 21.

By April 23, Oninho had taken his older brother’s place. On May 1, 1938, Suleiman and Oninho inked a contract to “measure forces” on Saturday May 7 in the gynasium of Associação Athletica São Paulo.26 The fight would be 10-minute rounds without limit of rounds, with 2-minute breaks, the winner to be decided by give up or knock-out. There would also be three amateur jiu-jitsu matches of either four or six 5-minute rounds.

The contest was only six days away. Both fighters were already in excellent shape, they guaranteed. In an interview Oninho said that had been training three years, fighting constantly, had never lost (in fact however, he had lost twice to George Gracie), and most of his fights were at Circo Queirolo.27 Few, if any, of Oninho’s fights at Circo Queirolo were significant enough to merit press coverage.

Suleiman was equally confident and with good reason. He had dedicated the preceeding nine years of his life to fighting. In more than 64 contests, he had never lost.28 He clarified later that he had been held to a draw four times and won 60 times.29

Oninho weighed 56 kilos, Suleiman 72 kilos. It appeared that Suleiman had a considerable advantage in both weight and experience. How relevant his experience was remained to be seen. Many, if not all, of his fights were luta livre matches with the likes of Jayme Ferreira, Dudú, and Herminio.30

Suleiman’s edge didn’t pay off for him. Oninho put an end to Suleiman in just a little over one minute, applying four violent and technical “blows” and forcing Suleiman to concede.31

In the amateur matches, Braz Gomes (70 kilos) defeated Sinssuke Yamada (51 kilos) in the fourth round; Sadayuki Sugo (52 kilos) defeated Geraldo Falção (68 kilos); in the third round. It is unclear from the description (vencendo este) whether Gomes (52 kilos defeated Jose Roberto Macedo Soares (60 kilos), or vice-versa.

Rage

Abrahão Gazal (also known by the name of “Rage”) was one of Geo Omori’s first and best students in São Paulo [um dos primerios e melhores alumnus do fallecido Geo Omori]. He was of Syrian descent, but born in Brasil. Following his teacher’s recent death, Abrahão had maintained a respectful silence. On May 26 he broke his silence and publically accepted Ono’s challenge. However he wanted to fight Oninho rather than Yassuiti. He was said to be very experienced and had defeated reputable opponents [disputou numerosas lutas, vencendo bons adeversarios]. Most of his fights had been in small shows in Barretos, in the interior of São Paulo State where he lived, A few of his appearances had been in São Paulo, but apparently not against any big name opponents.32 He weighed 63 kilos, about 6-8 kilos more than Oninho, which might have increased his chances of winning, although it didn’t help Alberto Suileiman. It appears that the fight didn’t happen after all. There was more money in fighting giants and that is where Oninho directed his attention. Next in his sights was the former Gracie student (or associate) Benedicto Peres.

Impetuosity versus Experience

Oninho had problems, relatively speaking, with light, fast opponents like George Gracie. Larger opponents seemed more vulnerable to his advantage of speed. Suleiman was the most recent. Next, Oninho took on an even bigger foe, Benedicto Peres.

Peres had participated in the Geo Omori exhibition match with Carlos Gracie in January on 1930. He also took part in the controversial Gracie organized jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem show on July 3, 1931. At that time he was described as an “old student” [“antigo alumno”] of the “Academia de Jiu-Jitsu”, as the Academia Gracie was originally called when it was established by Donato Pires dos Reis in 1930.33 Clearly, he was very experienced. He also had a substantial weight advantage.

The fight was set for Saturday June 11 at Gymnasio da Athletica in São Paulo. It would be a jiu-jitsu match of ten 5-minute rounds, with 2-minute breaks. Oninho weighed 57 kilos, Peres weighed 84 kilos.

Three other jiu-jitsu matches would be presented: Dudu Dorn (50 kilos) versus Sadayuki Sugou (52 kilos); Braz Gomes versus Arthus Miele, (both 68 kilos) and Ono student Milton Ferreira versus Sadao Ishio (both 69 kilos) in four 5-minute round matches. There was also a boxing match.34

Oninho prevailed once more over a bigger, more experienced adversary. How was not reported, but it clearly must have been either give up or knock out, because the fight ended in the third round. The three other jiu-jitsu contests also ended in give up or knock-out: Gomes over Macedo Soares (who had replaced Miele) in the third round; Sugo over Dorn in the fourth round, and Milton over Ishio in the third round.35

Cowboy Yankee

The “cowboy Yankee” Jack Russell arrived in 1934 as a member of the Zbyszko troup of international catch-as-catch-can wrestlers.36 Like all of the catch wrestlers he was well into middle-age. He was allegedly a boxer as well as a catcher.37 His grappling skills may have been eroded by time because he relied on dirty tactics to the extent that his nickname was “king of fouls [“rei do fouls”] and most of his matches were described as being “full of irregularities”. He was also known as the “palhaço” [clown] of the troupe.38 He played the role of “heel” in any match. He was also from Texas and therefore big. He was the ideal opponent for a jiu-jitsu representative.

The first of George Gracie’s three matches with Russell between August 2 and November 9 was a luta livre contest at Estadio Brasil, Tuesday August 2 consisting of two 20-minute rounds (with a 2-minute break). Pins and chokes were permitted and thus each man could use the ultimate weapon in the arsenal of his respective art.39

Chokes were permitted in catch.40 But catch wrestlers did not wear kimonos in their regulation matches. The kimono added a different dimension to the choke game however. The no-gi wrestlers used it as a bargaining chip. In any “mixed styles” fight, rules had to be negotiated, especially when, as was invariably the case, there were large weight disparities. One side could bargain chokes for pins, weight for kimono, and so on. While such case-by-case rule modifications could be confusing, they added novelty and permitted more matches to be presented, as the Jack Russell versus George Gracie series illustrated.

George was not worried about Russell’s brute force. Technique is capable of overcoming bruth force, he explained, and promised to demonstrate that to the fans. Russell had less to say. He simply affirmed that he would win [“vencerá”]. Perhaps he was counting on his 30 kilo weight advantage to get the job done.41

Russell was known as a “palhaço” not because his fights were fake (which isn’t to say that they weren’t), but because, like American ex-heavyweight champion Max Baer (who was described as the clown prince of boxing), he enjoyed entertaining the fans. Both Russell and Baer offered comedy in addition to violence. But on the night of the fight, there would be no clowning, only violence. Jack Russell would be fighting for real. At least, that’s what one newspaper thought.42

Russell thought George was deluded [“eu convencido que George Gracie é un bobo”]. The cowboy Yankee described George as an ant [formiguinha] and promised to crush him [Jack Russell promette esmigalhar George Gracie]. It wasn’t personal, he said. An elephant doesn’t go out of his way to crush an ant, but if the ant gets in the way, it will get stepped on.

George rejected Russll’s promise, saying with an ironic smile [com um sorriso ironico] that he would not be crumbled [estraçalhar] and that he would keep the fight on stand-up until the end of the final round, until Russell tasted the bitterness of defeat.43

Joe Campbell, who George would meet soon, was also on the card, facing the Hungarian Ede Ebner. Campbell was thought to be more technical, but anything is possible in catch wrestling, the paper observed.44

Despite the disproportion in their sizes, the fight started actively [iniciado com movimentação].

After several minutes, the spectators felt like they were watching an exhibition. George went for two chokes, but Russell freed himself dexterously [livrou-se bem]. At the start of the second round, George again went for a choke, Russell again extricated himself, but this time, he threw George to the floor, fell on him and held him down.

George was unable to keep his promise. He succumbed to a pin after 23 minutes.45

Diario Carioca was not impressed with George’s performance. He was a toy in Russell’s hands [George Gracie foi um brinquedo nas mãos de Jack Russell]. Russell played with George in a fatherly fashion [paternalmente], letting the “red cat” [gato ruivo] think that he had a chance to apply one of his “scientific” techniques. But the fans knew that Russell, with one swipe of his powerful arms, could send George to a cold hard slab in the city morgue [marmore frio da mesa de um necroterio]. At 5 minutes into the second round, Russell, irritated more than intimidated by one of George’s pathetic choke attempts, lifted him up and slammed him to the floor, and with his 103 kilos, pinned the tiny body [corpo minisculo] of George Gracie to the floor. Russell calmly waited while the referee counted the regulation three seconds. The referee could have kept on counting. George couldn’t move.46

Some writers seemed to think that the match was more like a comedy routine than a genuine fight. Columnist Jota Efege made fun of the match, deliberately exaggerating the weight difference. George, he said, weighed 42 kilos, Russell weighed 274 kilos. He described one of George’s chokes as a “gravata borboleta” [butterfly headlock]. The fight, he said, playing on George’s nickname “gato ruivo”, was more like a matador killing a mouse [rato] than a red cat.47

The August 2 encounter had been catch-as-catch-can match, with chokes. Catch is a sport in which weight is a very important factor, George explained. But as everyone knows (he continued) jiu-jitsu is the Japanese sport that was created to compensate for differences in size. He promised to enter the ring with his customary bravery and seek out and exploit the smallest mistake that Russell might make and hand him an unquestionable defeat. The paper sided with their compatriot. Russell would not be able to resist the jiu-jitsu knowledge of George Gracie, A Batalha predicted.48

The Federation was not sure Russell could handle a jiu-jitsu match. They required him to undergo a prova de sufficiencia. He breezed through it, choking his opponent out in two minutes with mathematical precision, leaving no doubts about his knowledge of jiu-jitsu, according to Federation director-technico Maurity de Freitas.

In the first match he had played with George, Russell said. He would not be so friendly next time, he ominously warned. Russell promised that even with a kimono, George would not last 10 minutes [“Gracie será ‘liquidado’ em dez minutos…com kimono eu esmagar elle em dez minutos”].49

The rematch took place at Estadio Brasil and was four rounds of 10 minutes each. It was a jiu-jitsu match and both men would wear kimonos. George weighed 68.5 kilos, Russell was 105.33 kilos.

Russell’s promise to crush George proved to be just hot air. Russell used his strength to resist George’s technical superiority but surprisingly could not mount any effective offense. Referee Maurity Freitas awarded the decision to George on points in view of Russell’s inferiority.50

Jiu-Jitsu sem Kimono

Two weeks after defeating Jack Russell by points, George took on another catch wrestler, Joe Campbell. Campbell was from England and like Russell was also a veteran of the Zbyszko troupe. Russell was not far away. He would be facing Schroll in a preliminary match.

George declared that he was in condition to beat Campbell.51 Not everyone believed him. A Batalha expected Campbell to win.52 In any case, the match “promised to be sensational” [“promette ser sensacional”].

The fight took place Tuesday August 23, 1938 at Estadio Brasil. It was four rounds of 15 minutes, without kimono.53 Campbell weighed 98 kilos, George weighed 69 kilos. The referee was Manoel Fernandes, who knew from painful personal experience the kind of punishment George Gracie was capable of inflicting.

The first round was monotonous. In the second round things began to get interesting. Gracie ended up winning when Campbell gave up due to the armlock that George administered in the first minute of the third round.54 The fight was apparently not particularly sensational after all, but at least George kept his promise to win.

Matinee

Every Sunday a matinee of catch was presented at Estadio Brasil at reduced prices, less than the cost of a movie.55 On Sunday August 28, Joe Campbell was sufficiently recovered from his battle with George Gracie three days before to lock horns with Conde Karol Nowina. George performed an exhibition with his student Camillo de Hollanda.56

Work

Takeo Yano and George Gracie seemed to see things eye to eye. Unlike many or most of the luta livre and catch fighters, they had genuine skills. But unlike Helio Gracie, they didn’t have a problem participating in pro wrestling of even the most blatant kind.

To put it another way, they understood the difference between fighting and entertainment. And also unlike Helio, they preferred making a living by pretending to fight rather than performing unskilled labor on construction sites, which was more dangerous and less glamorous than wrestling and paid less.57

In any event, Yano and George found in each other very compatible “opponents”. They fought nine times, if not more between 1935 and 1948. They became close personal friends as well.

Their fourth fight took place at Stadium Brasil September 1, 1938. George weighed 68.5 kilos, Yano weighed 70 kilos. It was a jiu-jitsu match of six 10-minute rounds. The referee was Maurity de Freitas. Also on the bill were two catch matchs: Jack Russell (103 kilos) versus Joe Campbell (96 kilos), and Adencoa of Spain (99 kilos) versus Cernadas of Argentina (101 kilos).

The fight was close [um combate renhido], but in the final round George Gracie managed to apply a chave de pé [footlock] on Yano, who was forced to give up.58

The next Yano versus George entry occurred on Saturday September 24 at Estadio Brasil. George weighed 69.8 kilos, Yano weighed 70 kilos. It was again a jiu-jitsu contest in six 10-minute rounds. George hoped to confirm his recent victory over Yano. Yano wanted to avenge his defeat. It was for the supremacy of jiu-jitsu in Brazil. Both were skilled [habeis], well-trained [em perfeita fórma], and aggressive [dotados de grande aggressividade]. The referee was Armando Jagle. Karol Nowina and Jack Russell would also be on hand disputing for the supremacy of “catch-as-catch-can”. 59

The match was big but there was bigger news that day. “HITLER MARCA O DIA DA INVASÃO!” the headlines screamed. The day set by Hitler for the invasion of Czechoslovakia was October 2.60 It turned out to be unnecessary to invade. Czechoslovakia’s allies, England and France, settled with Germany in the hope that Hitler would be satisfied with his acquisition of the Sudetenland portion of the country and that there would then be no repetition of the insane violence of the First World War.61

A major war in Europe would have potentially serious repercussions for Brazil. But it looked as though the problem had been solved. Cariocas could turn their attention to more local concerns.

The fight started promisingly for George and it seemed that he would, as he predicted, confirm his previous victory. He even out-threw Yano, 5 to 3, and 3 to 1, in rounds 1 and 2 respectively. But Yano surged back in the third round, out-throwing George 7 to 3, at which point the score was even. George faded in the final three rounds. Yano was in complete control, out-throwing George by 6 to 1 in the fourth round, 5 to 1 in the fifth round, and 8 to 1 in the last round.

Neither man gave up or was knocked out. The decision went to Yano owing to his clear superiority on stand-up.62

George did not explain why he did not keep the fight on the ground in keeping with the philosophy of his family. Perhaps he over-estimated his own stand-up skills. Or perhaps he took a longer term view of the rivalry with Yano. It was after all only one fight. There would be more.

George had his chance to take revenge on Yano less than two weeks later in Bello Horizonte, October 4, 1938. He failed. Yano won again. Bello Horizonte was a bit out of the way, and the pair were becoming over-exposed. Details were not reported.63

The Ono Brothers

Oninho and Benedicto Peres met again on Saturday October 15 at the gymnasium of the Associação Athletica São Paulo. The program included an extra dose of star power. Oninho’s brother Yassuiti would meet Antonio Oliveira in an eight round match (five minutes each with 2-minute breaks). Oninho versus Peres was actually the semi-final and was also eight 5-minute rounds. There were three other jiu-jitsu matches. Jose Roberto Macedo Soares met Jorge Weimesdorf. Zito Gomes encountered Manoel Correa. Nizaki confronted Braz Gomes. All were three-round matches.

Peres trained three months for the rematch in the hope of rehabilitating himself in the eyes of the Paulista public. He attributed his loss to nervousness. The enthusiasm of the fans made him lose his self-control and he took reckless chances. He wouldn’t repeat that error. He admired Oninho’s calmness under pressure, he mentioned. He claimed that his left arm had been damaged in training before the first fight and as a result he couldn’t put his game plan into effect. Peres also had the chance to train with Yassuiti Ono’s opponent Oliveri [Oliveira]. He felt that Oliveri had a good chance to win [boas probabilidades de vencer]. Oliveri was not a new face or pretender. Peres had personally watched him in action against Geo Omori at Pavilhão Queirolo in São Paulo in 1929. Oliveiri drew with the great champion. Yassuiti would not have a great advantage over Oliveiri, Peres concluded.64

Peres had one siginificant advantage over Oninho. He didn’t have to beat him to win the 3,000$ purse. He just had to avoid being beaten.65

The evening of fights, unlike too many others in the past, was a resounding success. The fans were satisfied with the fights, all of which were characterized by activity and aggression [movimentação e combativida]. The fans were especially satisfied with the Oninho versus Peres fight. The two fighters fell out of the ring no fewer than 10 times. Peres managed to avoid tapping out or losing his senses during the 8-round contest. As stipulated in the contract, he was thereby declared the winner.

It was one of the many fight results that were somewhat other than what they seemed. Peres won the fight, but he did not beat Oninho. Oninho in turn did not beat Peres. However, he lost the fight. He would have other chances to even the score.

The result of Yassuiti Ono versus Oliveiri however wasn’t ambiguous. Ono dominated Oliveira easily [impoz com facilidade a sua supremacia]. In the second round, Ono choked Oliveira out, thereby winning the 8,000$ prize money. Finally, Braz Gomes defeated Mazuke brilliantly.66

Tarzan

On October 27 Oninho fought three unidentified men at Circo Breman in Pinheiros and defeated them all. He was then challenged by the giant Luis “Tarzan” Fazio.67 A match was set up for the following Saturday October 29, also at Circo Breman.68 Results were not reported. Tarzan was a “strongman” pro wrestler with few or no skills, so it is more than possible that he lost. If so, it did not discourage him. He was back in the ring against George Gracie not long after.

Luta de Jiu-Jitsu

On October 19, 1938, Yano’s mastery of jiu-jitsu proved inadequate for dealing with the cowboy strength of catch wrestler Jack Russell in a “luta de jiu-jitsu” at Stadium Benedicto Valadares in Bello Horizonte. Five thousand fans watched. Yano and Russell both fell out of the ring at the end of round 4, but kept fighting. Ten civil guards intervened. Russell attacked all of them but was finally subdued. Russell won at the end of round 5 when he threw Yano out of the ring, leaving him too weak [desfalecido] to continue.69

No doubt Yano would seek to avenge his loss at the hands of the cowboy Yankee. He wouldn’t have to wait long.

Judgment Day

George Gracie and Renato Gardini had originally been scheduled to meet in 1934 (September 15). The fight was postponed. They finally met Saturday October 22, 1938 at Stadium Benedicto Valladare in Bello Horizante.

About 4,000 fans witnessed the five-round fight (of 10-minutes each). It was an exciting fight with many technical exchanges. Each man took the upper hand, only to lose it moments later. Both were thrown out of the ring numerous times. In the third round, George he applied a “lock” to Gardini’s right arm. The referee declared him to be the winner.70

Gardini rejected the referee’s decision, alleging that he hadn’t “tapped out” [não ter dado signal de desistencia]. The commission upheld the referee’s decision.71

Turning the Tables

Yano got his chance to turn the tables on the cowboy Yankee in an “encontro do jiu-jitsu” Wednesday November 9, at the stadium of the Feira de Amostras in Bello Horizonte. He had help. Russell promised to beat not just Yano, but George Gracie too, both on the same night, within a one-hour period, divided into six rounds.

George was up first. Despite throwing Russell various times with balões [shoulder throws], the fight ended in a draw. Perhaps Russell was tired by his match with George, because Yano choked him out in the first round, leaving him unconscious on the floor for almost two minutes.72

Death of Dudú

Two giants of the fight world departed in 1938. Geo Omori died in March. In November it was his old foe Dudú’s time.

Dudú died on November 4, 1938, at the age of 32, after a long illness. He had been bed-ridden for three months in Santa Casa de Misericordia (a charitably funded hospital in Rio dedicated to care for the poorest of the poor). In his obituary it was mentioned that his career took a nose-dive after his vale tudo debacle against young Helio Gracie, but he made a satisfactory come-back, up until his disqualification loss to Pedro Brasil in a national luta livre title match. Subsequently he traveled around the “interior” and fought a few times in Minas Gerais and São Paulo. His life spiraled downward [depois de uma serie de privacões] to the point where he finally eneded up in the Santa Casa. He was a friend of children and in a cruel irony of destiny, his greatest defeat was at the hands of a child [a sua mais frahgorosa derrota deante de uma criança] named Helio Gracie.73

Enter Eduardinho Gracie

In 1938 a future giant made his appearance in the press, a full page with three large pictures. He had been training jiu-jitsu for all of his seven years. His name was Eduardo Gracie. He already had competition experience under his belt, and with the techniques that his father, Carlos Gracie, had patiently taught him, he managed to defeat the other little kids, some of whom were older and bigger than him [este golpe seu pae Carlos Gracie ensinou-o pacientemente, Graças a elle Eduardo consegue derrotar outros meninos, maiores do que elle]. He applied his techniques with the serenity of a veteran [Eduardo Gracie applica seus golpes com a serenidade de um veterano dos rings].

Two pictures show him executing standing “ude-garami” shoulder locks. One picture depicts him lifting an “adversary” upside down, possibly to drop him on his back or head. The caption explains that “jiu-jitsu is the art of agility; force is not necessary” [O jiu-jitsu é a luta de agilidade. Não é preciso ter forca]. This may not have been the most apt picture to illustrate the lack of necessity of strength, but the first two served the purpose adequately.

Carlos explained that Eduardinho combined the calmness of George with the amazing agility of Helio “It’s necessary, isn’t it Eduardo?” Carlos asked him. The boy smiled and pounded his chest in a Tarzan gesture. “It is,” he said. “I’m also going to be a champion”.74

Eduardinho later became better known as Carlson.

.Chapter 18 Notes

Chapter 19

1939

At the end of January the Icarhy Praia Club presented a mixed program of ring sports to call attention to its new gymnasium. Fights were two amateur catch matches, one amateur jiu-jitsu match and one match between professionals, Rio champion Carlos Pereira (73 kilos) of the Gracie academy versus Maia (67 kilos), who was the coach of the Brazilian marines [technico do corpo do fuzileiros navaes]. There were also three boxing matches, the final featuring Ervin Klausner (92 kilos), retired from boxing and working as coach of the Rio special police [technico da Policia Especial do estado do Rio de Janeiro] versus Spanish champ Anadon (88 kilos).1 Klausner was versatile, or at least, was game for any form of combat sport that paid. He had fought luta livre with Geo Omori, and jiu-jitsu with Helio Gracie. Now, he seemed most comfortable in his base art of boxing. He still laced up the gloves from time time, even if only for an exhibition at a local sports club.

Giant and Giant-Killer

George Gracie had already bested Oninho twice. The first time was difficult and the second time was controversial. There was something problematic about the fact that Oninho was so small. George was the “giant killer,” but against Oninho, George was the giant. He did manage to descisively beat Oninho in the first match, but got manhandled in the process. If jiu-jitsu is the art by which the weak can defeat the strong, how to interpret the outcomes of the two Oninho matches? The stronger man won, but only with great effort and after demonstrating that he was unable to defend himself against the smaller man’s throws. What message did that send to potential students? George had a healthy ego. Maybe it bothered him psychologically. Or maybe it was just about the money. George may have wanted to settle it for once and for all. In any case, he challenged Oninho to a third match. Oninho was a warrior. He accepted. Oninho was described as being undefeated [até então invicto] despite having twice lost to George and at least once to Benedicto Peres, at least according to the terms of the contract.2 That was odd, but not unusual.

The fight was held at the Cine Theatro in São Paulo Saturday February 4, 1939.

The main event was augmented with luta livre and jiu-jitsu matches. Luiz Tarzan Fazio (94 kilos) would face Benedicto “Mascarado Antonio” (92 kilos) in luta livre. Ser Nizaki (70 kilos) would confront Abter “Tigre” Pinto (93 kilos), and Braz Gomes (65 kilos) would encounter Victor Lacerva (68 kilos). The jiu-jitsu matches were five 5-minute rounds. In the main event George, weighing 70 kilos, would square off with Oninho, at 56 kilos. Their match was for ten 5-minute rounds with 2-minute breaks between rounds.3

In the preliminary events, Tarzan won by disqualification in the second round. Ser Nizaki and Walter (Abter Tigre) Pinto drew. Braz Gomes, representing the Ono Academy, had a confusing time preparing for his fight because his opponent kept changing.

On February 2, he was scheduled to fight Vincente Martins, from the Arthur Riquetti academy of jiu-jitsu. On February 3, his opponent was changed to Victor Lacerva. Vincente Martins and Victor Lacerva both weighed 68 kilos. They might have been the same person. Nevertheless, the opponent Braz Gomes faced on February 4, was Jorge Cavalheiro, also from the Riquetit [sic] academy. Whether they were different people or the same, it apparently didn’t matter to Braz Gomes. He choked his opponent, whoever he was, out in the fifth round.

The result of the George Gracie versus Oninho fight was not described in detail but the outcome told a familiar story. George won their first encounter in 1937. It took him 52 minutes to catch the small Japanese boy. George also won the second meeting, also in 1937, but as the result of a gift from the officials, many people believed.

In their third confrontation George made it clear that he was the boss, but again, he didn’t establish the sort of superiority that his supporters expected from him. George finally caught Oninho with a choke, but he needed over 55 minutes of ring time to do it.4

Winner Take All

On Saturday February 4, Yassuiti Ono was in São Carlos, about 230 kilometers from São Paulo to give some demonstrations. As there were many practitioners and fans of jiu-jitsu, luta livre, and boxing [numeros adeptos do ‘jiu-jitsu’, luta livre e box] in São Carlos, Ono offered to fight anyone who wanted to test their own or his abilities. He offered “bolsa ao vencedor” [winner take all].

If more than one person wanted to have a go at it, Ono said he would fight two or even three on the same night. He brought along Braz Gomes, who was one of his many students, to assist.5  Braz had been learning Ono’s style of jiu-jitsu for about one year at that point and began competing in professional shows (as an amateur) almost from the day he first put on a kimono. Braz became known as Braz I to distinguish himself from Braz Gomes II, who also competed. Both were among the approximately 75 Brazilians who studied with Ono in 1938 alone. There were another 75 Japanese in his classes.6

Multiple Opponents

George had fought three men back to back before, with mixed results. He had offered to fight all three of his opponents again, when he had the chance. He hadn’t had the chance to fight the same three opponents (Geroncio Barbosa, Antonio Roque, and Jose Amorim). He wanted to fight three men again, but would have to be content with three different men.

In 1936, two of his opponents were strongmen or pro wrestlers or both, and one may have once been a Gracie student (another was a former amateur boxer). This time, in 1939, the line-up included a strongman pro wrestler, Luiz Tarzan Fazio. There was also an experienced grappler, Alberto Suleiman, who, judging from his record, was a luta livre fighter with primarily pro wrestling experience. His opponents had been people like Dudú and Antonio Mossoró. He had also competed in jiu-jitsu matches, but without notable succcss. The third of George’s opponents was an authentic jiu-jitsu representative. He was Arthur Riquetto Filho. Riquetto was a jiu-jitsu teacher, with an academy and many students in São Paulo. He had learned his art directly from the great Geo Omori, and at one time had been the São Paulo jiu-jitsu champion. Clearly he was not just some guy off the street that a promoter had handed a kimono and black belt to put on for a publicity shot.7

The plan was for George to fight Riquetto in a jiu-jitsu match. If he beat Riquetto he would then face Luiz Fazio “Tarzan” in a luta livre match. If he also beat Tarzan, he would then confront Alberto Suleiman in another luta livre match. All matches were three 10-minute rounds with 2-minute breaks. The matches were scheduled for Saturday March 11, 1939 at Theatro São Paulo. There were also three boxing matches and a five 5-minute round jiu-jitsu contest between Benedicto Peres and Alfredo Riquetto. Ticket prices ranged from 5$ for general admission to 50$ for camarotes [box seats].8

Be Born, Suffer, Die

On May 10, Roberto Ruhmann challenged Takeo Yano and both Ono brothers. He was supremely confident, offering to fight all three on the same night, in “luta livre valendo tudo”. An Arab never refuses a fight”, he said, and he was ready to fight anyone anywhere anytime, including the world champion. He lived by three words, “be born, suffer, and die” [“nascer, soffrer, morrer”]. Obviously, he wasn’t too worried about armlocks and chokes.9

Ruhmann’s fighting skills might have been questionable but as a “strongman” he was in constant demand. Being challenged by Ruhmann was an excellent way to get one’s name in the news.

A match between Takeo Yano and Yassuiti Ono in Bello Horizonte at Estadio Benedicto Valladares on June 17, 1939 was announced.10 If it had happened it probably would have been superb exhibition of throwing. However, it didn’t because on June 17, Yano was in a ring with Charles Ulsemer.

Ulsemer

Yano met French wrestler Charles Ulsemer in a grappling match in Bello Horizonte on Saturday June 17. Reports differed on whether it was a jiu-jitsu or luta livre match.11 In any case, Yano tapped out in the fifth round to a choke [estrangulamento]. Later reports mentioned that Yano had not been able to throw Ulsemer even once.12 If true, that would suggest either that the match had been a luta livre (without kimono) or that it had been staged. Staged fights were not unusual at the time and had become almost the norm since May 1934. By 1939 some of even the most die-hard jiu-jitsu men were eagerly participating. The Yano versus Ulsemer fight on June 17 might have been such a fight.

Yassuiti Ono also fought Ulsemer around the same time although specifics are lacking. According to one report in July of 1939,13 Ulsemer recently defeated both Ono and Yano.

However, a later report indicated that Ulsemer managed a draw against Ono.14 It is conceivable that they met twice or even more, as most jiu-jitsu fighters met most of their opponents multiple times, due primarily to the limited supply of opponents.

If the above mentioned reports were accurate, Ulsemer apparently knew enough jiu-jitsu to hold his own against the two best jiu-jitsu fighters in Brasil in 1939, assuming that the matches actually took place and were legitimate. However, according to informed insiders, they probably were not.

Power meets Technique

George and Ruhmann had split their previous two matches. George seemed to have the edge in jiu-jitsu, while Ruhmann’s tremendous physical power made him an unstoppable force of nature in luta livre.

A third match was scheduled for July 8, 1939 at the gymnasium of the Associação Athletica São Paulo on av. Tiradente, at Ponta Grande. It would be a luta livre match of ten 5-minute rounds (with 2-minute breaks). They both promised that it would be a hard fight [luta renhida]. The referee was Arthur Riquetto.

Among the other matches, Braz Gomes was scheduled to meet Matafiko Merimossa in a five 5-minute round jiu-jitsu match, which would be refereed by Gomes’ teacher Yassuiti Ono.

George had recently been suspended. During the down-time, he trained and taught at the Academia Delauney at avenida Brigadeiro Luis Antonio.15

The reason for George’s suspension is unknown but might have been related to irregularities surrounding the March 11 program pitting him against Arthur Riquetto, Tarzan Fazio, and Alberto Suleiman, which may in turn explain why no results were reported or subsequently mentioned.

In the Ruhmann return match, George made an error in not demanding a “no pinning” rule. George lost by being pinned. This was discussed as being “prejudicial” to jiu-jitsu representatives, who often would go to their backs to escapes chokes. Why George agreed to a pinning rule is unknown. It was odd given that he lost the second fight by shoulder pin. Perhaps there was no other way to make a Ruhmann victory believeable.16

Believeably or not, Ruhmann won the fight. The reason for permitting shoulder pinning in jiu-jitsu versus luta livre matches was often to motivate a follow-up match without the rule. It also allowed undefeated fighters to remain technically undefeated within at least one style of fight. Being undefeated was not as good as being a champion but it was close. Both were highly subjective, in any event.

King Solomon

On July 10, Yano faced the German wrestler Fritz Weber at Estadio Benedicto Valladares, in Bello Horizonte. The referee was Oswaldo Gracie. The fight was remarkable for the fact that there were two winners and two losers.17

The fight must have been fairly even during the first four rounds, because no one lost or won. In any case, neither man dominated to the point of victory. Things took an unexpected and unprecedented turn from that point however. In the third minute of the fifth round, Weber applied a headlock [gravata]. At the same time, Yano went for a footlock [chave de pé]. They simultaneously applied pressure for two minutes. Finally Weber couldn’t stand the pain anymore and tapped out. But when Oswaldo Gracie went to raise Yano’s hand in victory, he discovered that the jiu-jitsu representative was unconscious.

The fans were stupefied and waited in suspense for Oswaldo Gracie to make his pronouncement. Oswaldo decided to annul the fight, and declared that both men lost, Yano by knock-out and Weber by give up. For the first time in ring history, two fighters won at the same time that they were defeated by each other.18

Like King Solomon [rei Salomão], Oswaldo awarded half of the victory to each man. Officially, the fight was a draw.19

It is not common, but it has occasionally happened that two boxers land punches at the same time and both are knocked out. Whether the Yano-Weber simultaneous half-victory, half-defeat was genuine or not will have to be argued by the experts.

Coincidentally, Yano was involved in another double defeat, this one even more remarkable. He and his opponent, George Gracie, both choked each other out at the same time in March of 1940.

Family Honor

After seeing his brother lose to Ruhmann, Oswaldo decided to take a break from his referring chores to restore the family honor. He immediately challenged Roberto Ruhmann.

Ruhmann equally immediately accepted and the match was set for the following Saturday, July 15. However Oswaldo insisted that the result should not be decided by shoulder pin. Oswaldo promised that he would avenge the family’s honor. It wasn’t something that could be taken for granted. “Can Oswaldo manage to avenge the defeat of his brother George?” one newspaper wondered. Ruhmann didn’t think so.20 There was only one way to find out.

Ruhmann was extraordinarily powerful, Correio Paulistano acknowledged, but Oswaldo had technique on his side. After all, weighing only 68 kilos, he had previously beaten the the 105 kilo [sic] giant João Baldi. This time, there was no significant weight disparity. Oswaldo weighed 76 kilos, about the same as Ruhmann.

Unfortunately, the victory over Baldi happened eight years before. Oswaldo had beaten up two adolescents in a restaurant in Bello Horizonte, on Tuesday April 20, 1937, but he hadn’t fought quality opponents regularly since then.21

Oswaldo began the fight aggressively, attacking relentlessly, giving Ruhmann no chance to coast. But Ruhmann remained calm, conserving his power, until he felt that he had Oswaldo under his control. He then went into attack mode. It was the first and only attacking technique that he applied. Ruhmann choked Oswaldo unconscious in the third round using his trademark headlock [gravata] with a jumping kidney lock [chave de rins volante].22

Coffee

Marilia, about 440 kilometers from São Paulo, was a center of coffee cultivation and home to many Japanese immigrants. In the third week of July Yassuiti Ono went to Marilia to fight local challengers. He planned to be back by July 26 or 27 to fight Roberto Ruhmann or George Gracie if they didn’t back down from his challenges.

Oninho offered Benedicto Peres a rematch under very generous conditions. Peres didn’t have to beat him; he simply had to survive for 30 minutes. If he did, he would be the winner and would take home all of the prize money.23 It was the same offer he had extended in 1938. Given their relatives sizes, it was almost insulting.

Caesar

Peres was ready to fight Oninho again, but he wasn’t in a hurry. First, he wanted George Gracie. Peres was the São Paulo champion. George was the Brazilian champion. Their association went way back. They knew each other from the Geo Omori versus Carlos Gracie exhibitions of 1930. Peres then assisted George and his brothers in Rio when they staged their “jiu-jitsu versus capoeiragem” tournament in 1931. Peres filled in for the injured Helio Gracie and took on Ozéas. At that time, he (Peres) was described as an old student.

Now George was being challenged by his old comrade in arms. Were there some hard feelings involved?

Probably not. Hostility between the Gracie brothers, spearheaded by Carlos, and their rivals, periodically resulted in street ambushes. But then, everyone was seven years older and wiser. Peres versus George was a professional fight. Away from Carlos’s influence, George had decided that getting paid was the primary purpose of fighting. He usually needed money. Consequently, he fought a lot. Inevitably, he sometimes lost.

George was being managed by his brother Gastão and was still training at Academia Delauney. Peres was training was training at the Academia Paulista de Box, on rua do Seminario, 51, with Roberto Ruhmann, Alberto Suleiman, Marinho, and others.

Jiu-jitsu fighter Arthur Riquetto Filho [Junior] was recruited to confront Henrique Vicaro in a luta livre match of six 5-minute rounds. Riquetto weighed 56 kilos, the “Mastodonte” Vicaro weighed 104 kilos.24 One of the preliminaries was a six-round middleweight boxing match between Zumbano III and Negrito. Both had aggressive styles that won many fans from among the afficionados of “the sport of Joe Louis” in São Paulo.

There was also an amateur boxing match between Tony Cadete and Jose Gonçalves.

The Benedicto Peres versus George Gracie match took place on Saturday July 22, 1939 in the gymnasium of the Associação Athletica São Paulo.

Peres had a 17 kilo weight advantage. One of his sparring partners, Roberto Ruhmann, who had recently defeated George, was betting on Peres to win.25 Peres was a dangeous man, but George was agile, technical, and aggressive. He was not known as the “Red Cat” [gato ruivo] for nothing.

The fight could not be decided by pinning [não valer encostamento de espaduas]. Reporters wondered why Peres didn’t insist on having the option of pinning, where his weight could possibly prove to be a factor.

“Give to Caesar what is Ceasar’s [“Cesar o que é de Cesar”], he explained. It would be difficult to beat George in a kimono. To do that, one would need to be born in Japan and start learning at a tender age from consummate masters. In fact, it would be difficult to beat any Gracie in a kimono. Peres challenged George to a luta livre match for the logical reason that he didn’t think he could beat George in a kimono, but believed he could beat him without a kimono.26

Peres’ confidence was misplaced. Even without the kimono, he was not a match for George Gracie. Peres gambled that a surprise move would pay off. He went for a “flying lock” [chave volante], which was reputed to be fool-proof as long as the opponent wasn’t familiar with it. Unfortunately for Peres, George was. He deftly avoided it and applied a counter-armlock, sealing Peres’ doom. Arthur Riquetto, despite his great weight disadvantage, easily submitted Henrique Vicaro in 20 seconds of the first round.

Roberto Ruhmann needed to make some money to recoup what he lost betting on Peres. He made an appearance, performing demonstrations of strength.27

Agility versus Brute Force

Ruhmann and Oninho faced off Saturday August 19. at Associação Athletica São Paulo, promoted by Jose Antonio Lage. The question that seemed to be on the public’s mind was, “Can brute force overcome the agile Japanese?” [conseguirá a força bruta dominar o agil japonez?]. Oninho certainly thought not, because the purse went to the winner [bolsa ao vencedor].

Oninho was blindly confident [confiança cega] of his muscles and technique. But so was Ruhmann, who had not just ordinary muscles but muscles of steel. Oninho had one advantage in that pinning was not permitted, or rather, was not a route to victory [sem valer o encostamento de espaduas].28

It was a luta livre match. Oninho fought valiantly, but the lack of kimono must have stacked the odds against him. He was left prostrate and bereft of his senses [prostou sem sentido] in the fourth round, courtesy of Ruhmann’s potent choke.29

For some reason, George Gracie didn’t even wait for the fight to begin before challenging Ruhmann to another rematch, this one without pinning [sem encostamento de espaduas]. It was almost as if he knew what the outcome would be before it happened.

Kodokan Jiu-Jitsu Exhibition

In July and August, the League of Marine Sports and the Embassy of Japan [Liga de Esportes da Marinha and Embaixado do Japão] sponsored a series of demonstrations of “judo” featuring Suniyuki Kotani and Chugo Sato, to be held at Escola de Educação Physica do Exercito na Fortaleza de São (July 31), Stadium do Fluminense (August 1), Corpo de Fuzileiros Naveas (August 3), and finally, open to the general public, at Stadium Brasil (August 4).30

Kotani and Sato had returned from a two-year stay in Japan where they perfected their technique. They arrived Saturday July 29, 1939 on the “Buenos Aires Maru” from Argentina (where they obviously had given similar demonstrations).

All of the demonstrations were well-publicized. On August 1, local practitioners of judo, or jiu-jitsu as it was generally known in Brasil, were invited to participate. They included Helio Gracie and two of his students, Paulo Cunha and Manoel Azevedo Maia, and from São Paulo, Shojino Higuchio, Seiseton Fucikaya, and Tokanuo Toresoki.31

A picture in Gazeta de Noticias on August 1 showed Helio Gracie in a standing “sleeve and collar grip position” position with one of the professors, surrounded by spectators and three kimono-clad Japanese sitting in the traditional kneeling “seiza”(正座) posture, observing intently.32  Helio Gracie declared that he had no doubt that Kotani and Sato were authentic masters.33

It is unknown what the Rio based jiu-jitsu representatives learned from the experience. Possibly that judo is not real jiu-jitsu, as Helio Gracie would later claim, but equally possibly that their access to the limited self-defense instruction market would be better maintained by de-emphasizing competitive throwing and by not calling it “judo”.34

The Return of Donato Pires dos Reis

One day in late August or possibly on Friday September 1, 1939, Dr. Donato Pires dos Reis visited the editorial offices of Correio Paulistano to discuss something that the São Paulo public needed to know. It concerned his recently opened school of scientific self-defense in São Paulo. It was called “Studio Scientifico de Defesa Pessoal,” located on the 15th floor of the Martinelli Building [Edificio Martinelli], room 1,526 in the city center.35

Earlier in the decade, George Gracie, along with one or more of his brothers, tried but failed to ambush and beat Donato senseless. Today, he was at Donato’s side, singing his praises. “I consider Donato Pires dos Reis a profound expert of jiu-jitsu. I don’t believe anyone knows more than he does,” George testified [“reputo Donato Pires dos Reis como um profundo conhecedor do ‘jiu-jitsu’. Não acreditando mesmo que haja maior technico no assumpto”].

Donato Pires’s school offered four plans of study (A, B, C, and D), one for each type of person. Plan C focused on the essentials of self-defense, consisting of five segments, each described in some detail in the article.

Plan D was ‘kuatsu’ [resuscitation”].36 Plans A and b were not described but one of them might have been the program of ring fighting, taught by “the greatest jiu-jitsu and luta livre fighter in South America, George Gracie” [“programma de ensino de luta directamente no ring que será chefiado pelo mais perfeito lutador de jiu-jitsu e luta livre da America do Sul, George Gracie”].

The cost for George’s instruction was 300$000 [300 milreis] per month. Poor kids would be taught for free [secção gratis a juventude reconheciamente pauperrima].37

Several weeks later Correio Paulistano visited the “Estudio Scientific de Defesa Pessoal” where Dr. Donato Pires dos Reis was teaching a group of students the “secret technique” [golpe secreto], which not even the strongest man could withstand [nenhum homem, por mais forte, resiste ao ‘golpe secreto’].

The secret technique was part of “higher jiu-jitsu” [jiu-jitsu superior], and was useful for weak people who never took part in sports [pode ser applicado por um homem fraco que nunca praticou esportes algum]. The higher techniques of jiu-jitsu didn’t need to be practiced in a ring [não necessitam de treinamento no ringue]. They didn’t even require an instructor [nem de aulas com instructors]. All that was needed was a lecture and an anatomical diagram.

The other form of jiu-jitsu (the “lower” form) was “jiu-jitsu do tablado” or sport jiu-jtsu. It was also useful but in a different way, and only if done correctly, Dr. Pires explained. The student should practice the technique with a qualified instructor. The training must be systematic and methodical, or the student would not learn the techniques properly.38

No mention was made of George Gracie in the September 17 article.

German Giant

September 2, 1939. George Gracie took his turn in front of the giant German Fritz Weber at the gymnasium of the Associação Athletica São Paulo. Weber weighed at least 134 kilos to George’s 70 kilos.39

Gracie dominated Weber and finished him with a chave de braço [armlock] in the sixth round. Before the final match, the Portuguese champion Manoel Grillo was introduced and challenged both George and Weber, and also Naoiti Ono and Roberto Ruhmann. 40

After his victory over Weber, George was immediately challenged again by Yassuiti Ono. George agreed and a match was planned for September 16 at the gymnasium of Associação Athletica São Paulo. But on Saturday September 9, George injured his arm in a match against the French champion Charles Ulsemer in Bello Horizonte (the result was a draw). The Ono fight was postponed until Saturday September 23.41

Help Wanted

Carlos and Helio may have had more students than they could personally teach in September of 1939. At least that might be one reason why they advertised for an “apprentice jiu-jitsu teacher”. The ad appeared on Saturday September 2 in Jornal do Brasil, numbered 74493, in the middle row of the left-hand column. The prospective apprentice teacher needed to weigh at least 65 kilos, and be no older than 25 years.42

Why they did it is unclear. Perhaps student enrollments were booming at such a rate that they could not train enough intructors from among their own ranks. Conversely, enrollments might have been lagging. Advertising for an instructor or “apprentice monitor”would be an inexpensive way to attract the attention of potential new students while giving the impression of great demand for jiu-jitsu instruction at the Gracie Academy.43

The King of Throws

George Gracie and Takeo Yano, by this time well-accustomed to working together, met again in October of 1939. It was promoted as a match between two masters and a fight between two different styles of the game [Uma luta entre dois estylistas differentes]. Yano was known as the “King of Throws” outside his country of origin [o rei da queda fóra de sue paiz de origem]. For the purpose of the up-coming fight with George Gracie, Yano was unbeatable at throwing. That didn’t bother George. Unlike in their September 24, 1938, he wasn’t going to try to beat Yano at his own game. Gracie preferred to fight on the ground [Emquanto que Yano e insuperavel nas quedas, Gracie prefere a a luta deitado].

The article provided some information about Yano that had been missing.

Yano had studied at “escola de koku-shi-kan” [probably a misspelling of Kodokan]. He graduated in 12 months with the rank of 3-dan. He became acquainted with Conde Koma in mid-1931 [Travou, em meados de 1931, conhecimentos como conde Koma]. He studied at the koku-shi-kan [Kodokan] with Chugo Sato (they entered one year apart).

Sato explained one aspect of the jiu-jitsu game that he had learned at the Kodokan, an aspect that over the years had been misunderstood by those whose knowledge of the Japanese game came primarily from books. Sato made it clear that “Jiu-jitsu starts standing because that is the position of men. But victory doesn’t result from one throw. The superiority of one man over the other is decided on the ground using the thousands of techniques and counter-techniques of jiu-jitsu”.44

While conceding that Yano had a clear edge in the stand-up game, one writer reminded those who might underestimate George’s chances that he was a true magician on the ground [George Gracie no chão e um verdadeiro malabarista]. Anything was possible. Anything could happen.45

The fight took place at the Gymnasium of the Associação Athletica São Paulo on Saturday June 7, 1939. It would be ten 5-minute rounds (with two-minute breaks).The referee was jiu-jitsu professor Riquetto Filho. There would also be one amateur and two professional boxing matches (Pernambuco versus Negrito, and Zumbano III versus Benedicto “Fumaça” Emilio).

Yano and George Gracie were evenly matched and put on an exciting show. The fans were thoroughly satisfied for a change. Neither man gave up or was knocked out and points were not being scored. Therefore there was no winner and no loser. Prof. Arthuro Riquetto Filho refereed the match with his customary competence.46

Modesty

German champion Fritz Weber thought that Yassuiti Ono was an excellent fighter, but he expected to win [“espero vencer”] if Ono didn’t try to run away. When asked why he didn’t fight Ono in a jiu-jitsu match, he said “because I don’t know how to fight jiu-jitsu. I have begun to learn the Japanese sport, but I will fight in public only when I’m sure it won’t be a fiasco. If I fought Ono in a jiu-jitsu match I would lose”.47 He added that he wouldn’t dare to accept a jiu-jitsu fight against Ono [“não seria tão ousado, de modo a acceitar um combate com Ono”], who was undefeated in more than 120 fights [“mais de 120 lutas…manter-se invicto até agora”].

One had to admire Weber’s honesty. And his modesty. He didn’t promise to crush Ono, but more conservatively, only that he would win on points―many points [“eu o venci por pontos, por muitos pontos”].48

The fight was held at Ringue Paulistano, promoted by Jose Antonio Lage. Weber supposedly had a more than 50 kilos weight advantage,49 which was an understatement if Weber weighed what he did seven weeks earlier in the George Gracie match, and Ono weighed something near his customary 68 kilos. The match was 12 rounds of 5-minutes with 2-minute breaks between rounds.50

In a prelimary match, Benedicto Peres do Campos and Arthur Riquetto.would be contending for the title of Campeão Paulista, in a ten 5-minute round jiu-jitsu contest. The referee was Oninho.51

According to a later report, Weber did not find it as easy to grab hold of Ono as he had wanted [incapaz de pega-o, como queria, uma só vez], and Ono ended up winning.52 Perhaps that is what Weber had in mind when he qualified his prediction that he would win―if Ono didn’t “run away” [fugir aos seus golpes]. He promised that he would try to finish it quickly. He obviously found that easier to promise than to implement.

Peres clearly defeated Riquetto to claim the title of Campeão Paulista. He might have succeeded on pure technique but his 20-25 kilos weight edge probably helped too.

Jiu-Jitsu meets Catch

On Saturday November 4, Yassuiti Ono met Jose Kolt (also spelled Kollt, Kolit, and Colt). Kolt was the famous pro wrestler “Black Mask [Mascara Negra]. He had a distinguished record, having beaten Karol Nowina, Zbyszko, Jack Russell, and, allegedly, Geo Omori.53

Kolt came to Rio a few days before the fight, challenging any luta livre fighter. Yassuiti Ono, who recently defeated the gigantic German Frtiz Weber, was the first to accept. The fight would be ten 5-minute rounds.

In addition, Benedicto Peres would face the fearsome Oninho. Oninho was a specialist in the art favored by his countrymen, Correio Paulistano informed readers. Peres would not have an easy job to defeat defeat Oninho Saturday November 4 at Frontão Boa Vista.54

Although Kolt was “pro wrestler” and fixed fights were not rare, there is no evidence that he “threw” the fight with Yassuiti Ono. However, fights could be tweaked to provide more entertainment value for the paying public. An easy way was for a superior fighter to let a weaker fighter survive or even to threaten him. In other words, to perform a fake fight for several rounds and then finish the opponent off when the fans had gotten their money’s worth.

That seems to be what happened. It wasn’t surprising that Ono choked Kolt from behind [estrangulamento pelas costas]. What was surprising was that it took 22 minutes to do it. But it was described as “the most sensational fight of the evening” so presumably everyone went home happy.55

The Oninho versus Peres match was more unexpected in one sense but less unexpected in another. They battled so ferociously and so evenly that finally they both collapsed unconscious at the same time [Ambos trocavam o “amassa pão” até que, esgotados, perderam os sentidoes ao mesmo tempo]. The fans enjoyed the fight however. It is difficult to believe that fighters and promoters couldn’t put 2 and 2 together. The fans wanted exciting fights more than they wanted real fights. It was hard to guarantee an interesting real fight when fighters are trying to defend themselves and avoid getting hurt, as is human nature. Interesting fake fights could be guaranteed with considerable reliability. The solution was obvious.56

With that in mind, Peres challenged Kolt, who, despite losing to Yassuiti Ono, had put up a good and entertaining fight. Kolt accepted and the fight was set for Saturday November 18, 1939, conveniently exactly one week away, and at the same venue. It would be eight 5-minute rounds. The referee was Alberto Suleiman, who like many fighters, doubled as a ring official.57

On Saturday November 25, Yassuiti Ono faced Peres in a luta livre contest at Ringue Paulistano (formerly Frontão Boa Vista). Ono defeated Peres near the end of the fifth round (at 25 minutes into the fight) with an armlock [chave de braço] after putting on a display of his extraordinary skills, according to Correio Paulistano.58

From what we know about Ono, there is no reason and no need to suspect any deception. That the men endeavored in some way and to some degree to make the fight more entertaining and to last longer can hardly be doubted. According to one well-placed insider, every fight was worked to some extent. Some fighters strongly denied that they personally worked any fights. Other people accepted that some fights were worked, but disagreed about who was responsible.59

The final jiu-jitsu fights of the year took place on Saturday December 2, 1939 at Ringue Paulistano. Jose Cabral Freitas confronted Yer Nesaka, and Udo Dorn encountered Thomaz Comodoro. Both matches were three 3-minute rounds with 2-minute breaks. Oninho refereed the first match. Yassuiti Ono refereed the second. Braz Gomes II faced Osvaldo Bononi in a luta livre match refereed by Alberto Suleiman. They were promoted by Empresa (Jose Antonio) Lage, at Ringue Paulistano as preliminaries to two boxing matches (Fumaça versus Jimmy Wilde, and Gaucho versus Thomasulo).

Yer Nesak defeated Jose Freitas by unspecified desistencia in the third round. Udo Dorn defeated Thomaz Comodor by armlock in the third round. Braz Gomes II and Osvaldo Bononi drew.60

Yer Nesaka (also written as Ser Nizaki), Udo Dorn (also written Dudu Dorn), Thomaz Comodor, and Braz II would all be back in 1940, along with many new and familiar faces, and a great abundance of “catch wrestlers”.

.Chapter 19 Notes

Chapter 20

1940

On February 14, Empreza Brasil Box announced that the 1940 season of the internacional de catch-as-catch-can and jiu-jitsu would begin on March 9, at Stadium Brasil.

Participants would be Sarquiz Budip, Jack Russell, Renato Gardini, Charles Ulsemer, Andre Castano, Al Pereira, among other champions and ases [aces] of the exciting American sport. In addition, two “cracks”[experts] in the game of the land of the Mikado [jogo da terra do Mikado], Takeo Yano and George Gracie would also take part. A varied assortment of local luta livre and jiu-jitsu fighters would round out the shows. The temporada [season] was being directed by Renato Gardini. Matches were held every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday and occasionally at other times for special events.1

***

In São Paulo, on Saturday February 24, in a benefit to help victims of the war in Finland, Gastão Gracie Filho and his student Dr. Stein Deltow presented a demonstration of self-defense and jiu-jitsu throws at the Club Escandinavo on rua Nestor Pestana. The demonstration began at 8:00 p.m.2

Opening Day

The main event on the opening day at Stadium Brasil on Saturday March 9 pitted Takeo Yano against the cowboy Yankee Jack Russell. Two jiu-jitsu matches were also offered. Carlos Pereira faced Eduardo Alves Junior, and Emery de Andrade met Jose de Araujo. There was also a catch match between Renato Gardini, 90 kilos, and Sarquis (also referred to as Jacques, among other names) Budip, 102 kilos. All fights were six rounds of 10 minutes.

Yano versus the cowboy Yankee was the best fight of the night. Yano weighed 76 kilos, Russell weighed 106. Yano put on a splendid exhibition and Russell once more demonstrated that he knew how to put on a show. At the 3 minute mark of the fourth round of the match Yano and Russell both fell out of the ring. Yano immediately returned, but Russell appeared to be “groggy” and was unable to get back within the allowed time. Yano was declared the winner by KO.3

In the preliminary jiu-jitsu matches, Emery de Andrade defeated Jose de Araujo by armlock in the second round. Carlos Pereira also defeated Eduardo Alves Junior in the second round by armlock.

In the “catch” match, Budip defeated Gardini early in the first round. Gardini didn’t look good, the report said [reapparecéu mal]. However, Gardini later rejected the decision and threatened the referee, Angelo Ledoux.4O

In unrelated news, Olympio Motta Juniro, 51, decided to end it all and jumped under the wheels of a train as it was passing by estrada Monsenhor Felix. He was married, and lived at rua Oliveira Alves , n. 87 in Iraja, and had a job (he worked at Correios e Telegraphos).5

Double Choke

George and Yano renewed their acquaintance Saturday March 16 at Estadio Brasil. It was George’s reappearance in the Rio rings after a lengthy stay in Bello Horizonte. Under the circumstances, George didn’t want to predict the result of the fight. He simply said, “I don’t like to speculate, but when a Gracie enters the ring, it is to win” [“não gusto de dar palpites, mas um Gracie quando sobe ao ring e para vencer”].6

The match was replete with sensational attacks and escapes. In the fifth round the fighters applied simultaneous chokes. Reports on what happened next differed. One said that they fell out of the ring in a “double choke” [estrangulamento duplo] which left both men unconscious [provocou a perda dos sentidos dos dois lutadores]. George Gracie was first to recover [levantou-se primerio]. The referee, Jayme Ferreira, summarily declared Yano to be beaten [vencido]. George refused to accept the victory. Ferreira then revised his decision and called the match a draw. It was an excellent match, the reporter said, but the result was irregular and contrary to the rules of jiu-jitsu [desfecho irregular, contra a regras do jiu-jitsu].7

One observer blamed the result on Jayme Ferreira’s “habitual incompetence” [“reaffirmou mais uma vez sua incompetencia”].8

The preliminary matches were less dramatic. Carlos Pereira defeated Antonio Maia by armlock in round 2 (some reports said it was round 1). Walter Sant’Ana choked Sergio Moreira in round 2. Sarquiz Budip (112 kilos) won by disqualification of Jack Russell (110 kilos) in the third round of a three 10-minute round match.9

Due to the dramatic and ambiguous nature of the conclusion to this fight, another fight between the two men was arranged for March 30. George admitted that he had been “groggy” as a result of Yano’s choke in the last fight, but assured the reporter that he absolutely wasn’t “out”, he was merely slightly discombobulated, but “came to” immediately and was ready to resume the fight before Yano was able to recover.10

Based on George’s comments, it is unclear why he rejected Jayme Ferreira’s initial decision to declare him the winner. The result was indeed “inconclusive” but that was because George refused to accept the victory.

It was a predicament. The only solution was to have another fight. Fans and fight analysts demanded a more impartial and competent referee. Maturity de Freitas was tapped for the job. He wouldn’t have much to do. George promised that this time he wouldn’t leave the decision in the hands of a referee.11

Ground

George intended to approach the return match tactically, rather than emotionally or theatrically. He was interested in putting on a show or proving his masculine qualities of bravery and aggressiveness. But in this case, even more than that, he wanted to win the fight. Knowing that Yano was his master on stand-up, he resolved to stay close to the ground [prefere…o jogo rasteiro, ao passo que Yano, em pé, é perigosissimo].12

Preliminary fights included and Carlos Pereira versus Camillo Hollanda in jiu-jitsu. Carlos Pereira represented the Gracie Academy. Camillo Hollanda was one of George Gracie’s students. Pereira expected to remain undefeated and offered his winnings to the homeless people of Portugal. He emphasized that he trained jiu-jitsu as a sport. They both had the benefit of famous teachers, but Pereira had the edge in experience. He had fought in front of large crowds at least three times before. As far as we know, Hollanda’s ring experience consisted of one exhibition with George.

Additionally, Jacy Moreira would meet Ovidio Silva in a luta livre match. Jack Russell would face Fritz Weber in a catch match.13

George and Yano were scheduled to battle for six 10-minute rounds, or less. The two were similar in size and skill, although one specialized in stand-up, the other in ground.

They had met in the ring at least six times before. They knew each other’s style well. Their fights were invariably close. This one was not an exception. It was not without close calls. A picture in A Noite showed Yano escaping from a George Gracie armlock. But the final result was a draw.14

In the preliminaries, Carlos Pereira choked Camillo Hollanda in the first round.

Jack Russell was not called the King of Fouls for nothing. He was disqualified in the second round for attacking the referee.

Jacy won by armlock in the third round.15

The popular Diario de Noticias sports columnist El Campeón was dissatisfied with the catch match to the point of hostility. In his column “Between the Ropes” [Entre as Cordas do Ring”] he didn’t mince words, using such phrases as “circus result” [“desfecho circo”], “ridiculous scenes” [“scenas ridiculas”], and “comic scene” [“scena comica”]. In his opinion, the disgraceful comedy was transparently “architected” by Empreza Brasil Box director Renato Gardini for the sole purpose of setting the stage for a reprise match [revanche]. He concluded that “The [fight] had the aspect of a tragedy in the sense that the paying public was so stupid as to take this blatantly insulting piece of anti-sportive choreographed comedy seriously”.16

He was even more disgusted with the final match between Yano and George. These were genuine athletes, fighters, not mere entertainers like Jack Russell and his clownishly comedic accomplices. Yano and George both deserved to be censured for the way they performed in the ring, El Campeón felt. The first ‘round’ was “catch wrestling.” The next five rounds were the noble Japanese sport, in which the fighters did nothing to try to win, not even using the minimum amount of force to finish their techniques or fight with conviction. Their match could not have been anything but a marmelada [fake], he said. Takeo Yano and George Gracie entered the ring with the prearranged plan to draw.17

El Campeón had no comment on the Carlos Pereira versus Camillo Hollanda or Jacy Moreira versus Ovidio Silva fights. That could mean that they weren’t faked or that they weren’t important enough to mention. The truth is probably both. They were not important enough to bother to fake. The preliminary fights, excepting the “catch” matches, were probably the most legitimate of the major public fights that took place during the 1940’s (and probably before as well.)

El Campeón insisted that fights should be “honest”, which meant that the fighters should fight to win [“os sports do ring devem ser praticados com honestidade, isto é, os lutadores…são obrigados a lutar pela Victoria…”].

Indeed various commissions had been set up to see that they were. But the economics of the fight business generally dictated otherwise.

Ironically, El Campeón identified the root of the problem. Referring to the Gracie brothers, he observed, “anyone who watches and understands jiu-jitsu, knows perfectly well that these brave and fearless Brazilian athletes [i.e., the Gracies], always fought for real, which made their fights boring”.18

Under the circumstances, El Campeón was probably referring indirectly to Helio Gracie. George was the target of his criticism, Oswaldo had also been involved in questionable fights, Carlos retired after his one fight in 1931, and Gastão Jr. never fought. Helio however had retired in 1937 after his jiu-jitsu match with boxer Ervin Klausner. Although he did not offer a reason, it seems extremely likely that the reason Helio retired (until 1950) was that he didn’t want to participate in exciting but worked fights, combined with the fact that fans did not want to pay to see his “real” but boring fights.

El Campeón’s diagnosis of the problem was accurate. What he didn’t have was a solution.

George Gracie and Takeo Yano had a solution. It wasn’t one that El Campeón liked.

Size Doesn’t Matter

Two weeks later Takeo Yano and George Gracie were back at Stadium Brasil, not facing each other for a change. George would be meeting the giant German Fritz Weber. It was their second confrontation. The 46 kilo weight difference between himself and Weber didn’t worry him in the least. He had beaten the German giant before. This time he promised to do it even more devastatingly.

George was absolutely calm and composed. Perhaps the fact that Weber would be wearing a kimono had something to do with it. The fight was a jiu-jitsu match. George was sure that Weber would adhere to the rules of the sport because Weber would be trying to win the fight, which he couldn’t do if he was disqualified.

In October of 1939,Weber said that he wouldn’t engage in a jiu-jitsu match with a champion like Yassuiti Ono until he had  mastered the game to the extent that the match wouldn’t be a “fiasco”. By April of 1940, he apparently felt that his abilities were adequate for the challenge ahead.

“Weber really is a giant,” George said with a malicious smile, “but that doesn’t mean anything. Size doesn’t matter [“Tamanho não é documento”]. I will put him to sleep like a baby listening to a lullaby sung by his mother, with the difference that Weber’s dreams won’t be as peaceful”.19

The fight was scheduled for six 10-minute rounds. George promised that it wouldn’t last that long. Weber would be crushed faster than he imagined [“será arrazado em menos tempo do que ele supóe”].

The management of Brasil Box either hadn’t tread El Campeón’s recent column, or didn’t care what he thought, or had a better grasp of what sold tickets. Cowboy Yankee Jack Russell was back. He would be meeting the Oriental Demon [demonio oriental] Sarquiz Budip.20

In the semi-final, Takeo Yano was matched against Carlos Pereira. Yano weighed 70 kilos, Pereira 76 kilos. The match was four 10-minute rounds. Some reports described it as jiu-jitsu, others as luta livre. Most writers viewed jiu-jitsu as a particular form of luta livre. If the fighters wore kimonos, it was jiu-jitsu, otherwise it was luta livre. Both fighters engaged in both luta livre and jiu-jitsu. The match could have been either. 21

Some observers felt that Yano and Pereira put on an entertaining show, drawing after four “lively” rounds.22 Others were less impressed, calling the fight as “a feeble display by both fighters” [“exhibição fraca de ambos os contendores”].23

El Campeón was ambivalent. The Yano versus Pereira match was more an exhibition that a fight, due to Yano’s overwhelming superiority. The only reason Yano didn’t finish Pereira was that he didn’t want to [O japonez demonstrado manifesta superioridade technica e se não venceu foi porque não quiz]. However, he thought that Pereira had great potential to one day become a good fighter [Alias o joven lutador brasileiro possue predicados excepionaes para, algum dia , chegar a ser um valor positivo do nosso sport].

George Gracie versus Fritz Weber was something of a joke, El Campeón felt. Weber wore a kimono so oversized that it looked like a straightjacket [Camisa de força]. Weber was even more clueless in jiu-jitsu than he was in catch and luta livre and was finally done in by his own exhaustion [atrapalhando-se com o seu propio cascação].

El Campeón thought that Weber weighed 126 kilos. He might have. Under the circumstances, the extra weight probably hurt rather than helped, if it mattered at all. George played with Weber [brincou com os 126 kilos de seu adversario] for two rounds before deciding to finish him in the third with an efficient and fatal armlock.

Jack Russell and Sarquiz Budip did not escape El Campeón’s scorn. The only reason their clown show [palhaçada] was not more successful was that Budip had not yet perfected the art of acting [ainda não ser um artista perfeito]. The performance featured some take-downs [quedas], nothing more [apenas isso, nada mais].

Unlike some writers who dwelled at length on the catch results, El Campeón had little to say. It seemed almost beneath him, as a serious fight reporter, with his own column and byline, to dignify such shenanigans with straight-faced commentary.24

Catch matches could usually be relied on to offer some thrills, reasonably, as one opponent did nothing to prevent the other from attempting spectacular moves, and indeed would help him to do it. The problem was that the performers were too often inept.

Kodokan Judo versus American Catch

After the George Gracie versus Fritz Weber and Takeo Yano versus Carlos Pereira fights, Brasil Box prepared another night of thrills. It was a grand spectacular of “jiu-jitsu”. Yassuiti Ono and George Gracie took on Jack Russell and the Sarquiz Budip. Neither Russell nor Budip had ever demonstrated any knowledge of jiu-jitsu, but that didn’t matter. Wearing a kimono made it a jiu-jitsu match.

The first preliminary fight would be between two genuine jiu-jitsu representatives, Oninho (Naoiti Ono) and Carlos Pereira.

The event took place Saturday April 27, at Estadio Brasil. All three fights were six rounds of 10 minutes.25

The main event was Yassuiti Ono versus the “King of Fouls” [Rei dos Fouls], the gigantic Jack Russell. Russell promised to beat Ono before the second round. Ono guaranteed that it wouldn’t happen, for the very logical reason that Russell was going to lose [Ono garante que tal não aconteceir, pois o vencido será, forcosamente, o ‘gigante’]. The Japanese jiu-jitsu men were out-gunned in the hyperbole wars. As Geo Omori had said, they preferred to do their fighting in the ring. In consequence they needed people like Jack Russell and his fellow “artists.” Their fighting skills were dubious but they knew how to build up a fight.

Oninho previously choked out Manoel Grillo (December 25, 1937). The victory was significant because, not only was Grillo vastly bigger, he was also (supposedly) the jiu-jitsu champion of Portugal. He had (allegedly) studied with and then defeated the legendary Raku. He also (ostensibly) beat Taro Miyake. He wasn’t an ordinary catcher, at least not if the newspaper accounts were reliable. Oninho had proven his valor by beating a much larger and apparently equally skilled jiu-jitsu fighter. But then, Grillo was old and the quality of his opposition was suspect (Raku and Taro Miyake were also old when they confronted Grillo). Oninho in contrast was anything but an unknown quantity. His fights had been recent and in plain view. Most fans had probably seen at least some of them. And no one could question the quality of the instruction he had received. His teacher was his brother. There was no one better in Brazil in 1940 than Yassuiti Ono.

Like Manoel Grillo, Carlos Pereira was from Portugal. He wanted to avenge the insult to their national honor. Oninho wanted to prove that his victory over Grillo wasn’t a fluke. Pereira, from the Gracie Academy, planned to fight with his head [pra cabeça], or in the Rio slang, “spiritually” [espirituosamente]. His objective was to stamp a clear defeat on Oninho’s record.26

George Gracie was uncharacteristically quiet. Budip had little to say. The newspapers were generally silent. According to one, George Gracie was well enough known that nothing needed to be said, while Budip also was well enough known not to need introduction [não cansaremos o leitor com ‘biografias’]. It was enough to say that it would be one of the most electrifying combats of the evening [será um dos combates mais eletrizantes da noite de amanhã].

The Ono brothers were training at their academy in São Paulo on avendia Celso Garcia.27

Oninho’s and Pereira’s weights were not reported but Pereira weighed 76 kilos two weeks earlier, and Oninho generally weighed 56 kilos, give or take a kilo. Pereira’s 20 kilo weight edge was not enough to overcome Oninho’s skill and speed. According to Diario Carioca, it was only due to his weight advantage and the fact that Oninho hadn’t prepared well for the fight [falta de treino] that Pereira was able to avoid defeat.28

Reporters were not favorably impressed with Pereira, saying that he had evidenced a complete lack of knowledge of jiu-jitsu. But at least, unlike Russell and Budip, he was a genuine fighter. His lackluster performance was due to the fact that he had only been learning jiu-jitsu a short time.29

It was a weak exhibition that ended in a draw.30

George Gracie versus Budip did not prove to be as electrifying as some had anticipated. George weighed 70 kilos to Budip’s 108 kilos. Not surprisingly, Budip displayed rudimentary jiu-jitsu skills [conhecimentos rudimentares]. However, George did not allow him to turn the match into a farce. With no other option, Budip made a real effort to defeat George, using brute force [bruta força] and some catch techniques. But to no avail. The “Blond Cat”31 George Gracie, won in the first round by a armlock.32

Yassuiti Ono, weighing 68 kilos, and Jack Russell, at 118 kilos, put on a lively show. Russell, the “clown americano” however did not demonstrate that he had any business wearing a kimono in a ring with Yassuiti Ono. Ono finished him with an armlock in the third round.33

The fights probably entertained the fans. At least Brasil Box and other promotional companies must have thought so. The rest of the decade was dominated by fights exactly like them, if not indeed, even more clownish. Fight analysts however, did not like them, understandably. They were viewing them as sports, not as theater. As sports, they failed to measure up. All three fights were described as “tedious and uninteresting“.34

Another paper despaired that world of ring sports was falling apart, asking “From where will come the new leader of our ring sports? [“vamos dar nova orientação aos nossos sports de ring?”], and blaming the sad state of current affairs squarely on Brasil Box’s director Renato Gardini. Gardini was making a grave mistake in allowing clowns like Jack Russell to participate in fights, if they could be called “fights”. It was an insult to genuine fighters, like the inestimable Yassuiti Ono. The solution, Diario Carioca believed, was to have Jack Russell and others of his own “modality” “fight” each other. The few honest fighters still remaining should not participate in the sham fights.35

But as usual, the promoters were listening to the sounds of the cash registers.

The Sound of Money

The Brasil Box troupe of fighters moved to São Paulo to open the “season” on Saturday May 11. The gymnasium of Associação Athletica São Paulo was chosen as the venue. Various delays were encountered. The featured fight was George Gracie versus Oninho. Sarkissi Budip was selected as Jack Russell’s opponent. Director Renato Gardini decided to substitute Yassuiti Ono for Budip. There would also be two matches of “Luta Greco Romana,” in which Hungarian ex-olympic champion Paulo Stern would participate. The opening day was postponed to May 18 and then again to on Saturday, May 25.36

By that time, the Temporada Internacional de Lutas had already been underway since May 18, when Charles Ulsemer of France defeated Spanish Andres Castanho at Estadio do Pacaembu, in a somewhat unsatisfactory way. Ulsemer’s victory was not the fruit of his superior knowledge of luta livre, observers complained, but rather the inadequate technical knowledge of referee Righetto (probably Arthur Riquetto, the jiu-jitsu man). Ulsemer’s next fight was scheduled for Saturday May 25, a six 10-minutes round contest against the Brazilian Martino Jose Dyonisio. There would also be five boxing matches.37

The Ono brothers were still training at their academy on avenida Celso Garcia. George was training at Academia Delauney on avenida Brigadeiro Luis Antonio. Russell was training with the Stern brothers at C. A. Iparanga.

The day before the fights, the match-ups were revised again. Now it was George Gracie versus Yassuiti Ono (replacing his brother) in a luta livre match of six 10-minute rounds. The original match-up of Santiago (Sarkissi, Sarquiz) Budip versus Jack Russell was back on and had been upgraded to the main event. Also on the card were Jose Gonçalves versus Antonio Cadete in a three round (of 2 minutes, with 3 ounce gloves) amateur boxing match, and a luta livre match between Maximino Bento and Luis Kian, (three 5-minute rounds). Reserve fighters were Fritz Weber, Takeo Yano, and Oninho.38

There obviously had been complications in getting the season off the ground. It finally began on fight night Saturday May 25. But not without controversy.

Yassuiti Ono left the facility without explanation. So did his brother Oninho, who had been a reserve fighter [os irmãos Ono…inexplicavelemnte deixaram de comparecer ao local da Ponte Grande para lutar com Gracie]. Even more mysteriously, Takeo Yano, who had been a reserve fighter, also did not enter the ring to face George Gracie. The incident has never been explained but had all of the markings of a contract dispute.

A fighter (or individual) named Jung Meri was hastily recruited to fill in for Yassuiti Ono, his brother, and Takeo Yano. Fritz Weber was also a reserve fighter but it is safe to assume that he was not asked to fill in.

George was declared the winner over Yassuiti Ono by “walk-over”. He then fought Jung Meri, defeating him by armlock in the second round. In this way, George notched two victories in one night. Ono lost without fighting.

In the other fights, Budip beat Russell by armlock in round 3. Maximo Bento and Luis Kian (whose name was also written Kiain) drew. Kian was described as “Japanese”. The referee was Jose Kian. Gonçalves defeated Antonio Cadete by points.39

George immediately challenged Budip saying that by beating Russell he proved that he was he was good fighter. George also believed that Budip would not try to avoid his challenge. He added that he hoped Budip would not imitate the Ono brothers who demonstrated their fear of him and also at the same time left a poor impression of their sportsmanship.40

Budip lost no time accepting the challenge. But he wanted five-thousand milreis [cinco contos, or 5,000$] to fight George.41

Jiu-Jitsu Denied

The fight was set up for June 8. George would face Budip (sometimes described as “gigantesco lutador arabe”). Angelo Orlando, from Italy, and Charles Ulsemer would face off. Takeo Yano had been scheduled to confront Jack Russell again, but didn’t feel that he was sufficiently recovered from his recent fights in Bello Horizonte.42 Dionysio, the Ebony Adonis [O Adonis de ébano] substituted for Yano.43

The fight was postponed to Thursday June 13.44

Weight differences matter more in luta livre than in jiu-jitsu. The George Gracie versus Budip fight was luta livre. Budip weighed 92 kilos, George weighed 70.8 kilos. Unlike in their previous fight on April 27, George was not successful. The reason was that Budip, knowing the valor of his opponent, used all of his skills to beat him [Budip, sabendo do valor de seu adversario, procurou todos os meios para abatel-o]. Budip surprised George with an armlock in the second round.45

Balance of Forces

On June 16, it was announced that on Thursday June 20, Budip would meet Angelo Orlando, the champion of the Italian colony in South America. George would face Russell.46

On June 18 it was announced that Budip would meet Russell, and George would meet Angelo Orlando. In addition, Dionysio would encounter Oninho.47

On June 19, Oninho and Dionysio were out, replaced by two of the Ono’s students, Braz Gomes and Udu Dorn, were also included.48

The fights finally took place on Thursday June 20, 1940 at Associação Athletica São Paulo.

Silviano dos Santos replaced Udu Dorn on the day of the fight. Braz’ take-down game was limited but he attacked more and demonstrated greater knowledge and skills [Braz demonstrou maiores conhecimentos. Comquantos atacasse mais não exhibiu variedadae de quedas]. He caught Santos with a choke in the second round.

George rehabilitated himself after his loss to Budip by choking Orlando at the 20 seconds mark in the second round. George weighed his usual 70 kilos. Orlando weighed 86 kilos. Once again jiu-jitsu provided a way for the weak to defeat the strong. George was back on top.

Budip finished Russell with an armlock in the third round.49

In the short space of one week, the Budip had submitted the giant-killing Brazilian jiu-jitsu champion, George Gracie, and the gigantic cowboy Yankee Jack Russell, both with armlocks. He was bigger than George, but smaller than Russell. If men like Budip succeeded in learning the scientific Japanese game, theretofore secret, it had the potential to drastically alter the balance of forces between the two camps. The jiu-jitsu men would effectively be out of work.

Health Drink

As everywhere else, Brazilian newspapers were full of advertisements. The ads in Brazilian newspapers suggest something about the general state of health in the country, which was known to be poor. Many ads offered sure-fire cures for infectious diseases that in fact had no effective therapy at the time (not until the wide-spread availability of antibiotics after World War Two). Alleged cures for sexually transmitted diseases and tuberculosis were common, as were promises of quick, cheap, and complete relief from every other possible ailment or deficiency, including general weakness. As in earlier decades in the United States, most cures were preparations of undisclosed composition and were uniformly medically inefficacious.

Beer was originally marketed in the United States as a health drink. In Brazil, Silva Araujo’s Vinho Reconstituinte [reconstituted wine] was touted as a cure for “muitos disturbios” [many disturbances], including weakness, listlessness, poor appetite, poor memory, poor sleep, excessive thinness, and depression.50

Ads generally used the same persuasive techniques that have proven to be effective across time, place, social class, and educational level, two of which are testimonials from peers and assurances from authorities. These were used in Brazil in 1940 to persuade people to drink Silva Araujo’s Vinho Reconstuinte.

A line drawing of an unnamed man with wide smile testified that “A month ago I felt listless. Today I feel strong and ready for anything” [“Ha um mez atraz, eu era o typo do desanimado. Hoje, sinto-me forte e disposto para tudo”].

Another satisfied customer, Sr. Miguel N. Carvalho felt weak and depressed [fraco e abatido], with a poor memory [com falta de memoria]. He started drinking Silva Araujo Reconstituted Wine, and already felt much better [“já me sinto muito melhor”].

St. Olivia Martins suffered from a similar syndrome. She felt weak and down, and also lost her appetite [“tinha perdido a appetite”]. She had splendid results with Silva Araujo’s Reconstituted Wine, having returned to good health [“voltei a gozar bôa saude”].

An ”eminent surgeon” [um eminente cirurgião], Prof. Brandão Filho, testified that “I have always obtained excellent results with Vinho Reconstituinte Silva Araujo, among sick people who need to restore their vital forces after surgery“ [“tenho sempre obtido optimos resultados com Vinho Reconstituinete Silva Araujo nos doentes recem-operados que necessitam de um rapido soerguimento de suas forças vitaes”].

Nothing the professional wrestlers claimed must have seemed particularly far-fetched to readers of the sports pages.

Side-Shows

Jiu-jitsu matches and luta livre matches involving jiu-jitsu men were generally side-shows to the real attractions, which tended to be the epic encounters between international giants with memorable nicknames. A typical example was the Francisco Perez fight with Manoel Conca on Saturday July 6 as the first preliminary to the Roberto Ruhmann versus Jack Russell fight. It was a jiu-jitsu match of four 5-minute rounds. The following preliminary pitted Braz Gomes II against João Mamede Ramos in a luta livre match, also four 5-minute rounds. The semi-final was Budip versus Fritz Weber.51

At the last minute, Vicente Proise replaced Manoel Conca. Perez, weighing 53 kilos registered a first-round win over Proise (58 kilos) by choke. Braz II (64 kilos), prevailed over Mamede Ramos (65 kilos) in round 3 by choke.52

Scandal

On July 23 George Gracie rocked the fight world with the revelation that he had engaged in “simulated fights” [lutas simuladas].53

On July 24 George continued his accusations and was accused in return. Yassuiti Ono denied that he engaged in simulated fights [Ono não aceitou uma proposta do conhecido lutador para um combate de mentira]. He never had any arrangement or agreement with George either to win or to lose any fight, he insisted [“nega haver lutado o campeão brasileiro pos qualquer combinação para perder ou ganhar”]. Ono challenged George to meet him in the ring at Pacaembu.54

George declared that he didn’t fear reprisals from the Federation and blamed Renato Gardini, the former world champion and current director of Brasil Box, among others, for orchestrating the fake fights. He confessed that he participated in worked fights at the insistence of promoters.55 Two days later he specified that under the direction of Gardini, he fought various worked fights [lutas combinadas] in 1939.56

He named Roberto Ruhmann as the foremost simulador [faker] Gardini responded by issuing a challenge of honor [repto de honra].57

George went further and claimed that almost all fights since 1934 were fixed.58

Ricardo Pinto weighed in on the scandal in an article titled “Fake Tough Guys” [“Valentoes de Marmelada”]. Pinto took George at his word, but he didn’t completely buy George’s plea that he was an innocent victim. No one twisted his arm. After all, he was the champion.

And if other fighters managed to resist the seduction of easy money, George could have also. Yassuiti Ono was one. George’s own brother Helio was another. “Helio was always a correct and decent professional. He preferred to give up his beautiful career rather than cross into the territory of immorality”, Pinto said.59

The President of the Federation, Dr. Anysio de Sá, was another who didn’t believe that George was as innocent as he tried to pretend. The Federation had copies of all fight contracts and had verified that they were drawn up in accordance with Federation regulations. If there had been worked fights, it could only have been by agreement with George and his opponents, Dr Sá decided.60

George agreed with Pinto. Helio never worked any fights, George said. Helio always went into the ring to win or lose.61 He said nothing about Dr. Sá’s point. He also didn’t reply to Renato Gardini, who said that George’s contract gave him 10% of the gross receipts.62 George could have replied that Dr. Sá’s and Gardini’s point were irrelevant. The written contract did not have to correspond to what the promoters told the fighters to do, and the 90% of the gate that the promoter kept would have been larger if ticket sales matched the greater appeal the worked fights had with fans. But George kept his mouth shut. Evidently he had accomplished his purpose, whatever it might have been.

The scandal had potentially wider ranging ramifications. Brasil Box (Empresa Brasil Box Ltda.) had been established by the well-known sportsmen Eurico de Andrade Neves and Manoel Tumminelli to promote diversões publicas [general entertainment events] which included boxing and luta livre. They promoted mostly boxing but also luta livre, for example, the 1939 match between Charles Ulsemer and Dionysio. In 1939, they rented Estadio Brasil to Renato Gardini and Gunter Baszinski, who wanted to use the facility to produce catch, luta livre, and jiu-jitsu shows.63 Brasil Box had nothing to do with whatever happened in those shows, Andrade Neves and Tumminelli protested, obviously concerned that their boxing productions would be tainted.64

Yassuiti Ono felt that his reputation was being damaged. He challenged George to fight him at Pacaembu on July 28.

George accepted, but disappointed his fans by not showing up [George não apareceu no Pacaembu, decepcionando seus adeptos]. Later George explained that he didn’t want to participate in a fight that Renato Gardini and Jose Antonio Lage^65 were involved in, but that he was ready to fight Ono and any other fighter, after he had time to train properly.66

But fight opportunities were drying up for jiu-jitsu representatives. Gardini’s unexpected death in September, in Santos, was certainly not the whole reason, but it may have been part of it. Few people understood professional wrestling, from both sides of the ropes, as thoroughly as he did.67

Such tomfoolery no longer preoccupied Helio. He was studying to take a driving test [exame de motoristas] on July 18. He passed.68

Death of Jiu-Jitsu

The difference, if any, between jiu-jitsu and the new practice of ‘judo,’ had been a matter of debate in Brazil. In July of 1940, Salim Helou contributed an article titled “Jiu-Jitsu is dead in Japan” [“O Jiu-Jitsu Morreu no Japão”], in which he explained that jiu-jitsu had not been practiced in Japansince the advent of judo, about 50 years before. After a largely accurate 13 paragraph account of the development of Kodokan judo, he concluded that “there isn’t the slightest doubt that the word ‘jiu-jitsu’―evocative of legendary mysticism―has been relegated in the complicated idiom of Japanese, to the category of archaic expressions”.69

Judo was specifically designed to be a Western style sport, although derived from and influenced by traditional Japanese forms of physical training, including several varieties of jiu-jitsu, as well as games of skill. The jiu-jitsu matches of the 1930’s, and before and after, in Brazil, were identical to judo as it existed at the time, subject to any modifications needed for theatrical presentation. The fact that they were “matches” above all, made them judo.70 One could summarize by saying that there were two types of jiu-jitsu. One was the battlefield art that no longer existed. The other was the art, or more accurately, grab-bag of techniques that Jigaro Kano incorporated into his Kodokan judo. It was the second type of jiu-jitsu that the Brazilians encountered, learned, divulged in Brazil, and eventually reintroduced globally many years later.

What people chose to call what they did is another question entirely. The answer lies more in the history of advertising than combat. When products or services are most similar, if not indistinguishable, that is when branding becomes most important to producers and providers.71

Passivity

On August 10 at the gymnasium of the Associação Athletica São Paulo, Yassuiti Ono confronted Andres Castanho. It would be a jiu-jitsu match of six 10-minute rounds. Others on the card were Sarkiss Budip versus Angelo Orlando, Charles Ulsemer versus the Lithuanian Pedro Gustavo, and Jack Russell versus Fritz Weber. With the exception of Ono and Gustavo, all were veteran catch wrestlers and regular opponents of the jiu-jitsu representatives.72

The fight ended quickly [desfecho rapido]. Ono overwhelmed [sobrepujou facilmente seu antagonista] Castanho with take-downs [quedas] and throws [balões] before choking him out in 6 minutes of the first round. Castanho, while game [de boa vontade] did not demonstrate much knowledge of jiu-jitsu [não demonstrou grande conhecimentos nesta modalidade de luta].

Ulsemer beat Gustavo with an armlock and Russell and Weber drew. The Federation seized the purses of Budip and Orlando for “passivity” [falta de combatividade].73

Benefit

On Sunday September 8, 1940 the Clube Esperia in São Paulo held a benefit festival for the Cine Theatro do Asyio Colonia de Santo Angelo. In addition to other activities, there would be four amateur boxing matches, a demonstration of strength by Roberto Ruhmann (bending steel bars), a demonstration of self-defense by São Paulo jiu-jitsu champion Benedicto Peres Campos and his student Arthur Mieles, two luta livre matches, a jiu-jitsu match, and catch-as-catch-can exhibition match between Jack Russell and Andre Castanho.

The luta livre matches involved at least two of Yassuiti Ono’s students, and the others were very likely also his students. In one luta livre match Braz II faced João Menezes. In the other Udo Dorno (Udu Dorn) faced René Malheiros.74

Jiu-jitsu was increasingly a side-show to catch. Practitioners were increasingly young. They also were versatile. They were as likely to fight luta livre as jiu-jitsu. Or to put in another, equally correct way, they were as likely to wear kimonos as not. But people came to see the giant catchers and men with muscles of steel. Jiu-jitsu fighters were there to fill out the program.

Living Legend

By 1940, Yassuiti Ono had become a living legend.75 Charles Ulsemer was a relative newcomer.

Ulsemer was born in Strasburg, in the Alsace region of France near the River Rhine. He competed in amateur luta livre and Greco-Romana beginning in 1928. In 1934 at the age of 22 he became the French luta livre champion and a finalist in Greco-Romana. He then turned professional and traveled throughout Europe, North Africa, Australia, North America, and South America.

In 1940, he estimated that he had won 299 fights, losing only one. He wasn’t exactly sure because when and where he fought depended on his contract, but twice a week was not exceptional. He had fought in Brazil 22 times at that point, including two matches with Takeo Yano in June and September of 1939.76

Ono and Ulsemer were both “undefeated” in Brazil (actually, Ono had lost once or twice to George Gracie, albeit on technicalities). Fights between undefeated champions were always fan pleasers. A fight was arranged for December 14, 1940, at Associação Athletica São Paulo. It would be a jiu-jitsu contest of ten 5-minute rounds.

The semi-final was a six-round (of 5 minutes each) jiu-jitsu match between Oninho and Godofredo Silva. Godofredo seems to have had no other public fights. It is likely that he was one of Yassuiti Onos’ students.

There were three preliminary fights. The first was a luta livre match between Braz Gomes II and Udu Dorn. The second was a luta livre match between Braz Gomes I and Ser Nizaki. The third was jiu-jitsu match between Benedicto Peres and Luiz Tarzan Fazio. All three preliminaries were five rounds of 5 minutes.

Braz I and Udu Dorn were known to be Ono students, so Braz II and Ser Nisaki probably were as well, making it essentially an intra-academy contest, embellished somewhat by the fact that Mr. Kaoru Ashahima, proprietor of the Bar Japonez at avenida Rangel Pestana 1.214 offered medals to the winners.

Benedicto Peres would be disputing Luiz de Fazio Tarzan for the title of Campeão Paulista de Jiu-jitsu. “I have never in my career been in such good condition as today. I feel that I’m at the peak of my career”, Peres said [“nunca me senti tão bem como agora. Sinto-me apogeu de minha carreira”].

Peres acknowledged the valor of his opponent, who was a well-known strongman, as his nickname suggested, but was confident that he would win [“Sei que o contendor é valoroso e capaz de grande feitos mas vencerie…não quero esconder a certeza que tenho na victoria”].

Ulsemer was training at Academia Paulista de Box de Kid Joffre e Zumbano III. He specifically selected smaller opponents to train with and he wore a kimono for all his training. Ono was training at the academy that he ran with his brother, the “Academia de Defesa Pessoal” on avenida Rangel Pestana,. Ono adopted the opposite tactic and trained with larger men.77

Ulsemer’s usual weight was around 89 kilos. He weighed at least 20 kilos more than Ono for this fight, so Ono must have been around his usual weight of 68 kilos. In addition to his weight advantage, Ulsemer was not a neophyte at the game of jiu-jitsu. He had after all fought a match with the “King of Throws” [Rei das Quedas] as Takeo Yano was known for the incredible ease with which he routinely threw even the biggest adversaries. Yet Yano was unable to throw Ulsemer even once. Ulsemer was also exceptionally flexible. His nickname was “Rubber Man” [O homem de borracha].78 Yassuiti Ono’s task would not be an easy one, Correio Paulistano predicted.79

All of the fights were interesting and appreciated by the fans.

Braz II and Udo Doru drew after four active rounds.

Braz I defeated Ser Nizaki by armlock in the second round.

Benedicto Peres submitted Luis Tarzan in the third round, by armlock, retaining his title of São Paul jiu-jitsu champion.

Oninho defeated Godofredo in the second round by “golpe de asphyxiamento” [choke].

Yassuiti Ono and Charles Ulsemer drew after 10 rounds. Both remained undefeated.80

In historical hindsight it wasn’t remarkable that Peres defeated Tarzan in a jiu-jitsu match. It was noteworthy that Ulsemer went the distance with Yassuiti Ono. Ono had gone to considerable lengths to assert that he never worked fights and his record seemed to bear him out. If this was true, Ulsemer might actually have had some of the skills that he claimed, making him a rarity among catchers of the period.

.Chapter 20 Notes

Chapter 21

1941

With Helio retired from professional fighting and his other three brothers following their own paths, Carlos Gracie needed sources of income. One of his spiritual devotees, Oscar Santa Maria, provided some. Carlos also continued to teach jiu-jitsu. Without fights to attract public attention to his academy, Carlos needed to conduct demonstrations. For that partners were needed. Big tough guys were always impressive in the roles of aggressor-victims. Young girls could also be impressive in the opposite role. Carlos apparently, combined demonstrations with another of his interests, young girls.1

One of Carlos Gracie’s primary projects was producing new life, generally with the assistance of young girls from a lower social class than his own.2 He usually married them and generally managed to stay out of trouble. But not always.

The fighter promoter Gonçalves de Oliveira filed a complaint in the 4th Police District alleging that Carlos had promised to marry his under-aged daughter, Lida de Oliveira e Silva, and then reneged.

Lida had begun as a maid in Carlos’ house and had somehow become a jiu-jitsu student and partner in his demonstrations. Lida stated that Carlos drew a horoscope and then “interpreted” it to arrive at the conclusion that she would become his wife. Carlos abandoned her after she became pregnant.3 Carlos firmly denied the allegation. His lawyer promised to offer proof within the next few days of his client’s innocence.4

Carlos was absolved of the charge, article 267 of the penal code, by judge Toscano Espinola.5 The promoter (now identified as Eugenio Clatta-Preto) appealed. Judge Romão Cortes de Lacerda overturned the absolution and ruled definitively that Carlos should serve one year in a prison cell.6

In a probably unrelated bit of misfortune, Gastão Jr. lost the position he had held since October 1938^7 teaching jiu-jitsu in the Department of Physical Education.8

Professional jiu-jitsu had increasingly fallen into disfavor over the years. By 1941 there were few pure jiu-jitsu matches. Jiu-jitsu could not compete with “catch” as a form of entertainment. Even the most outstanding jiu-jitsu representatives of the previous decade were faced with the choice of participating in catch wrestling or getting out of the business. Some got out. Others became pro wrestlers.

Interest in jiu-jitsu did not die out, but it became increasingly an amateur sport. Fans still enjoyed seeing spectacular throws, but these were difficult to execute in a catch match with no kimono and opponents who sometimes weighed nearly twice as much as the jiu-jitsu man, if not more.

Jiu-jitsu throws were not only spectacular, but seemed mysterious. One popular sports magazine presented a pictorial showing various ways, using the “scientific Japanese sport”, to put an opponent on the ground [As varias maneiras de lever o adversario ao chão]. Two Kodokan alumni, Geo Omori and Takeo Yano demonstrated “Tsurigoni seoa-nage”, “o uchimata”, and “o haraigoshi”. The photos were taken long before, as Omori had died in 1938 and both men looked very young. Yano was described as the young Japanese disciple of Conde Koma, and a master of throws who excited the fans with the apparent ease with which he had been able to throw George Gracie in most of their numerous previous encounters. Yano’s error, the article suggested, was not immediately following up with ground attacks, allowing George, with his “calmness and perfect defense” to avoid defeat.9

In 1934, Empresa Pugilistica Brasileira announced the arrival of a student of Conde Koma, then in Pará. He was said to be a major expert in jiu-jitsu who could be successful in the ring against the best fighters.10 He was undoubtedly Takeo Yano.

Yano met Conde Koma in mid-1931.11 Before his first professional fight, Yano was introduced as having been in the shadow of (or under) [a sombra de] the almost legendary Conde Koma in Pará.

Takeo Yano was not the greatest Japanese jiu-jitsu master, or most successful in the Brazilian rings, but he was the most visible and the most active. With a few exceptions, jiu-jitsu in the rings of Rio, São Paulo, and Bello Horizonte from 1941 to 1949 was represented by Takeo Yano.

Jiu-Jitsu Sport

But jiu-jitsu was an amateur sport as well. The Bento Ribeiro Football Club inaugurated a jiu-jitsu section on Friday, September 6, 1941. Four matches were presented. Dirceu confronted Alcides; Franca Filho faced Baiano; Oswaldo Fada measured forces with Moreira, and Oswaldo Fada and Moreira engaged in a “self defense” match.12

Little information about the jiu-jitsu section subsequently reached the press, understandably. Amateur sports and recreational training were not particularly newsworthy. Without a gifted promoter along the lines of Carlos Gracie to launch challenges and manufacture miscellaneous media events, no one would hear about it. The public had no reason to care, and the amateur athletes and hobbyists probably didn’t need the publicity either.

Fada was still teaching jiu-jitsu in Bento Riberio in the 1950’s which implies that people were learning his version of the art throughout the 1940’s, subject to the disruptions of World War II.

Life went on. Helio Gracie was born a few days before March 1941 in São Paulo. Not the famous, but now retired, fighter, brother of Carlos and George, but rather the son of Gastão Gracie Filho and Rosa Fusco Gracie.13

Choque de Jiu-Jitsu

The only confirmed professional jiu-jitsu matches of the year were Takeo Yano versus Charles Ulsemer, and Carlos Pereira versus Manoel Rocha. The first was the main event, the second was the semi-final. It was Organized by Imprensa Nicolino Vigiani, to take place September 27, 1941 at Estadio Brasil. It would be a “choque de jiu-jitsu” [jiu-jitsu match] in four 10-minute rounds. There also were two amateur and two professional boxing matches.

It was a revenge match for Yano. He had already faced Ulsemer in 1939, losing by choke in the fifth round. Assuming that the fight was legitimate, it simply may not have been Yano’s night. Even great champions can lose flukishly. No one can be 100% every time they enter the ring. Sometimes that results in close-calls. Other times, titles change hands, and eras come to an end.

But Yano bounced back. His reputation was reasonably intact. As for Ulsemer, it was enough to mention that he had previously drawn with the “magnificent professional” Yassuiti Ono in São Paulo on December 14, 1940.14 In fact, it was this draw that ostensibly qualified him to meet Yano.15 It was also probably not unrelated to the fact that the “catch” season had just ended and both had time on their hands.16 Another reason was that Yano had been slated to fight Leon Finklestein, better known as “Homem Montanha”, who had suddenly gone to Buenos Aires. Ulsemer was drafted as a substitute.17

A picture in Diario de Noticias before the fight showed Ulsemer wearing a kimono and a dark, possibly black, belt. He was described as a practitioner of jiu-jitsu [praticante do jiu-jitsu] as well as a “catcher”.18 The kimono did not fit. Perhaps he left his own at home and put on whatever was available for the publicity shot. The first thing anyone who regularly trains in a do-gi (or kimono) learns is how to tie their obi (belt). Ulsemer’s belt was incorrectly tied.

It wasn’t the first time a wrestler (sometimes boxers and capoeiras too) had been described as being versed in, or even masters of, jiu-jitsu. In fact, it was common. It might have meant that they occasionally trained in a kimono.

Mostly, it provided a pretext for putting them in matches with smaller jiu-jitsu men. In most cases, such matches occurred in pairs, one without a kimono, in which the wrestler generally won, and another with kimono, in which the jiu-jitsu men generally won.

The fight was postponed to Saturday October 4 due to rain.19

Both fighters were confident. Yano was not afraid of Ulsemer [Yano não teme Ulsener]. Ulsemer was big but that was nothing new. Yano had disposed of big men numerous times before.

Gumercindo Taboada served as the referee. He was highly experienced and understood the game (the Carlos Pereira versus Manoel Rocha match was refereed by Alex Pinheiro). It was resolved that the fight would go on no matter what the weather was like [com qualquer tempo].

Ulsemer’s confidence might have been based on his previous victory by choke over Yano. But confidence isn’t enough to win a fight. Ulsemer had skills. He proved that in the Yasssuiti Ono draw in 1940. Could he repeat the feat?

He couldn’t. At one point, after several spectacular exchanges of techniques, both men fell out of the ring together, leaving Ulsemer injured as a result. When they returned to the ring Yano surprised Ulsemer with a shoulder throw [balão] in combination with a fatal choke that ended the fight. It was all over in 5 minutes [Yano venceu Ulsener…foi vencedor Yano aos cinco minutos por estrangulamento].

Despite his loss, Ulsemer fought well [apesar de vencido, actuou bem]. Perhaps lack of experience cost him the fight. He had managed a draw against the greatest jiu-jitsu fighter in Brazil (Yassuiti Ono), but against Yano, it just wasn’t his night.

Carlos Pereira won by armlock 4 minutes into the second round.20

The program marked the re-initiation of the 1941 fight season [temporada de pugilismo de 1941]. But apparently, with one possible exception, the season did not include any more jiu-jitsu matches.

Dark Clouds

Outside of the rings, life went on.

The Standard Oil Company tanker I.C. White, flying a Panamanian flag, was sunk by a German submarine 750 kilometers north of Pernambuco. It was the sixth such attack. U.S. Secretary of State Cordell Hull believed that it represented Germany’s intention of eliminating shipping from the Atlantic.21

Germany and the Soviet Union were engaged in the first year of their four-year project of exterminating each other and killing half of the people of Eastern Europe.22

America was six weeks away from becoming fully and formally involved, thanks to the Japanese attack on December 7, and Hitler’s declaration of war on the U.S. on December 11. Brazilians were an ocean away and were more interested in catch wrestling and jiu-jitsu than genocide. What could they do about it anyway? Brazilians stereotypically prided themselves on their ability to compromise, but with people like Stalin and Hitler, they were out of their depth and lucky to be on the other side of the globe.

Like it or not however, Brazil would be involved. Both American and Germany wanted Brazilian rubber and other resources and if they couldn’t have them, they at least didn’t want the enemy to have them. That meant that Brazil was effectively cut off from Europe. Brazil got off easy. No one bombed or invaded Brazil. As in every other country sacrifices would need to be made. Pro wrestling would have to be put on a back-burner for the duration.

The situation in Europe was dire. No one expected the Russians to be able to hold out against the Germans.23 But the war was not yet a world war. There might be time for one more fight. George Gracie announced that he would soon meet an unspecified Portuguese fighter [lutador lusitano] at Estadio do America in Porto Alegre on Wednesday November 19.24 The planned fight may have been a casualty of the rapidly deteriorating international situation.

Oswaldo was no longer fighting. He still taught. In 1941, he was the “técnico de luta livre” [luta livre instructor] at the Minas Tenis Club.25

Japanese Water

Conde Koma died at 4:05 in the early morning on November 28, according to the diary of Ozaki Tatsuo of the Brazilian consulate. Koma’s last words were “I want to drink Japanese water; I want to go back to Japan”.26

Conde Koma’s real (or birth) name was Maeda Mitsuyo [前田光世]. As some immigrants did to facilitate inter-cultural interactions, he adopted a Brazilian name as well, Otavio. But in the press, he was invariably Conde Koma (or Conde de Koma, or Conde, or simply Koma). He was so well known by his nickname that when his death was reported in a local newspaper, his wife and daughter were described as May Iris Mayeda Koma and Celeste Iris Mayeda Koma, respectively.

It was in a sense the end of the jiu-jitsu era in Brazil, or rather the beginning of a decade long interlude.

.Chapter 21 Notes

Chapter 22

1942-1945

On January 19, 1942, it was reported in Brazil that Japan, Germany, and Italy had signed an agreement to cooperate in defeating their common enemies [inimigos comuns]. Their common enemies were England, the United States and various countries of South and Central America, including Brazil.1

That did not dissuade Brazilians from going to the beach. The same day Japan, Germany, and Italy declared their intention to destroy Brazil, George Gracie was on his way with a friend to praia balnearia do Tramandai on the coast off Porto Alegre.

George was unable to enjoy his day at the beach because his car overturned on route. He was seriously injured [gravemente ferido…seriamente ferido] and immediately taken to the hospital.2

Apparently George was not that seriously injured because nine days later, Thursday January 29, he was planning to climb into the ring with a fighter named Stack in Porto Alegre.3 “Stack” was probably Luiz Stock, one of the popular catchers appearing at Estadio America in Porto Alegre at the time, along with Constant Le Marim, Evaldo Fries (aka Tarzan Gaucho), Adagilso Morais, Dante Carvalho (Oswaldo Gracie’s former student), Otilo Corréa, Herrera, Armando Morais, Mascara Listada, and the national champion Euclides “Tatú” Hatem.4 It is unknown whether that fight took place. George may not have recovered as adequately as he had anticipated. It is equally possible that negotiations did not go smoothly.

In the Summer of 1942, George fought “Tatú” at Estadio America in Porto Alegre. Tatú submitted George with a “double Nelson” in the third round, leaving George unconscious on the canvas [Tatú, demonstrando estar na mais perfeita forma aplicando um “double Nelson” em Gracie, deixou-o desacordado sobre a lona]. George thereby lost his title as “undefeated” in Porto Alegre.5

Around that same time George fought Adalgido Moraes “Moirasinho” in a return match. It is uncertain precisely when these matches took place but according to Esportes Illustrado the second Moirasinho fight was in the week preceding June 11, 1942, and the other two fights must have been not long before that.

Swindler

Helio Gracie had not fought since 1937. His financial situation was precarious.6 In 1943 he was ready to re-enter the ring. In March he went to Porto Alegre in search of opponents.7 Apparently he did not find anyone willing to fight him, or to pay what he thought he was worth.

Also in Porto Alegre, George Gracie was seeking opponents from among local fighters.8 He had better luck than Helio. The former Jewish jiu-jitsu champion in Berlin, Willy Steinhardt, agreed to confront George. The fight was set for Friday April 16 at Ring Palacio in Porto Alegre, as part of a program that included catch and boxing.9

On Saturday May 22, 1943 Helio Gracie took another driving test [exame de motoristas]. He passed again.10

The promoter Eurico Rocha filed a criminal complaint [queixa-crime] against his old student [seu antigo pupilo] George Gracie. In an interview, George had called him an “embusteiro” [swindler]. George was ordered to appear in court on October 5. Rocha was George’s “manager” in Porto Alegre.11

Fake Jiu-Jitsu

Manoel Azevedo Maia had been a student of the Gracie Academy for five years during the late 1930’s. He had trained with Helio many times, and was one of the two academy representatives (the other was Paulo Cunha) who attended, with Helio, the judo demonstration of Suniyuki Kotani and Chugo Sato, on Monday July 31, 1939 at the Fluminense Football Club.12

Maia had followed his own path. He taught jiu-jitsu at the Tijuca Tenis Club and in the Corpo de Fuzileiros Navais. His students included Artur Jorge (George) and Murilo Reis. Neither was well-known for anything other than being Maia’s students.

Helio attacked Maia verbally, alleging that he was “contrary to the interests of real jiu-jitsu”.13 He did not explain what Maia did that he objected to.

Somewhere along the line, Maia didn’t know where, when, or why, Helio became convinced that his jiu-jitsu was the only jiu-jitsu.

Maia contended that Helio’s ring results against Takeo Yano and others (particularly Yassuiti Ono) proved that Helio’s way wasn’t the only way. Maia acknowledged a debt to Carlos but he owed nothing to Helio, he said. Helio was just a friend who had become an “inveterate egoist and dangerous adversary”. But he wasn’t intimidated, Maia said. He was ready to fight anyone, including Helio Gracie.

Helio talked about “disciplina” [discipline] and “moralização [morality]”. But Helio didn’t know the meaning of the words, Maia said. Helio even went so far as to disrespect his own brother Carlos, calling him a “fake jiu-jitsu teacher” [“falso professor do jiu-jitsu”]. But Helio was off-base, Maia corrected, because it was Carlos who taught both himself and Helio.

At issue was the matter of fighting. Helio believed that a good teacher needed to be a good fighter.

Maia disagreed. It is not necessary to be a good fighter in order to be a good teacher, and conversely, being a good fighter does not make one a good teacher, he argued. He had previously mentioned Carlos, who was good teacher but had never won a fight. Helio was a good fighter, Maia admitted, but with his public rudeness and disrespect, he had shown that he lacked the qualities of a good teacher.14

Helio responded by offering to fight with his arms tied. Maia said he would fight Helio but only with his arms free, not tied [“não aceitarei de braços amarrados, quero os dois soltos”], so that Helio could not make excuses after he lost. The fight could happen, he said, soon after his rematch with Manoel Rocha.15

The two met face-to-face, coincidentally in the presence of representatives of the press.16 Helio subjected Maia to insults that were “more painful than an armlock”. Helio clarified some of the issues that he had with Maia. He believed that Maia had participated in “marmeladas“ [faked fights]. He also objected that Maia did not have permission from Carlos Gracie to teach jiu-jitsu. He did not explain why Maia needed permission. The Gracie brothers did not receive permission from anyone to teach jiu-jitsu.

Maia was insulted by Helio’s offer to fight without his arms (not surprisingly, as that was Helio’s intention). But he listened calmly while Helio acted out the role of street thug. Helio enacted his vision of what a jiu-jitsu man should be. Maia had an alternative vision. Maia had lined up with George Gracie and Takeo Yano. Professional fighting was a job. Rewards came from giving the fans what they wanted and what they wanted was action and spectacular theatrical violence. Profits were maximized by holding down costs in the form of pain, trauma, and medical care. It all added up to pro wrestling. Helio was virtually alone with his image of jiu-jitsu as an efficient form of genuine street-fighting. Ironically, when Helio did engage in genuine street fighting, he didn’t use jiu-jitsu, as João Baldi had earlier pointed out. He did what untrained thugs would naturally do, attack by surprise, with backup and weapons. His moral position was shaky at best.

Helio had been retired for six years. Whether he was hoping to create interest in a come-back is unknown. If so, it apparently did not succeed. Times had changed. Helio was one of those who were slow to recognize it. Eventually what was old would become new again, but in the meantime, Helio was out in the cold. Fans had shifted their affections to catch and luta livre. They also had a world war to think about. Brazil was not in immediate danger but the quality of Brazil’s contribution to the cause would have major consequences for Brazil’s relations with the allies in the post-war world.

The Helio Gracie versus Azevedo Maia fight happened, or rather something resembling a fight, but not until much later, and under controversial circumstances.

War

The situation in Europe was developing in an alarming, but not totally unexpected, fashion. As early as 1936 the Brazilian government assumed that if a world war broke out, Brazil would have to take sides….”which could not be other than the United States of America”.17

Brazil broke relations with Germany in January 1942, and officially declared war in August, 1942.18 Brazil’s initial participation was primarily logistic, but it was assumed in Brazil that a symbolic “blood sacrifice” would be required in order to reap benefits from the conflict. That meant that Brazilian soldiers would have to be ready to serve in Europe.

The government began preparing the Brazilian people psychologically after Minister of War [ministro da guerra] and future president (1946-1951) Eurico Gaspar Dutra’s visit to America in August 1943. Although Brazilians were already eager to retaliate in some way against Germany for the submarine attacks off the coast, the formation of an “expeditionary force” posed some political problems (discussed in McCann 1995). Dutra clarified what Brazil would be expected to do, and why.19 Brazil had large numbers of immigrants from Germany, Italy, and Japan, and their loyalties were matters of uncertainty.20 The concerns were not imaginary, especially in the case of the Japanese, many of whom fanatically believed that Brazil would become theirs after Japan defeated America, England, China, and Russia. Testifying to their level of fanaticism, they continued to believe it even after Japan surrendered.

Unhappy Times

Even a world at war could not keep George Gracie from issuing challenges. In Porto Alegre, he challenged the Lithuanian Stephano Zickek, better known as “Gigante Memel” (or simply “Memel”) to a jiu-jitsu or catch match. George was so confident that he was willing to fight not only “winner-take-all”, but even for no money at all, apparently just for the sheer pleasure of spanking a big man. George weighed 75 kilos. Memel weighed 120 kilos.21 It is unknown if the fight took place or if so with what result. But Memel had no fear of jiu-jitsu. He resurfaced after the war, fighting Takeo Yano at least three times.

December was not a happy month for the Gracie family or for jiu-jitsu. On Wednesday, December 29, 1943, after a two month illness, Oswaldo Gracie died in Bello Horizonte. He left a wife and young son, Iros Gracie.22

Legal Conflict

Helio was involved in a legal case in 1944, neither for the first nor the last time. It was unusual in that he was not guilty. The well-known sportsman, jiu-jitsu fighter, historian, professor of physical education, and civil servant Alberto Latorre de Faria (aka Al Faria) had charged Helio with injuring him economically.

Reports were not clear on exactly what had happened. In any event, Helio was absolved, and Latorre de Faria was required to pay the court costs.23 In addition to his academic work, Latorre de Faria was immersed in the fight world. He studied boxing with Eneas Campelo and jiu-jitsu with either Jose Barbosa or Geo Omori, or both.24 He refereed and promoted catch and vale tudo fights. He was the director of the Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo in 1946 and was regarded as having a deep knowledge of the secrets of the sports of attack and defense [profundo conhecedor dos segredos dos esportes de ataque e defesa].25

He and Helio must have patched up their differences. Latorre de Faria was the promoter and referee of the Helio Gracie versus Waldemar Santana fight in 1955.26

On Saturday November 11, 1944, Takeo Yano and his students presented a demonstration of luta livre and jiu-jitsu at a six-day festival of sports to celebrate the 45th anniversary of the Instituto Proffisional 15 de Novembro.27 Jiu-jitsu had vanished as a public form of spectator entertainment, but clearly, it was alive as an amateur sport and recreational activity.

1945

The war in Europe was near the end. Germany had gambled and lost. Italy bailed out before it was too late (but not without great losses). Japan was barely hanging on, hoping vainly for better surrender terms.

Brazil had sent approximately 25,000 men to Italy as its contribution in “blood”. Professional fighters were probably not among them. Most were too old. Helio Gracie was past his prime but retained his competitive spirit. In March the horse riding season [temporada hipica] opened. Competitions [provas] were held Saturday March 3 and Sunday March 4 at the Petropolis Country Club’s headquarters in Nogueira. Helio Gracie, representing the country club, took first place in his event on Saturday.28

On Thursday September 6, Helio flew to Fortaleza on a Cruzerio do Sul airplane, presumably to visit his brother Carlos.29 Carlos had moved to Fortaleza after serving his prison term for impregnating and then abandoning one of his under-age jiu-jitsu students.30 Nothing of significance occurred on route. The same would not be true the following year.

.Chapter 22 Notes

Chapter 23

1946

Germany surrendered on, May 7, 1945 Japan on September 2, 1945.1 Life very slowly returned to normal. Germany and Japan were occupied and had to be rebuilt, as their overly ambitious war aspirations brought them near the edge of non-existence. Brazil however, suffered minimal damage, having lost 1,889 soldiers, 34 ships, and 22 airplanes. On the contrary Brazil’s economy enjoyed a major boost.2

The German immigrant community did not rise up, as some had feared. Before and during the war, the Japanese immigrants had been viewed by the North Americans and Brazilians as a potential fifth-column.3 Japan’s surrender partly solved that problem but not entirely, because most Japanese in Brazil believed that Japan had actually won the war and that reports to the contrary were merely propaganda.

The post-war Japanese immigrant community was divided into two groups, the make-gumi [defeat group], who accepted the fact that Japan had surrendered, and the kachi-gumi, [victory group], the largest being the shindo-renmei, who believed that Japan had actually won and that Brazil was now a conquered country. The majority (95% by some estimates) belonged to the kachi-gumi, who were anti-assimilationist and believed that Brazil was a colony in the Japanese empire and that they would receive land.4 The kachi-gumi were angry that Brazil had sided against Japan and although most violence was directed at other Japanese, Brazilians were sometimes attacked too. Brazilians retaliated by lynching Japanese.5 A move to ban Japanese immigration was barely defeated.

In the end the problem was eased by isolating shindo-renmei leaders on an island prison 12 hours by boat off the coast of Santos.

The process took some time. Tensions were still high in 1951 and that was one reason for the single most important jiu-jitsu fight in Brazilian history, Masahiko Kimura versus Helio Gracie.6

Japanese ultra-nationalism and Brazilian xenophobia interacted to produce friction and may have contributed to the fall-off in interest in jiu-jitsu fights generally. As had happened in North America, not only was the enemy feared and hated, but so were his cultural practices. Jiu-jitsu was quintessentially Japanese. No description of jiu-jitsu failed to mention that it was the Japanese science of defense. After 1942 it must have been difficult for Brazilian promoters to cast jiu-jitsu exponents in the role of the “good guy”.

Fortunately, most jiu-jitsu practitioners in Brazil were equally adept at luta livre, and catch wrestling, and had shown their willingness to perform in staged matches. In fact the two most notable representatives, George Gracie and Takeo Yano, had both participated in staged fights, some together. It is no surprise that they were the first to come back. When they did, it was in catch wrestling matches. If jiu-jitsu matches were presented, they were preliminaries involving relatively unknown and generally young and small fighters.

Probably there was no choice. Catch was stereotypically the domain of giants. A smaller man, like George Gracie, or Takeo Yano, could be accepted occasionally if he was an undoubted master of a secret and scientific fighting method that allowed him to compensate for his small size. For someone without those qualifications, he would have to fight someone his own size, and on the under-card. In any case, jiu-jitsu matches were rare in the immediate post-war period, 1946-1949.

The reasons are not hard to find. Virtually any large man could perform as a catch wrestler. The more skills he had, the better show he could put on. Fans had already shown their preference for an out and out, explicitly labeled catch exhibition over a legitimate jiu-jitsu match. The difference was that the catch partner was actively cooperating in putting on a pleasing show. In a legitimate jiu-jitsu match (or any other) both opponents were actively trying to prevent the other from doing anything effective. In addition, effective, fight-winning moves are not always the most visually exciting moves. Jiu-jitsu matches could be and often were deadly dull. A staged fight could be as exciting as the performers wanted it to be. It was more financially rewarding, as George had mentioned in 1940. It was also easier and certainly less painful.

It was almost inevitable that the trend of the future was in catch wrestling. Indeed, jiu-jitsu representative George Gracie was one of the primary promoters. George sometimes entered the ring as well, but most of the action was left to Takeo Yano.

The recently organized Empresa Sul-Americana de Lutas^7 promoted the first event of many mixed nights of fighting on Saturday July 27. Thereafter its programs adhered to the same pattern, featuring a mix of luta livre, catch, vale tudo, and jiu-jitsu. Performers were primarily catch wrestlers, along with George and Yano, and a handful of lesser known and unknown younger jiu-jitsu men (although a few veterans of less than stellar stature also occasionally participated, Benedicto Peres and Carlos Pereira, for examples). “Mixed” meant that two or more genres were presented, generally luta livre or catch (which were essentially synonymous, catch differing in having a connotation of North American-ness), and jiu-jitsu.

Sometimes the match was mixed in the sense that a luta livre stylist was pitted against a jiu-jitsu representative. But more ordinarily the match was contested according one set of rules―either jiu-jitsu, or luta livre (sometimes vale tudo). Jiu-jitsu rules basically meant wearing a kimono. Vale tudo meant that striking was allowed, although it did not mean that the strikes were “real”. There were no straight striking matches (boxing or kick-boxing) and no matches between pure strikers and grapplers.

All of the available evidence strongly suggests that the fights were simulated and that some degree of choreography was involved. That was to be expected for the catch wrestlers, but even the jiu-jitsu men were not above suspicion. George and Yano had an extensive history of engaging of demonstrably fake fights not only with pro wrestlers, but with each other as well. Thus it would be difficult to point with any confidence to any fight during the 1946-1949 period as being unquestionably authentic. The exceptions were the preliminary matches fought by amateurs. They were not important enough to need to be faked.

Nevertheless the fights were an important part of jiu-jitsu history in Brazil. They were in a way the norm. Jiu-jitsu arose and flourished in the context of professional, theatrical wrestling. As a rule, the more “real” a fight was, the less interesting it proved to be to the paying public, which paved the way for the dominance of more traditional choreographed wrestling featuring stereotypical giants, tough men, and evil-doers.

Jiu-jitsu men, being on the small side of the size continuum, were at a disadvantage. No one would accept the idea of a small man defeating a big man in a contest of strength. Science was required to even the odds. That science generally required wearing a kimono, which in turn could and often did result in boring stalemates. Jiu-jitsu could not compete with catch/luta livre in the professional wrestling marketplace. There was a solution, but it took time and money, and some luck, to implement.8

In the meantime, professional wrestling (luta livre/catch) reigned supreme in the major population centers of Brazil. Jiu-jitsu survived, represented occasionally by George Gracie, but mostly by Takeo Yano. Yano sometimes beat and sometimes lost to giant catch wrestlers, but he was always the “master of the secrets of the Japanese science of attack and defense”.

The Return of Jiu-Jitsu

The first event featuring jiu-jitsu representatives was held Saturday July 27, 1946 at Estadio Municipal Pacaembú, and was promoted by Empresa Sul-Americana de Lutas. George was scheduled to face the Lithuanian Gigante de Memel in a four-round (5 minutes with 2-minute breaks) luta livre match. Takeo Yano would be confronting the Jewish champion Carlos Mesnick in a six round (5 minutes with 2-minute breaks) luta livre match. As with all programs presented by the Empresa, preliminaries were fought by amateurs, followed by three professional fights.

According to Jornal de Noticias, The Gracie versus Memel fight promised to be interesting because George knew all of the secrets of luta livre as well as jiu-jitsu and had already successfully faced the best luta livre fighters in his weight. Not much was known about Memel but he was expected to be strong and to have some technical skills.

Yano was one of the greatest fighters to appear in São Paulo, but Mesnick’s supporters believed that he was highly capable. They expected him to win easily.

Preliminary fights were Araporá versus Edgard Deno and Apolo Brasileiro versus J. Barros in six 3-minute round (with 1-minute breaks) luta livre contests. There was one jiu-jitsu contest, pitting Luis Tambucci against Paulo Collo. It was also six 3-minute rounds.9

The fights took place as scheduled with one substitution. Memel dropped out, replaced by Fritz Weber, who George had already fought twice (in 1939 and 1940). Weber had experience against the best jiu-jitsu fighters, having met Takeo Yano and Yassuiti Ono in 1939.

The program was a success, especially the preliminaries [a reunião agradou bastante, principalmente em relação as preliminaries]. The results were not reported in detail, but George and Weber drew. Takeo Yano defeated Mesnick in the fourth round. Luiz Tambucci defeated Paulo Collo in the third round). Edgard Duro defeated Araporá in the thrid round, and Apolo Brasileiro defeated J. Barros in the fifth round. Income [renda] for the event came to 97,470.00 cruzerios.10

Yano was back in action on Wednesday July 31 in a “vale tudo” [striking permitted] luta livre match against Memel, again at Pacaembú. He was not as successful against Memel as he had been been with Mesnick. Memel defeated Yano in the fourth.11 Later reports provided more information. Apparently, Memel laid Yano out cold with a knee strike and brutally abused him with punches and kicks. Finally, Memel threw Yano out of the ring, knocking him unconscious, and thereby winning the fight.12

In other fights, Comodoro defeated Milan in a jiu-jitsu match. Hollo beat Masuro also in jiu-jitsu. In luta livre fights, Araporá beat Pinto, Barros beat Godofredo, and Egard Duro beat Rocha in what was called the best fight of the night. Income was 49.270 cruzerios, about half of what the previous event pulled in. Promoters probably expected that. Saturdays are prime nights for any form of entertainment, compared to weekdays.

It is worth noting that Yano lost to the giant Lithuanian in a luta livre match that obviously permitted striking and with no kimono with which to apply the leverage that his scientific game depended on. Could he do better in a jiu-jitsu match? There was one way to find out.

The rematch was set for Tuesday August 21 but transferred to the following day. Memel weighed 136 kilos, Yano weighed 76 kilos. As usual the location was Pacaembú. The six rounds of 5 minutes (2-minute breaks) fight was “winner take all,” and jiu-jitsu rules were in force. Several times Memel got wrapped up in his kimono, provoking laughter among Yano’s supporters. Yano accomplished a “beautiful triumph” [“conseguiu bonito triunfo”], choking Memel in the fifth round. Oddly, Yano lost consciousness after he was declared the winner [Iano perdeu os sentidos mas já vitorioso].13

In two preliminary jiu-jitsu contests, Adão Lucas Gomes (substituting for Otto) choked Paulo Holo in round 1, and Jun Assahama (Assahina) finished Arnadlo Butl (Burti) in the second round by armlock [chave de braço]. The fight pulled in 69.120 cruzeiros.14

Amateur Jiu-Jitsu

Two jiu-jitsu matches of six round of 3 minutes (with 1-minute breaks) took place on Thursday August 29 at Pacaembú. The combatants were Liguori, confronting Rocha, and Firoi, encountering Lucas. These were preliminaries to the Homem Montanha versus Gigante de Memel luta livre vale tudo match. The jiu-jitsu fighters were identified as amateurs from academies in São Paulo. Rocha might have been Manoel Rocha, who faced Carlos Pereira in 1941. Lucas might have been Adão Lucas Gomes (who was often referred to simply as Lucas, or Adão Lucas).15

Yano versus Catch

Takeo Yano was set to fight the Yugoslavian champion Yerko Strika on Thursday at Pacaembú. Two luta livre and two jiu-jitsu matches were also presented. The two amateur jiu-jitsu matches (six 3-minute rounds) were Melo versus Mira, and Jin Assahima versus Messias.16

On Thursday October 3 at Pacaembú, Yano faced the Spanish champion Roberto Collado. In their previous meetings, they had put on good shows. The fight was a luta livre match in six rounds of 5 minutes (with 2-minute breaks). There were five other luta livre matches and one jiu-jitsu match, between Abiduch versus Deolival. Joviano Alvim and Borges were alternates. The preliminary fights were six rounds of 3 minutes (with 1-minute breaks). The semi-final and the main event [finalissima], a vale tudo luta livre between Homem Montanha and Basillio Caduc of Rumania, were six rounds of 5 minutes (with 2-minute breaks).

From the third round, Yano dominated the fight and finished Collado with a double foot and armlock. Peres awarded fight to Yano. Neither fighter agreed with that and kept on fighting with Peres in the middle trying to separate them. According to press reports, this was the most exciting part of the evening. Finally with Peres still holding him, Yano applied a gravata and finished Collado once and for all.17

On Saturday October 12 the 1946 Tornei Internacional de Luta Livre began. It was promoted by Empresa Sul Americana de Lutas Ltda. All of the directors of the Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo were required to attend. The featured match pitted the Spanish goliath Roberto Collado (204 cm. in height, and weighing 120 kilos) against Tarzan Argentino (at 119 kilos). The giant Russian Homem Montanha and the no less powerful North American Jack Bagley would also measure forces.

The show was held at Estadio de São Cristovão do Futebol e Regatas, on rua Figueira de Mello. At 8:30, the preliminaries started. The first was a four-round (of 5 minutes) jiu-jitsu match between two of Yassuito Ono’s students, Floriano Codesso and Antonio Afonso. The second preliminary was a luta livre match between Casemiro Transcosco and Moacir Bettini. Casemiro weighed 70 kilos, Moacir weighed 67 kilos. Casemiro was also a student of Ono, and it is likely that Bettini was as well. Tarzan defeated Collado in the second round by desistencia [give up]. The results of the preliminary matches were not reported, but the gate was. The seven fights pulled in a total of 129,410 cruzeiros.18

Yano and Collado were scheduled to meet in a rematch on Thursday October 17, 1946. Due to great expenses involved in presenting the fights, the management had no choice but to raise prices from 20 cruzeiros to 30 cruzeiros for general admission. Ringside seats were 100 cruzeiros.19

Empresa Sul-Americana de Lutas decided to present a rematch of the August 22 Yano versus Memel fight. It was scheduled for Thursday October 23, 1946, at Pacaembú. It was to be a vale tudo match of four rounds of 5 minutes (with 2-minute breaks). It was the semi-final. Included were six additional luta livre matches and one jiu-jitsu match (six rounds of 3 minutes) between Fernando Borges and Joviano Alvim.20

On Thursday October 31, Yano was scheduled to meet North American Jack Bagley at Pacaembú. Borges, Braz, and Godofredo were to meet in the preliminaries.21

Superman (Super-Homem)

While steaming north to Fortaleza, Ceará, on the Itanage, a 3rd class passenger named Misael Vileia had been leaning against the guardrail. Suddenly, he fell into the Atlantic. The ship’s crew judged the situation hopeless and did nothing. A man jumped into the sea and rescued Vileia. Later it was revealed that the rescuer was none other than the noted professor of physical culture, Helio Gracie.22

Back in the Ring

Pava was scheduled to face Fernando Borges in a six 3-minute round jiu-jitsu match Saturday December 7, 1946 at Pacaembú. It was the first of the preliminaries in the Eduardo Bargach versus Basillio Caduc luta livre match.

At the last minute, Bargach versus Caduc was cancelled and Yassuiti Ono versus Gigante de Memel was put in its place as the “finalissimo” [main event]. Ono weighed less than 70 kilos, Memel more than 100 kilos. Despite the great difference in weight, Ono’s superb technique would make the match an exciting one, even without a kimono, reporters predicted.23

On Friday December 20, 1946at Pacaembú, Yassuiti Ono was scheduled to face Hector Faré, better known as Tarzan Argentino, owing to his resemblance to the Hollywood action character and the fact that he hailed from Argentina. It was a luta livre match, the main event in a show that included Roberto Collado versus Alim Chat, otherwise known as Apolo Brasileiro and five preliminaries (one of which featured Braz (possibly Ono’s student Braz Gomes) versus Albanese. Tarzan weighed 118 kilos a few weeks later for his fight with Gattone on January 8, and was probably about the same for his meeting with Ono, who was undoubtedly not far from his usual weight of about 68 kilos.24

If the match took place as planned it was the last recorded public fight of Yassuiti Ono’s career. He was only 36 years old.25 He could have fought on for many more years, as Yano, who was almost the same age, did. And he was willing to, on occasion. He did keep his hand in the fight game. His students participated in the legitimate part of the professional wrestling shows, that is, in the preliminary “amateur” matches. Some of his students also appeared in the famous Kato versus Gracie and Kimura versus Gracie fights of 1951. But Ono apparently felt that in middle-age he could contribute more by teaching than competing or performing. He was also more invested in “jiu-jitsu moderno” than in the slapstick comedy routine that the older version had degenerated into.

.Chapter 23 Notes

Chapter 24

1947

Takeo Yano was set to confront another giant on Thursday January 9, 1947. He was the 120 kilo Russian “human mountain” [Homem Montanha] Leo Finklestein. As usual the fight took place at Pacaembú. Yano weighed 76 kilos. The event marked the beginning of an agreement between Empresa Sul-Americana de Lutas and Internacional de Pugilismo.1

The result was a draw.2

On January 15 Wednesday Yano met the Arab champion Eduardo Bargach, who, at 125 kilos, and like almost every other of Yano’s opponents, out-weighed Yano by a large margin. The fight was six rounds of 5-minutes (2-minute breaks), fought by vale tudo rules. There were five other fights, all vale tudo.3 As vale tudo was considered a sub-genre of luta livre, kimonos would not be worn, putting the Japanese master at a severe disadvantage. It did not surprise anyone if he lost under these conditions. It was almost expected. A return match with kimonos would be needed for him to prove his “fiber”.

On Saturday January 18, Takeo Yano went head to head with Hector Faré, better known as “Tarzan Argentino”, in a four rounds of 5 minutes vale tudo match. Jiu-jitsu representatives Braz and Godofredo also appeared although it is not clear from the available reports whether the match was jiu-jitsu or luta livre. The usual slate was three amateur fights and three professional fights. Fights were increasingly called simply lutas, and no longer jiu-jitsu, although specialists in the scientific Japanese game could use their secret knowledge when the rules allowed.4

On Wednesday January 22 Yano measured forces with Homem Montanha, the 135 kilo Russian. It was a vale tudo match without time limit until there was a winner [não terá limite de assaltos, so terminando quando apresentar um vencedor].5

On Saturday January 25, Yano met Basilio Caduc of Rumania in a vale tudo of four rounds of 5 minutes (2-minute breaks).6

Takeo Yano would again be facing Homem Montanha on Saturday February 1, in a ten rounds of 5 minutes (2 minute breaks) luta livre match. As usual, it was held at Pacaembú and there were five other luta livre matches.

Homem Montanha lost his invincibility that day in front of the “amarelo” [yellow man] Taqueo Iano (Takeo Yano).7 If Homem Montanha had been invincible (or undefeated) prior to the fight on February 1, then Yano must have lost the January 22 match, as it was a match without time limit until there was a winner. Yano won the third match, by armlock to Homem Montaha’s right arm, which was still bruised a week later, when he faced the Italian champion Gatone.

Fights were promoted by a tie-up between Empresa Internacional de Lutas (formerly Empresa Internacional de Pugilismo) and Empresa Sul-America de Lutas.

The shows were directed by George Gracie and took place at Pacaembú. Income from the last program was 102,820 cruzerios, offering a clue as to why George changed his tune after severely chastising Renato Gardini in 1940 for promoting simulated fights. Now he was doing the same thing. São Paulo jiu-jitsu champion Benedicto Peres was a regular referee. Peres was credited with being one of the factors in the success of the shows. He knew perfectly all of the secrets of the difficult game of luta livre and was in physical condition to compel the fighters to “keep it clean”.8

On Saturday February 8, 1947 Takeo Yano faced the pure blood Greek from Athens, Juan Kostolias at Pacaembú. It was a luta livre contest of six 5-minute rounds with 2-minute breaks.9

King Kong was a Guarani Indian from Paraguay, whose real name was Anibal Fortunato Segovia. He had previously called himself Frankenstein.10 On Wednesday February 26, Takeo Yano took on King Kong in the final match at Pacaembú. Yano lost the fight.11

On Wednesday March 5, 1947, at Pacaembú, Yano encountered Andres Taranovack, whose ring name was Norky (or Norki). Norky was from Poland. The match was a four rounds of 5 minutes (2-minute breaks) jiu-jitsu match. Rather unusually for such an event, there were three jiu-jitsu matches (all preliminary matches). Paulo Hollo met Ono student Salvador Cardia, and Eduardo Galvão faced Matsuoka (substituting for Luiz Tambucci) in matches of four 3-minute rounds. Brazilian luta livre champion Tatú (Euclydes Hattem) met the Basque Olaguivel. Kostolias encountered Aldo Bogni. Eduardo Bargach confronted King Kong in the main event.12

After having three teeth knocked out by Yano, Norki gave up in the first round. As it was a jiu-jitsu rather than a vale tudo match, Norky must have taken a bad fall.

Paulo Hollo choked Salvador Cardia out in round 3, and Eduadro Galvão submitted Matsuoka with a leg twist [torsão de perna] in round 2.

Tatú choked Olaguibel in round 2, Bogni beat Kostolias with a leglock [chave de perna] in round 3, and King Kong and Eduardo Bargach knocked each other out simultaneously [Knockout duplo]. The gate was 106,780 cruzeiros, which was substantially higher than average for a weekday night.13

Empresa Internacional de Pugilismo promoted an afternoon of luta livre on Sunday March 9. 1947 at Pacaembú. There were four professional matches (Pablo, Collado, Kostalias, Gattoni, Olaguibel, Basilio Caduc, and Homem Montanha provided the fireworks). The first three preliminaries, as usual fought by amateurs, were all four round (of 3 minutes each with 1-minute breaks) jiu-jitsu matches. Luiz Tambucci versus Salvador Cardia (both students of Yassuiti Ono); Paulo Hollo versus Giro Matsui; and Antonio Silva versus Jin Assahira.14

The Italo-Argentine Aldo Bogni was the South American weightlifting champion. Despite his 125 kilos, he was described as technical and agile.15 He was apparently knowledgeable enough about luta livre to be able to teach it at Velo Esportivo Helenico, on Praça General Ozorio.16 On Wednesday March 12, 1947 he had a chance to test his size, power, technique, and agility against the diminutive Japanese jiu-jitsu master Takeo Yano in a four 5-minute round luta livre match at Pacaembú. The main event was Kong Kong versus Gattoni. Luiz Tambucci faced Jin Assahira in a four rounds of 3 minutes luta livre match.17

Yano and Bogni drew. The result pleased the Italian fans, who had been disappointed by Yano’s recent victory over another Italian hero, Gattoni.18 The report added that with this “empate” [draw], both maintained their undefeated records. Assuming that this was a reference to their records in the 1947 season of luta livre at Pacaembú, it follows that Yano either won or drew all of the fights cited above for which results are otherwise unavailable. However, on February 26, Yano lost to King Kong, indicating that the statement that he was undefeated as of March 12 was not accurate. Also, the statement that Yano defeated Gattoni recently and prior to March 12 indicates that they had at least one other meeting in addition to the one that took place on April 16, and that Yano won.

On Wednesday March 19, Yano met Euclydes Hattem “Tatú,” the Brazilian luta livre champion, at Pacaembu in a six rounds of 5 minutes (with 2-minute breaks) luta livre contest. It was the main event in a program promoted by Emprensa Internacional de Pugilismo. All of the usual wrestlers appeared (Kostolias, Bargach, Homem Montanha, Caduc, Gattoni). Jiu-jitsu stylists Bras (Braz) and Godofredo also made appearances. Tatú was coming off a recent 37-second win over Homem Montanha.19

Tatú defeated Yano in third round by surprising KO. Tatú (apparently) threw Yano out of the ring where he remained stretched out in a “significant manner” [Yano foi parar fora do ringue ficando extendido de maneira significante]. The fans got their money’s worth and they came out in droves. The gate was 135,000 cruzeiros.20 Losing by being knocked unconscious after being thrown out of the ring was one of the more common ways to lose a fight. It was an experience that Yano knew well. He won some of his fights that way too.

By this time it had become expected that in a match between a jiu-jitsu man (always small) and a luta livre or “catch” man (always big), the outcome would be highly predictable from the rules, specifically the rule that mandated wearing a kimono. The kimono allowed the smaller man to apply the secrets of jiu-jitsu, primarily collar chokes. More often than not, a rematch would be set, fought under different rules. If the first fight had been luta livre, generally the sequel would be jiu-jitsu, and vice versa. If the first fight ended in a draw, then potentially three or more follow-ups could be spun out. It depended on fan interest, which the fighters encouraged with challenges, threats, excuses, and promises. A controversial or ambiguous outcome generally warranted a quick rematch as well.

Takeo Yano confronted Homem Montanha again on Saturday March 22, 1947. It was a luta livre match of four 5-minute rounds, as was customary for semi-finals involving professionals.21

Yano was scheduled to meet Olaguivel at Pacaembú on the afternoon of Saturday March 29 in a four 5-minute round luta livre match, with 2-minute breaks.22 Due to a football game between Uruguay and Brazil, it was rescheduled for the evening. Carioca fans liked wrestling, but football took precedence.

Yano versus Homem Montanha clearly put on entertaining shows. They had practice working together. They met for at least the fourthtime in a semi-final match (four rounds of 5 minutes) at Pacaembú Wednesday April 2.23

Yano took on Gattoni (Gattone) Thursday April 17, 1947at Pacaembú. Yano lost by KO in the fourth round. In other results, Caduc lost by disqualification for disrespecting Bargach. Godofredo beat Omar with a combination leg and armlock. Roberto Collado beat “Moleque 20” with a thesoura da rim com estrangulamento [kidney-lock with choke] in the third round.24

Yano was scheduled to face Eduardo Bargach on Saturday April 19.25

Takeo Yano faced Aldo Bogni for the second time in three months, at the end of May or the first two days of June. Yano defeated Bogni in the secondround by knock out, at Pacaembú.

How the knockout was administered was not explained but must have been either by choke or by a violent throw. Available sources do not provide the exact day, but given the gate (115,280 cruzeiros) and the date of publication of the result, June 3, the most probable day for the fight was Saturday May 31.26

Jiu-Jitsu versus Joe Louis

In June of 1947 Helio Gracie “challenged” the American heavyweight undisputed world boxing champion Joe Louis. Joe never accepted Helio’s challenge, according to legend, with the implication that he was afraid that his boxing was no match for jiu-jitsu, or for Helio Gracie, or both.

The challenge was issued in the June 6 (1947) edition of A Noite. A Noite was published by Gracie partisan Roberto Marinho which may partly explain why an obvious publicity stunt received as much attention as it did.

One easy way to attract attention to oneself, practiced by every wrestler, and most boxers, was to piggy-back on someone else’s fame by challenging a well known fighter. Few fighters (in fact, none) in the 1940’s were better known than Joe Louis, even in Brazil.

By way of comparison, Joe Louis appeared in 647 news stories in A Noite during the decade of the 1940’s. Helio Gracie’s name appeared three times. Two of them were in connection with his “challenge” of Joe Louis. Similar numbers could be cited for the other major newspapers in Rio. In Diario da Noite, Diario de Noticias, Correio da Manhã, Diario Carioca, Gazeta de Noticias, and Jornal do Brasil, Joe Louis’ name appeared 1,498 times, while Helio Gracie’s name appeared 18 times. A Noite apparently (based on available sources) was the only daily that reported Helio’s challenge.

Joe Louis reigned at the apex of the sports world, as heavyweight boxing champion of the world. If he was not the greatest of heavyweight champions, he was certainly the most diligent in defense of his title.27 Before World War II, Brazilians looked to Europe and North America for inspiration and validation. After the war, they looked North.28 When they looked for sports heroes to worship and emulate, Joe Louis was hard to ignore. When Joe planned to visit South America, it was news in Brazil. Argentina was generally the first stop for anyone visiting South America. Montevideo, Rio, and São Paulo were close by.

According to Joe’s manager Billy McCarney, the champion had received an offer to fight the old “Bull of the Pampas” Luis Angel Firpo, the crude but powerful brawler who nearly dethroned Jack Dempsey on July 12, 1923.29 McCarney turned it down, not because he was afraid of the over-the-hill Firpo, but because the money was too little, and the guarantee too shaky. At the end of February Joe would be in Brazil. He would box exhibitions in Rio, promoted by Paschoal Segreto, and in São Paulo promoted by Jacob Nahum’s Empresa Internacional de Pugilismo. He would then proceed to Port au Prince and Caracas during the first week of March, then probably fight in Havana on March 12 and finally arrive in New York on the 15th. Joe had a meeting scheduled with the American Internal Revenue Service (IRS) concerning his taxes (which was the reason he was touring South America), and consequently had to turn down offers to appear in Barota, Cali, Montevideo, Barroquilla, and Guatemala.30

Joe Louis stayed in the news, having left a magnificent impression in a demonstration with Arthuro Godoy in Santiago, Chile.31 Joe Louis feared no man in a boxing ring, but he was out of his element when it came to accountants and lawyers. He returned to the United States to keep his appointment with the IRS.

The opportunity could hardly have escaped the notice of Carlos Gracie and his kid brother Helio. Perhaps he thought that Joe needed money. If so, he was correct. But he was certainly far off-base about how much. The 16,000 US$ that Helio offered wouldn’t have put a dent in Joe’s tax bill. It was also a drop in the bucket compared to what Joe had donated to the Army and Navy relief Funds in 1942 in two title defenses (against Buddy Baer and Abe Simon).

Possibly Carlo’s and Helio’s grasp of the champion’s motivations and finances was fuzzy enough that they believed that 16,000 US$ would tempt him, assuming that the offer was sincere. While unlikely, it was conceivable. But it didn’t matter. Publicity was the objective. In 1950 Helio was equally happy to get press attention by presenting Joe with a trophy, rather than a challenge.

The headline on page 10 of the Friday June 6, 1947 edition of A Noite proclaimed “Helio Gracie oferece 16 mil dolares para luitar com Joe Louis!! [“Helio Gracie offers 16, 000 dollars to fight Joe Louis!”]. “I will give Joe Louis 16,000 $ to fight me” Helio promised [“Darei 16,000 dolares a Joe Louis para lutar comigo”].

He was confident that jiu-jitsu was superior to boxing [“O jiu-jitsué superior ao box”]. Helio Gracie was qualified to act as self-appointed representative of jiu-jitsu because, according to the article, Helio was the only Brazilian with a title conferred by a Japanese academy [o unico brasileiro que possui titulo concedido por uma academia japonesa].32

The article mentioned that some time previously the Brazilian edition of Readers’ Digest published an article about a boxer who defeated a jiu-jitsu master. The article compelled Helio to rise up righteously in defense of jiu-jitsu.33 He offered to fight five boxers of any nationality, with or without gloves. Three years later he challenged Joe Louis.

The Brazilian champion clarified that he had no doubt that a boxer could never defeat a practitioner of jiu-jitsu. Both arts have the same object, which is self-defense, but jiu-jitsu has a greater array of resources and is more efficient. Helio elaborated that he would face the American boxer under any conditions. Joe could box or grapple, Helio would only rely on his jiu-jitsu.

Helio concluded by saying that although it might seem absurd or pretentious, he was certain that he would defeat Joe Louis despite his advantage of weight and punching power [“Embora passa parecer absurdo ou pretensao da minha parte tenho tanta certeza de que vencerei Joe Louis que alem das vantagens”].

Helio capped it off by saying that he insisted that Joe fight him during the current year when he (Joe) was at the height of his powers (he didn’t want to fight an “over the hill” Joe Louis). The photo caption explained that Helio Gracie was not afraid of the devastating punches of Joe Louis [não teme os murros demolidores de Joe Louis].34

Possibly Helio’s victory in 1932 over Antonio Portugal led him to imagine that he could duplicate the deed against Joe Louis.

But as Brazilian journalists pointed out, there was a big difference between lightweight, powder-punching Antonio Portugal, who had lost more fights than he won, and the fearsome Joe Louis, considered the greatest boxer of all time [o maior pugilista de todos os tempos].

While Helio continued waiting for the American boxer to respond, he explained more specifically why he believed that he would defeat Joe Louis. Boxing was too limited, he explained. Legitimate targets were above the waist, the liver, stomach, spleen, and trunk, and of course the face. But jiu-jitsu had chokes, armlocks, kidney-locks, and leglocks. Helio believed that Joe Louis was afraid that jiu-jitsu would be shown to be a better form of self-defense than boxing [“Joe Louis tem receio de que o jiu-jitsu desmoralise as possibilidades de box como arma de defesa pessoal”].35

Joe was back in America with bigger problems on his mind. He didn’t have time for Helio Gracie and his challenge. That didn’t dissuade Helio Gracie from continuing to challenge him however. Later, in 1950, when Joe was back in Brazil, he challenged Helio to a boxing match.

Helio did not respond to Joe Louis’ challenge.36

***

On July 6, 1947, Godofredo and Braz met in a preliminary match to the Antonio Rocca versus the Syrio-Lebanese representative Nohra main event at Pacaembu (the show also featured Homem Montanha, Oliguivel, King-Kong, Gigante de Memel, and others). Braz won by choke in the fourth round .37

Temporada

The Temporada de Catch-as-Catch-Can in Rio began Saturday November 22 at a new stadium, constructed to replace the now defunct Estadio Brasil. It was conveniently located near the city center on avenida Beira Mar, near the airport. It was the Palacio Metropolitiano de Esportes (or simply, Palacio Metropolitano; some papers referred to it as Pavilhão Metropolitano).38 Contained within the “season” [temporada] was a tournament, called the Torneio General Angelo Mendes de Morais.

The first day was planned as fund raiser for the charity Obra de Assistencia ao Filho do Tuberculoso (for children with tuberculosis). Various internationally famous wrestlers were lined up to appear, such as three time world luta livre champion Antonio Rocca, Chilean champion Ming, former South American weightlifting champion Aldo Bogni, South American luta livre champion Ramon Cernadas, Homem Montanha, Juan Olaguivel, King Kong, among others to be named later.39

Takeo Yano was one of those, representing the Japanese science of jiu-jitsu. Yano joined the troupe, if “cast” isn’t a better term, in July of 1948.40 Some fighters were under contract to Empresa Metropolitano de Esportes, which promoted the tournament. Others were free agents. Yano had a contract and could expect to stay busy.41

.Chapter 24 Notes

Chapter 25

1948

Nick Policeman made his debut Saturday January 17 at Pacaembu against Yerkos Strika. Also making their debuts that evening were Zbyiscko Junior from North America, and Rene Adorée, from France. Adorée’s nickname was “Carpentier da luta livre” implying that he was as good at his own game or as famous in his home country of France, as George Carpentier. Carpentier was also a champion savateur, and was world-famous thanks to his fight of the century with Jack Dempsey. Being compared to George Carpentier was high praise. In this case, it probably simply meant that Adorée was French.1

Nick Policeman,Yerkos Strika, Rene Adorée, and Zbyiscko Junior would soon find themselves in the ring with jiu-jitsu representative Takeo Yano.

On Sunday February 1, 1948, Takeo Yano was scheduled to meet Pablo Aldecoa at Pacaembu, in the fifth of seven fights presented that evening. It was to be a five round (of 5 minutes) luta livre match. The main event was Nick Policeman versus Ramon Cernadas, from Argentina. Nick was described as yet undefeated [até este momento sem nenhuma derrota], indicating that he beat Strika on January 17.2

Yerkos Strika had been a champion in his own country of Yugoslavia. He had fought many champions of many other countries. He was both heavy and agile [de bastante peso e não pouca agilidade]. Everything considered, he was an ideal opponent for Takeo Yano.3

They were scheduled to meet on Saturday February 15, 1948, in a four round (of 5 minutes) luta livre match. It was the semi-final to the Antonio Rocca versus Nick Policeman main event.4

Suspension of Disbelief

On January 29, 1948 The Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo approved a slate of amateur luta livre, boxing, and jiu-jitsu competitions for the year. Two jiu-jitsu campeonatos were included, in May, the Jiu-jitsu Campeonato Aberto, and in September the Campeonato Metropolitano.5

Most fans approached catch with what the poet Coleridge called a “willing suspension of disbelief.” But not everyone was a fan.

The Portuguese boxer Antonio Soares commented in an interview that the luta livre fights being presented at Pacaembu were farcical [“tudo aquilo não passa de uma farsa”].

In response Yano challenged him to a fight without limit of rounds, with or without gloves, with all of the proceeds going to impecunious victims of tuberculosis [tuberculosos pobres].6

Empresa Sul Americana periodically offered afternoon shows as benefits for poor people with tuberculosis. It was self-serving, of course, but did genuinely help people who needed it. Soares was in effect being asked to donate his time to an admittedly worthy cause. But his cost-to-benefit calculations were not the same as those of the under-contact catchers, including Yano, who had nothing to lose and only good-will to gain. Soares actually had something to lose. He could have countered by offering to charge people to watch him spar and then give the money to charity.

Yano didn’t explain the relevance of his challenge. Soares said the fights were phony, not that Yano was. Soares might have been one of the many boxers who were repelled by the clownishness of the professional wrestling milieu. Boxers weren’t the only ones. Some jiu-jitsu fighters wanted no part of what professional fighting (other than boxing of course) had evolved (or devolved) into. Helio Gracie was one of them.

Nick Policeman was North American. He was also known as Kid Policeman, suggesting that he might have been young. He was described as the Killer of Dilinger [matador de Dilinger], apparently referring to the North American bank robber. Perhaps he really was or had been a police officer (but John Dilinger was killed on July 22, 1934.7 If Nick had been involved, he would then have a bit old to be called “Kid” in 1948). He might have been legitimate wrestler, but statistically that was unlikely. The one thing we can be sure of is that he was big and probably “agile,” and that he understood the rules of the game he was playing.

Nick and Yano were scheduled to measure forces Wednesday February 18 at Pacaembu. It was the main event, a vale tudo luta livre that was expected to be one of the most active [mais movimento] and enjoyable. Nick had beaten Antonio Rocca at that point and was sure to put Yano to a tough test, sports writers believed.8

Takeo Yano confronted three-time world luta livre champion Antonio Rocca of Italy on Saturday February 21, 1948 in a vale tudo match of six 6-minute rounds at Pacaembu.9

On Wednesday March 3 Takeo Yano encountered South American luta livre champion Ramon Cernadas, from Argentina. Also on the card was Brutus Galento, the 140 kilo brother of American boxer Tony “Two-Ton” Galento who unsuccessfully challenged Joe Louis. Brutus’ wrestling opponent was the North American Zbyscko Junior.10

On Saturday March 6, at Pacaembu, Takeo Yano was set to meet Rene Adorée in the semi-final to the main event, pitting Antonio Rocca against Brutus Galento.11

On Wednesday March 10, Takeo Yano met Zbyscko Junior at Pacaembu in the semi-final to the Antonio Rocca versus Brutus Galento main event. The main event was a “revanche”, indicating that Rocca and Galento’s January 6 meeting was either crowd pleasing or controversial, or both.12

On March 14 Takeo Yano Met the Spanish giant Roberto Colladao for the third time (at least) since 1946. The place was Pacaembu. The time was Sunday March 14, 1948. The main event was Antonio Rocca versus Nick Policeman.13

Basilio Caduc made his first appearances in Rio rings in July of 1941, facing Peçanha on July 20, Henry Piers of Holland on July 22, and Franc. [sic] Marconi of Italy on July 24, all at Estadio Brasil.14 He returned after the war, confronting Homem Montanha at Pacaembu in October of 1946. He continued fighting in 1947. On Wednesday March 17, Caduc had an appointment with Takeo Yano a four-round semi-final luta livre match at Pacaembu.15

Roberto Ruhmann was a dinosaur, or a survivor, if one prefers. He had participated in some of the most controversial fights in Brazilian ring history. He had fought some of the best, including Geo Omori, Naoiti Ono (Oninho), and George and Oswaldo Gracie. He began in 1931. In 1948 he was still at it. If he did not fight regularly, at least he was ready for one more fight.16 On Saturday March 20, 1948 he made a “reappearance” in the ring against Yerkos Strika at Pacaembu in a tournament named after the politician Adhemar de Barros, who coincidentally was a fight fan. He had been a student of Gastão Gracie Jr. in 1937 when he was still a member of parliament.17

In May George signed a contract with Empresa Metropolitana de Esportes to fight the enormous, violent, and powerful Basque-Spaniard Pedro Juan Olaguivel, in São Paulo.18

George did not fight until October 1948, in Rio. It was not against the giant catcher Olaguivel but rather against a jiu-jitsu stylist named Oka. He fought once more that we know of for Empresa Metropolitana de Esportes. That was a jiu-jitsu match with Takeo Yano. It appears that George was dedicating his professional energies to the managerial side of the business. He was the director [“orientador”] of the Empresa Metropolitana de Esportes family of wrestlers. Although he had harshly rebuked Renato Gardini for his methods of “orientation” in 1940, it appears that George found them to be appropriate to his needs in 1948.

Introduction to Jiu-Jitsu

In May of 1948 Carlos Gracie published his magnum opus Introdução ao Jiu-Jitsu. It was edited by Henrique Pongetti, who also contributed a preface. According to Pongetti, Carlos and Helio had defeated champions of luta livre, capoeiragem, and boxing, and even defeated the Japanese masters at their own game.19

Pongetti was misinformed. As previous chapters had shown, Carlos lost the one and only public professional fight that he had, to Manoel Rufino dos Santos. Helio did defeat two of the five jiu-jitsu representatives he faced but they (Miyaki and Massagoichi) were far from masters. Members of the Japanese jiu-jitsu community expressed definite doubts about their qualifications.20 He drew with Yano and was dominated by Namiki and Ono. He showed that he could survive with Japanese masters, but that is not quite the same as defeating them.

The book was briefly reviewed by Raul de Azevedo.21 According to Azevedo, all of the techniques taught by the Gracie Brothers at their academy were in the book. The book explained the rules of jiu-jitsu used in Japan, and the benefits of jiu-jitsu training. Azevedo may not have read the book carefully. The book contained no information about the techniques of jiu-jitsu. Indeed, there was nothing about jiu-jitsu. Rather it was devoted to Carlos Gracie’s opinions about self-knowledge, mental and physical health, alcohol, and smoking.22 As Carlos Gracie had no training in any of those subjects, his teachings were merely his personal opinions. Not many people cared enough about what Carlos Gracie thought to want to buy the book.23

Radio Guanabara

Catch wrestling proved to be so popular that people enjoyed listening to it as well as watching. Radio Guanabara broadcast all of the matches of the Campeonato Mundial de Luta Livre from the Palacio Metropolitano des Esports, with live action reportage by Luiz Brandão.24

In July Yano, Douglas, Aldecoa, Hercules, and other heavyweight wrestlers were in Londrina, a small city (population about 70,000) in the state of Paranã. They planned to present an afternoon of luta livre on Sunday July 25, beginning at 2 p.m. There would be three amateur contests and two professional contests. The show was to be held at Pavilhão Di Lauro on rua Minas Gerais, just in front of Estação Rodoviaria. Prices ranged from 30 cruzeiros for reserved box seats [cadeiras numeradas] to 12 cruzeiros for general admission.25

On Saturday July 31, 1948 Takeo Yano was scheduled to climb into the “quadrilateral” with Jose Santos Cardoso, more popularly known by the ring name of “Kid 1” (there was also a “Kid 2”). It was a luta livre contest at Palacio Metropolitiano.26

Jeitinhos

The Departmento Technico da Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo was made up of Altamiro Cunha, R. A. A. Coutinho, and J. Ernesto Rodrigues.27 The Departmento Technico published the results of its meeting on July 26. It approved a fight, penalized a fighter (by the ring name of Tony Barbeta) for “irregularities”, and took other actions within its purview of authority. It approved the contracts between certain fighters and two organizations, Empresa de Diversões Publicas, and Empresa Metropolitana de Esportes.28

Wanka (whose real name was Nicholas Goth) was fined 200 cruzeiros for using illegal techniques in a recent match, which resulted in his disqualification. The Departmento Technico also approved contracts between Empresa Metropolitana de Esportes and three fighters, namely Carlos Aurichio, Stephano Zickuck, and Takeo Yano. Yano had to get permission from the Federação Paulista de Pugilismo to work in Rio, and the Departamento Technico da Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo in Rio had to approve his transfer.29

It was complicated but Brazil has always been a highly bureaucratized society.30 That is part of the reason why ordinary Brazilians have worked out so many “little ways”, or “jeitinhos” to circumvent the bureaucracy, or to “mediate between the personal and the impersonal to solve problems”. 31 But some problems can’t be completely solved with jeitinhos, and that fact played a major role in the development of jiu-jitsu during the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, as will be discussed in Volume 2.

Pro wrestling went on. Takeo Yano had a series of encounters with Juan Kostolias. The first took place on Tuesday August 31, 1948, at Palacio Metropolitano.32

While the press was speculating about the upcoming Yano versus Kostolias rematch, former heavyweight world boxing champion Primo Carnera (who had started as a pro wrestler) was preparing to climb back into the pro wrestling ring. The place was Estadio Carioca in Rio. The time was September 9, 1948. Carnera’s opponent was the Basque Pablo Aldecoa. Also on the bill were Mister America versus Wy-Lo Kong, from China, and MacArthur from Ireland against Martim Karadagian, who was from either Armenia or Argentina, or both.33

Karadagian was one of the pro-wrestlers from this era (others were King Kong and Passarito) who fought legitimate vale tudo fights with Carlson Gracie during the next decade. Like Helio Gracie, Karadagian made a habit of challenging boxing champions. Primo Carnera wasn’t the only champion Karadagian challenged. He also challenged Cassius Clay, aka Muhammad Ali.34 As far as we know, neither Clay nor Ali ever responded to Karadagian’s challenge.

The rematch was initially set for Saturday September 11, but due to bad weather, postponed to Tuesday September 14, again at Palacio Metropolitano. Both would wear kimonos,35 which implies that in the first fight they did not. Yano won the fight, as the build-up for the third fight indicated.

Kostolias complained about the kimono that he wore in the second fight. It prevented him from escaping a “treacherous and dangerous technique” [chave traiçoeira e perigosa]. In the third match, he wanted no kimono, and no time limit. Yano agreed to Kostolias’ demands, but upped the stakes by insisting on a winner take all pay-off.

Takeo Yano defeated Kostolias in 3 minutes, confirming his previous victory.36

Joe Louis planned to defend his title against the winner of the Joe Baksi versus Ezzard Charles fight, scheduled for November 12, 1948 (it actually took place on December 10). Ezzard won. Joe retired on March 1, 1949, but still deep in debt to the IRS, made a comeback against Charles on September, 1950.37 Joe lost and never paid off his debt to the IRS.38 Helio Gracie had wanted to challenge Joe Louis while the “Bombardeiro de Detroit” was at the apogee of his career. Unfortunately it was much too late for that. Helio’s challenge, had Joe accepted, would have proved nothing. That is, of course, assuming that Helio had survived. Contrary to what Helio believed, jiu-jitsu representatives had been knocked out by boxers, and people have died in the ring.39

On Saturday September 25, 1948, Takeo Yano confronted Eugenio Jose Gonzalvez, better known as “Gorila” in the continuing Temporada Internacional de Luta Livre at Palacio Metropolitiano. Another jiu-jitsu representative, Carlos Pereira, was matched against Juan Kostolias. The main event was Alfio Baronti versus Helen Chaten.40 The result is unknown but indicates clearly that Yano and George Gracie were not the only jiu-jitsu men who were willing to take part in professional wrestling.

Marmeladas

If not the public, at least some writers recognized that not all wrestling was legitimate, nor was all staged wrestling equally staged or staged with equal competence. There was also a difference between fights that were supposed to be real but were not, and those that were never intended to be real in the first place. These were called “marmeladas”. Both types of fight had their fans and fans generally preferred one over the other. Catch fans did not want to see wrestling that did not make a serious attempt to look real. Wrestlers were criticized for being too obvious. One writer, in an article titled “A ‘Comedia’ do Carioca”, mocked Karadagian, describing him not as a fighter [lutador] but rather a theatrical star [vedette], for accidentally winning a match that he was supposed to lose [Karadagian venceu por engano]. The insult to the fans was not so much that the fight was staged, but that it was so incompetently executed.41

Fight like a Man

In October, Yano fought a trio of matches against Alfio Baronti in the Temporada Internacional de Luta Livre (also referred to as Torneio Mundial de Luta Livre) being held at Palacio Metropolitano. Baronti was considered at the time to be the best luta livre fighter in Brazil [o mais complete estylista brasileiro da luta livre].42 Baronti was very experienced. He had been competing (or performing) in Brazil since at least 1941, when he was a regular at in the catch tournament at Estadio Brasil. Matches were held twice a week (Thursdays and Saturdays), and followed the regulations of the United States Wrestling Association.43 He definitely knew the game and how to play it. The first was on Saturday October 2, 1948, followed by a revanche on the following Saturday, October 9.44

In the first fight Yano was completely dominating Baronti, who lost his composure in the second round and challenged Yano to fight like a man [homem para homem]. When cautioned by referee Alex Pinheiro, Baronti punched him, knocking him down, and was disqualified.45

The second fight was a jiu-jitsu match (that is, with kimono), which Yano won when Baronti fell and hit his head on the ground. Baronti was dazed and lost track of the count. He said that he would gladly fight Yano again with kimono, but first he wanted to fight him in a luta livre match (without kimono). Baronti alleged that Yano was afraid [com medo] to face him again in a fight without kimono. Yano accepted Baronti’s conditions but insisted that the fight be without time limits until there was a winner. The third fight was intended to be decisive, without a time limit, until one or the other won [luta decisiva, a ‘negra’, sem limite de rounds até que haja um vencedor].46

Although the second fight was a jiu-jitsu match, it was conducted within the Torneio Mundial de Luta Livre. This was not a contradiction in terms. Jiu-Jitsu was generally viewed as a sub-genre of luta livre. But what it meant in practice was simply that the fighters wore kimonos. They might both be skilled at jiu-jitsu, but that was not always the case.

Available records do not indicate who won the decisive third match. It may have been Baronti because according to standard operating practices of the business, there was a fourth match in November. When a fighter lost three consecutive times to the same opponent, all within a two week period no less, it was difficult to persuade the public that another one was justified, even in the world of pro-wrestling. As Alcides Queirolo said when Archimedes Rogerio requested a third shot at Geo Omori in 1928, people don’t want to watch the same fight over and over again.47

As noted above, the Tournament occasionally included jiu-jitsu matches. Saturday, October 23 was one such occasion, and two matches were presented. The first was Takeo Yano versus Carlos Aurichio. The second was Oka versus Jose Santos Cardos, from Portugual, better known as “Kid 1”. Gigante de Memel and other familiar catch wrestlers participated as usual.48

Yano’s jiu-jitsu skills proved too much for Aurichio who succumbed to an armlock in the third. round. Aurichio would have a chance for revenge the following Saturday. Oka defeated Kid I in the second round with an unspecified submission, perhaps establishing his jiu-jitsu credentials for a possible confrontation with Yano or some other jiu-jitsu master, if he could be coaxed out of inactivity.49

George Gracie did not like pro wrestlers posing as real fighters when they weren’t. He didn’t mind saying so and didn’t care who didn’t like it. He even offered to fight them for free.50

Not much is known about Oka, other than his name suggested that he had some Japanese heritage, which automatically made him knowledgeable in the ancient Japanese art of attack and defense (if it wasn’t a ring name designed for exactly that purpose). He was described as “young and technical” [jovem e tecnico], and like George, a “mestre” [master]. Unlike George, he was inexperienced. According to A Manhã, he was impressive in his debut fight the week before.51

Comeback

By 1948, there were few jiu-jitsu representatives still active in the rings. Yano was one, but he couldn’t be expected to single-handedly fight every contender. George Gracie had his hands full with his administrative duties. He decided to make a comeback. The reasons are unclear but probably were similar to the reasons that motivated Joe Louis to fight Ezzard Charles and Rocky Marciano. Oka would be his opponent. In addition Carlos Aurichio would have his chance to even scores with Takeo Yano. The program also marked the debut of a 204 kilo Syrio-Lebanese named “Balão Atomico” [Atomic Balloon] who would fight Gattone.52

The fights were originally planned for October 28, rescheduled for Saturday October 30. The place was Palacio Metropolitano.

There were two amateur fights and four professional fights. Except for the George Gracie versus Oka jiu-jitsu match, all were lutas livres.

In the first amateur preliminary, K.O. Jack submitted Biriba by armlock in the third round. In the second amateur preliminary, Pantera Ruiva submitted Paulistinha with a choke from the back [gravata pelas costas seguida de ‘tesoura’ nos rins] in the third round. In the first professional preliminary, Kid I defeated Tanque Herrera by armlock in the third round.

The second professional preliminary was Takeo Yano versus Carlos Aurichio. It was a violent and action-packed fight. Yano was the superior jiu-jitsu stylist [o mais tecnico lutador de jiu-jitsu]. The fight ended when Yano’s trademark “armlock” found its target [aplicou o seu golpe predilecto]. Aurichio conceded defeat in the third round.

In the third professional preliminary, or semi-final, Balão Atomico threw Gattoni out of the ring in the first round. Gattoni bumped his forehead against a seat. He returned to the ring bleeding abundantly, and in a “groggy” condition which Balão Atomico took advantage of to choke him from his back.

The main event was extremely active [movimentadissima]. George demonstrated that he still had the form that he was famous for in his younger days. After three active rounds, George managed to “close a choke” [fechar um estrangulamento] on his no less worthy opponent, leaving him unconscious on the floor.53

Fans couldn’t get enough of Catch. That same evening there was also a full program of “Catch” at Estadio Carioca. No jiu-jitsu representatives were involved but future Carlson Gracie rival Martin Karadagian defeated MacArthur by pinning his shoulders to the mat.54

Neither George nor Yano needed a long rest. They were back in action less than a week later. This time they would be facing each other

Old Friends

George Gracie and Takeo Yano renewed their working partnership with another luta livre match. The two jiu-jitsu masters met on Thursday November 4, 1948 at Palacio Metropolitano. Preliminary matches were Kid I versus Francisco Xavier Soroa, Carlos Aurichio versus Gattone, and Sarkis versus Souza.

Kid I defeated Soroa in round 3 by encostamento de espaduas [pinning the shoulders]; Sarkis bested Souza by a choke from the back [estrangulamento pelas costas seguido de uma ‘tesoura’ nos rins] in round 2, and Carlos Aurichio overcame Gattone in exactly the same way, in round 3.

The George versus Yano match was six rounds of 5 minutes. The match was exciting and sensational [emplogante e sensacional]. According to A Manhã, both masters put all of their vast knowledge of jiu-jitsu into play. Neither man’s attack could break through the other’s defense. The match ended in a well-deserved draw [com um merecido empate].55

Immediately after the match, Yano went to the airport to catch a Panair flight to São Paulo.56 He didn’t stay long. He was back in Rio on Saturday November 6 for his fourth match with Alfio Baronti.

The fact that Yano and Baronti had met three times in October alone suggests that they must have pleased the fans, given that Yano won the first two of the three (the result of the third is unknown, but indirect evidence suggests that Baronti won, possibly in a controversial fashion, because otherwise there probably wouldn’t have been a fourth fight). Often three times was more than enough, but in some cases the fans wanted more. Takeo Yano and Alfio Baronti’s series was such a case.

Baronti was a luta livre professor and known by the nickname of “Maravilha,” [The Marvel] suggesting that he had skills and knew how to put on a good show. In the main event, which was expected to be exciting and full of action, Baronti took on the Japanese master of the game of attack and defense, Takeo Yano.

Balão Atomico confronted Sarkis in one of the preliminaries. Balão Atomico was more than just enormous. He was also incredibly violent and endowed with Herculean strength.57

Sarkis was no match for the violence and strength of Balão Atomico. He somehow managed to survive for 3 minutes. As in his previous outing, put a quick finish to his rival with a choke from the back [uma gravata pelas costas]. Some fans however viewed the fight as a joke.58

Yano and Baronti gave the fans an interesting fight. The result was a draw [terminou empatada apos um transcurso interessante].59

There is no available record of a fifth Yano versus Baronti match. Four fights seemed to be the limit of the fan’s interest, at least within a one year period. George Gracie versus Takeo Yano series was exceptional, but it stretched over 13 years. Perhaps there was too much variety to choose from to sustain interest in any one pairing.

There were also fewer jiu-jitsu fighters. Real fighting was harder than staged fighting. It tended to be less entertaining for the general public. There was no money in amateur sports jiu-jitsu, and jiu-jitsu skills were not needed to make money in luta livre or catch. If anyone wanted to learn jiu-jitsu, it had to be for reasons other than making money.

.Chapter 25 Notes

Chapter 26

1949

By way of publicizing an upcoming tournament of “jiu-jitsu”, A Noite provided a capsule history of the art and game in Brazil. It went as follows.

Carioca sports fans had come to know the sport of Kano, Conde Koma, and other celebrated masters, through sensational combats in local rings fought by illustrious practitioners such as the Gracie brothers, among others, against representatives of luta livre, boxing, and capoeiragem. The jiu-jitsu stylists always prevailed [sempre com vantagem para o jiu-jitsu].

But jiu-jitsu was not “methodically diffused” in Brazil, encouraging charlatans looking to make easy money. Little by little the art disappeared to the point where it is [in 1949] nearly forgotten.1

To rectify this lamentable state of affairs, the academies of Yassuiti Ono in São Paulo and Augusto Cordeiro in Rio joined hands to produce a “cotejo” [competition] of amateur jiu-jitsu. The objective was to stimulate interest in the game in both cities. Students of both academies engaged in matches, and the two professors conducted demonstrations with their students. The event was scheduled for June 4, beginning at 8:30 Saturday evening, at the Roberto Palacio de Patinação on rua N.S. Copacabana, 337. Admission was free.

First up were two “juvenil“ matches, the first between Carlos Monteiro and Jorge Mello Souza, the second between Darcey Cardoso and Teobaldo Sampiao. These showed that anyone, even children and adolescents, can train “jiu-jitsu moderno”, increasingly referred to as “judo”. These were followed by matches pitting students of one academy against students of the other. Seizo Matsuy, Mario Shymada, Salvador Cardia, and Batistia Sarty represented Academia Ono. Luiz Alberto Moreira, Floriano Cadeço, Casimiro Troncoso, and Antonio Afonso Alves represented Academia Cordeiro. Several of them had already competed publicly in the preliminaries to catch wrestling shows.2

The program was successful in attracting attention to the art and to the academies of both Ono and Corderio. Journalist Ney Machado wrote a four page article with large and numerous photographs. According to Machado, in contrast to old jiu-jitsu [jiu-jitsu antigo], “leg techniques and take-downs are used more often in modern jiu-jitsu” [“o jiu-jitsu moderno usa com mais frequencia os golpes de pernas e derrubamentos”].

Machado also provided some historical background, mostly accurately concerning Kano, Conde Koma, and Geo Omori, but inaccurately about Jorge (George) and Helio Gracie (they were not students of Conde Koma).

He also referred to an otherwise obscure a jiu-jitsu man named Takagi Saigo. Takagi had been captain of a jiu-jitsu team at the escola superior de agricultura do japão. He opened an academy of jiu-jitsu in São Paulo in 1924. The academy however quickly closed due to lack of students. It was not until Geo Omori revived the practice of fighting in circuses and stage shows in 1928 that jiu-jitsu experienced a surge of renewed interest.

The photographs accompanying Machado’s text amply showed that “jiu-jitsu moderno” included traditional self-defense maneuvers such as knife disarms, and ground grappling, in addition to throws.3

Ostracism and Rescue

By March or 1949, sports of the ring (meaning professional wrestling and more exactly, catch-as-catch-can, or luta livre) had fallen into ostracism. At that precise moment the Metropolitan Federation of Pugilism [Federação Metropolitina de Pugilismo] stepped in and came to the rescue.

The Federation at that time was composed of and directed by Euzebio de Queiroz Filho (president), Albio Ferreira de Almeida (director-tecnico), Altimiro Cunha (assistant director), and R. A. A. Coutinho (director of amateurs).4 The members of the Federation were a “group of heroes” [“um grupo do herois”] who were going to save “sports of the ring” (professional wrestling) by using part of the profits to subsidize an amateur version of the sport.5

With the cooperation of the Confederação Brasileiro de Pugilismo, Paschoal Segreto Sobrinho, president, they decided to hold an amateur tournament at Palacio Metropolitano, which had been built in 1947 as a venue for catch wrestling. What was different now was that the matches would be between amateurs and by implication would lack the objectionable features of professional wrestling. Professional wrestling obviously needed to continue in order to support amateur wrestling.

For the first time the Carioca public would see a “Campeonato de Luta Livre” for amateurs [para amadors]. It was called the Campeonato Carioca. For this event and all others, including professional, regulations were drawn up.

There were four categories of amateur: Estreantes were competitors with no prior experience. Novissimos were competitors with 10 or fewer fights. Novos had up to 20 fights, with at least five wins at novissimo, or had won a championship of novissimos. A veterano had more than 20 fights with at least five wins at novos, or had won a championship of novos.

Not counted were fights with no decision, wins by ‘walk-over’, demonstrations, or exhibition matches.

There were eight weight classes: Mosca (52 kilos), Galo (56 kilos), Pena (61 kilos), Leve (66 kilos), Meio Medio (72 kilos), Medio (70 kilos [sic, 80 kilos was obviously intended]), Meio Pesado (87 kilos), and Pesado (over 87 kilos). No one who weighed less than 50 kilos was permitted to compete.

All of the rules were very precisely spelled out. Amateur matches were three rounds of 5 minutes each with 1-minute breaks. Professional matches could vary from 4-10 rounds of 5 minutes to 1-2 rounds of 30 minutes.

Amateur rules took the form of prohibitions. That is, amateurs could use any technique that wanted [Os competidores poderão se agarrar da forma que quiserem] except for the following: ‘flying-mares’, full-Nelsons [Nelson inteiro], or chokes [estrangulamento]. Amateurs could not use chops [cuteladas], knees [joelhadas], elbows [cotoveladas], straight-kicks [ponta-pés], or headbutts [cabeçadas]. They could not grab or pull the hair or beards, could not twist the nose, ears, fingers, toes, or genitals; could not stick fingers in the eyes, could not throttle, scratch, or bite [estrangular com os dedos, arranhar, ou morder].

What they could do was to try to bring their opponent to the mat and if possible to pin him.

Professionals were permitted to use limited striking, including knees above the waist, headbutts to the body, and straight-kicks above the waist. They could also use headlocks [gravatas], twists [torcões], locks [chaves], bear-hugs [cinturas], leg-scissors [tesouras], throws [tombos], pressure holds [golpes de forçamento], and chokes [estrangulamento].

Amateur catch was apparently not much different from amateur sport free-style wrestling, while the professional version was not much different from what it had always been, except that some care was taken to remove the more ludicrous aspects that had earned the scorn of sports writers and fans. For one example, article 4 warned that a fighter would be disqualified if he attacked the opponent outside of the ring.

In all, it was a conscientious if self-serving attempt to put catch, or luta livre, on a serious footing as a amateur and professional sport. The directors of the Federation expressed their plans in altruistic terms, implying that they simply wanted to help spread amateur ring sports, and that the professional version would presumably help to pay for it. An equally plausible interpretation would be that they hoped to use amateur wrestling to support and legitimize professional wrestling. Like most people, their intentions and motivations were probably mixed.

From the point of view of jiu-jitsu, it didn’t matter. Or rather, it was unclear what it meant. Jiu-jitsu seemed to have little future as a professional sport as long as it aimed at doing what catch could do better. As an amateur sport, jiu-jitsu seemed to be on the losing side. Judo was already well on the way to monopolizing amateur sports jiu-jitsu (under the name of judo), or, more objectively, submission grappling with kimonos (how much standing versus ground grappling would be rewarded was still an open question, but had already come to strongly favor standing).

For jiu-jitsu to maintain a separate identify it would need to establish competition rules that were different from judo rules. With the Federation’s new strategy to revitalize professional catch wrestling, jiu-jitsu now faced a double challenge. Amateur jiu-jitsu competition rules would need to be different from amateur catch rules as well different from judo. Otherwise, jiu-jitsu was at risk of being classified as catch with a kimono, or judo without throws.

New Phase

1949 was the beginning of a new phase for jiu-jitsu in Brazil. Professional jiu-jitsu had run its course. As a form of theatrical entertainment, fans clearly preferred luta livre and catch wrestling to jiu-jitsu and voted with their admission tickets. There was no shortage of supply when it came to catch wrestlers. Candidates for stardom simply needed to be extremely large and capable of a certain degree of acting. A catch or luta livre wrestler could participate in a “jiu-jitsu” contest, and many did, but that generally required at least a modicum of authentic skills. The more responsible among sports writers quickly spotted and lambasted fakes. Being Japanese also helped, and if not that, at least a lineage to a Japanese master (whether real or invented). Or at bare minimum, a Japanese sounding name might suffice. The mystique of jiu-jitsu almost required the stylist to be small. Jiu-jitsu was the science by which a small person could defeat a big person. How else could the fans grasp that he had used “jiu-jitsu?” But jiu-jitsu was not easy to fake. Unfortunately, being Japanese and being huge were often incompatible.

The jiu-jitsu masters of the 1930’s were all dead or old, or had moved on. Geo Omori died in 1938. George Gracie was 38 years old. Helio Gracie had not fought since 1937. Oswaldo Gracie died in 1943. Yassuiti Ono was older and had aligned himself with the growing international judo movement. The same was true of Takeo Yano. At 40 years of age with almost 15 years of ring wear-and-tear behind him, most of the last ten with giants and goliaths with names like King Kong, Gorila, and “Human Mountain,” he was ready to move more into the promotional side of fighting. At the end of 1949, Yano relocated to Porto Alegre, where he founded the Academia Yano and produced a Campeonato Brasileira de Luta Livre on November 27.6

Yano was also involved in judo. He didn’t give up on pro wrestling. He was still at it as late as August 1958 when he participated in the Tornei Internacional de Luta Livre at Maracanazinho.7

Jiu-jitsu in Brazil had arisen in the context of show wrestling, first luta romana, then luta livre, or catch-as-catch-can as it was also called. Because luta livre/catch could be scripted, it was generally more entertaining than jiu-jitsu, especially when jiu-jitsu was presented as “real” fighting and the fighters tried not to lose.

Pro wrestling was easier and paid more (as Masahiko Kimura later said). That encouraged jiu-jitsu stylists who wanted to make money to emulate catch methods and to work in harmony with catch people. Any jiu-jitsu representative who couldn’t or didn’t want to do that left the business. Eventually, everyone got old. Fewer new jiu-jitsu men wanted to be pro wrestlers or professional fighters. At the same time, efforts were made by people like Oswaldo Fada, Yassuito Ono, Augusto Cordeiro, and the Gracie brothers, to promote jiu-jitsu as an amateur sport, along the lines of amateur luta livre (eventually called called luta livre olimpica) and especially, judo.

Some, like Yassuiti Ono and Augusto Cordeiro, took the next logical step and simply became judokas. That meant adopting the international rules of judo, which increasingly rewarded standing technique at the expense of ground fighting (which had already been comparatively neglected, but became even more so when judo was adopted as an Olympic sport). Takeo Yano merged with the judo community while keeping one foot in the pro wrestling ring.

The key to the development of jiu-jitsu over the succeeding decades lie in this. The Gracie brothers attempted to compete in judo tournaments, which is to say, they entered some of their students in judo competitions, and one even medalled, albeit as a white belt. Judo was well-regulated and as an international and finally Olympic sport, prestigious. Successful competitors became legitimate national heroes. Those who remained true to what they believed were jiu-jitsu’s roots in ground fighting, faced a dilemma. Judo had government support, without which any success as an amateur sport was going to be an uphill struggle, if possible at all. Brazil has always been a highly bureaucratic society. Government approval is necessary for almost anything, and government support, permission to use public facilities, monetary subsidies, and the like, requires persuading the right people that there is some public benefit. Any Olympic sport automatically qualified. Jiu-jitsu was not an Olympic sport and the benefits, notwithstanding marketing clichés about self-esteem and self-discipline (which applied equally to judo, if not more so), seemed to be directed at a certain large family and a few individuals associated with them.

At this point, the jiu-jitsu story becomes largely co-extensive with the Gracie family, with a few exceptions. The Gracies were not the only people who clung to the old ways, but they were in the forefront of the movement to win official recognition, popular support, and government subsidies for jiu-jitsu as an amateur sport. What the Gracies did was not new. They simply adopted judo’s organization, methods, customs, traditions, myths, even more so than they already had, inadvertently or not, owing to the fact that what they had learned was essentially an older form of Kodokan judo (as all of the Kodokan trained jiu-jitsu people pointed out to them). They obviously could not join forces with the judo people and they could not compete with them, under international, government approved judo rules. They needed to make jiu-jitsu an alternative form of judo, that is, one stressing ground fighting rather than throwing. That necessitated some minor changes in competition rules. For example, the notion of the “ippon” or one-point win, was retained, but not for a “clean” throw or pin, but rather for a “submission” to a choke or joint-lock technique. Procedures for determining a winner based on points were adopted from judo. Judo rules were not perfect but they were better than the alternative. Rather than invent a new set of rules, jiu-jitsu simply modified judo rules, and in a sense brought jiu-jitsu a bit closer to what Kodokan judo and some of its off-shoots and variants had originally been.8

In a sense, jiu-jitsu returned to its source, which was Kodokan judo. It is true that judo derived from jiu-jitsu, as no one including Kano ever denied. But the jiu-jitsu that the Brazilians learned was the jiu-jitsu that had been transformed by Kano into his Kodokan system. If anyone in Brazil learned “jiu-jitsu” from anyone other than a Kodokan associated man, there is no record of it.

But there were differences. Given enough time, and differing environments, cultural practices, such as languages or sports, will diverge in some ways, unless strong pressures prevent that from happening. Accordingly, in time jiu-jitsu and judo diverged in certain relatively minor ways.

The first difference between jiu-jitsu and judo was that jiu-jitsu specialized in ground fighting while judo increasingly specialized in throwing.

The second difference was that jiu-jitsu called itself jiu-jitsu, rather than judo. This was necessary from a marketing stand point. Jiu-jitsu could not compete with judo on price because judo was cheap or free (with a few exceptions) and it could not compete in the prestigious international competitions, which were necessarily conducted according to judo rules, which meant little opportunity for the jiu-jitsu people to do what they did comparatively well.

The third difference was that while judo rapidly shed any pretense that it was designed for self-defense or “real” fighting, jiu-jitsu retained the traditional (since 1904 at least) marketing points and re-doubled its emphasis on these aspects.

The fourth difference was that judo warmly embraced its status as an “amateur” sport (ignoring the fact that judokas were well subsidized in many countries). Jiu-jitsu continued to preserver in the realm of professional theatrical fighting. But just as jiu-jitsu could not compete with judo at judo’s game, so it could not compete with pro wrestling at pro wrestling’s game. Jiu-jitsu attempted to carve out its own niche within the theatrical fighting world. Jiu-jitsu entrepreneurs adopted an older name for their fighting sub-genre, “vale tudo,” or “everything goes”.9 Vale tudo was basically grappling combined with striking, in  a sense catch-as-catch can mixed with savate, capoeiragem, and boxing, but without the choreography. It wasn’t “real” fighting, but it was pretty close. The problem was, for some people it was too close.

It was a risky business in more ways than one. Judo and pro wrestling were either accepted or supported by society and government. Attitudes toward vale tudo were as mixed as the game itself was. Judo was clearly a “sport”, and pro wrestling was just as clearly “entertainment.” Brazilians were never really sure what vale tudo was, but at times it made certain people uncomfortable. In Brazil if the right person (or wrong person, as the case may be) doesn’t like what you are doing, you are well advised to stop. Very bad things can happen if you don’t.10

But vale tudo was only a small part of the story, and it wasn’t the first part. Jiu-jitsu’s recrudescence occurred in 1951 with a fateful encounter between an under-employed ex-fighter and a pro wrestler. The pro wrestler just happened to be the greatest judoka (or “jiu-jitsu fighter,” according to some versions) Japan had produced up to that time. His name was Masahiko Kimura. The under-employed ex-fighter was Helio Gracie.

.Chapter 26 Notes

Epilogue

The Past and Future of Jiu-Jitsu

Shortly before ju-jitsu reached Brazil there was jiu-jitsu―and judo―in North America and other places in frequent contact with the major port cities of Brazil.1 Brazilians were interested and well-informed about what was happening in the capitals and cultural centers of the advanced countries, primarily England, France, Germany, and the United States. They wanted to be part of it.

They were usually several steps off the pace, but as rule, what happened in London, Paris, Berlin, and New York eventually happened in Rio, São Paulo and a few other cities.

All of the major powers, including Russia, had been interested in Japan since Perry’s first visit in 1853. Around the turn of the 20th century, they became even more so, alarmed by Russia’s expansionist aims. Japan was seen as a potential counter-weight. Japan’s own imperial ambitions would draw Russia’s attention eastward. The Pacific region was becoming increasingly vital. One of those who was especially interested was American president Theodore Roosevelt.

The first noteworthy martial arts entrepreneur in North America was John J. O’Brien. He had, he claimed, a diploma of professor of jiu-jitsu awarded by the Japanese government.2

Theodore Roosevelt had an interest in the manly arts, and jiu-jitsu was seen as the “new manly art”. O’Brien was invited to teach the president in March of 1902. O’Brien proposed a course of eight weeks.

Roosevelt never finished his lessons. But in the field of marketing, a short and slim connection to the right person or group can be enough. Even a single word or picture can be worth millions. O’’Brien had offered to teach the president for free (or expenses).3

The publicity would be more valuable than his usual fee of $100 for eight weeks, and O’Brien wasted no time exploiting it.4

As it happened, everyone in the jiu-jitsu business profited, probably more than O’Brien himself. When Roosevelt’s daughter Alice showed an interest in the Japanese game, it wasn’t O’Brien who was invited to teach her, but a Japanese expert, ironically, a Kodokan judo man, Professor Yamashita.5

The real explosion in jiu-jitsu interest took place during the Russo-Japanese War (February 8, 1904 to September 5, 1905). It took almost no time for ambitious promoters to get into the act. Writers looking for sensational material were not far behind. Newspapers welcomed both. They provided content which attracted readers who attracted advertisers, which made the cost of copies of the paper lower which attracted more readers. Readers could buy tickets to professional matches. It was a highly symbiotic relationship.

Teachers could also offer their services. But there was one problem. To reveal the jealously guarded ancient secrets of the Japanese science of self-defense, one had to have access to them in the first place. But for two thousand years, jiu-jitsu masters had been prohibited by imperial edicts from teaching foreigners. Therefore, one almost had to be Japanese. Failing that, one needed a plausible connection to a lineage. John. J. O’Brien seemed to have a reasonably legitimate claim, with documentation of a sort. Other people made similar claims, sometimes of questionable validity. O’Brien had a formidable combination of assets. He had a diploma, friends in the media, and a personal link to a sympathetic American president. It was no wonder that jiu-jitsu became faddishly fashionable for a few years.6

Like all fads, it quickly lost steam. Jiu-jitsu’s profitability, or sustainability, had to be maintained in more old-fashioned ways. Enter marketing and professional wrestling.

***

Technology can change quickly. Basic human motivations don’t. What has happened before will happen again. What is happening now has happened before. Looking at the marketing and diffusion of jiu-jitsu in North America illuminates considerably what later took place in Brazil. The parallels are very close.

In many cases the phrasing used in marketing materials in 1904 in the United States is almost identical (allowing for translation) to that used in Brazil throughout the period reviewed in Choque Volume 1 1856-1949, and even in 2014. Secrets of an ancient scientific art, previously “closely (or jealously, or religiously) guarded”, suddenly are made available to the Western world, or to anyone anywhere with money to spend. The Imperial edicts prohibiting Japanese jiu-jitsu masters from teaching outsiders had been abruptly lifted. The reasons varied. It might be that newly formed friendly relations between America and Japan suddenly made it safe to teach Americans (while Japan was concentrating on learning how to build battleships, dive-bombers, and torpedoes). It might be an individual master’s feeling of gratitude for the courtesies extended to him by the natives of his host country, as Yae Kichi Yabe claimed.7 Usually, no reason was offered.

Similarly, when the Gracies, or to be legally precise, The Gracie Jiu-Jitsu Academy, 1951 W. Carson Street, Torrance CA 90501, decided to reveal the “closely guarded secrets” of the family’s fighting system, using precisely the same phrase used 94 years before by Yae Kichi Yabe, or his copywriter,8 no reason why the closely guarded secrets were suddenly being revealed was provided.9

The author doesn’t point this out to make fun of anyone, but rather to remind that some things don’t change much. Young males want to be strong. People are easily panicked by media-created threats. Bored people want to be entertained. Entrepreneurs want to make money. People like novelty. People are basically lazy and want secret easy ways to accomplish things that actually are neither secret nor easy but require time and effort. People want to impress other people with their extraordinary abilities and membership in select groups. They seek artifacts (such as belts and diplomas) to help them accomplish that.10

Technology has changed. Instead of newspapers we now have computers and iPods. Human nature is the same. Readers who proceed to Choque Vol. 2 1950-1999 will have a head start if they keep that in mind.

.Epilogue Notes

Appendix 1

.

Fighters

Jiu-Jitsu Representatives

Members of Conde Koma Troupes in Brazil^1

1914 São Paulo

Conde Koma (Maeda Mitsuyo)

Okura

Satake

Akiyama

Matsura

1915 Rio

Conde Koma (Maeda Mitsuyo)

Okura

Satake

Shimizu

Raku

1915 After Rio

Conde Koma (Maeda Mitsuyo)

Okura

Satake

Akiyama

Raku

Shimizu

***

Dates indicate first confirmed year of ring activity. A date to the right of the fighter’s name indicates the last year of reported ring activity.2

1909

Ferreira, Arnoldo Jose

Jorge, Rich

Miyako Sada

Soares, Carlos Pinto

Silva, Waldemar

1915

Oliveria, Bianor de

1920

Ferro, Jacyntho

1928

Detti, Jose (1936)

Henkin (1930)

Letone, Dario

Okido

Omori Geo (1936)

1929

Andriotti, Antonio

Arizunuma

Assumpção

Bandan

Contino, Felippe

Del-o

Dudú

Eukin

Gibin

Gotto

Gracie, Carlos (1931)

Henke

Kaveno

Kitajima

Louvas

Oliveira, Jose de

Rodolpho

Rogerio

Takada

Wada

Waldemar

1930

Alcides

Amilcar

Arthur

Gaucho, Jose

Mariano, Getulio

Gracie, George (1948)

Mangerona

Peres, Benedicto (1940)

Zacharias

1931

Aleixo, Mario

Gracie, Oswaldo (1939)

1932

Fukushima Mineyoshi

Galdi, Jackas

Gracie, Helio (1937)

Miguel, Abrahão

Namiki Takeshi

Saburo Senda (1936)

Uchida

1933

Costa Albino da

Muhai, Jack

Sugano

1934

Arlindo, Rubens

Brusque

Carvalho, Dante

Cirne, Ricardo

Miyaki

Munich, Simão

Neto Mirando (1935)

Queirolo, Othello

Saldanha, Jorge

Santoro, Jose

Shigeo

1935

Goto Yakuro

Kioto Arake

Nibbon, Ricardo

Ono Yassuiti (1946)

Salvaterra, Paulo

Yano Takeo (1948)

1936

Carper, Togo

Cruz, Carlos

Eguti

Figueiredo, Odemar

Guisher, Egrad

Iosika, Francisco

Marques, Vincente,

Massagoichi

Misuki

Yamada Tageshika

1937

Henrique, Helio

Ono Naoiti (1940)

Wolf, Mattos Filho

1938

Falção, Geraldo

Ferreira, Milton

Gomes, Zito

Dorn, Dudu (1940)

Gazal, Abrahão

Hollanda, Camillo

Ishio Sadao

Mazuke

Oliveria, Antonio

Soares, J. R. Macedo

Sugo Sadayuki

Suleiman, Alberto (1939)

Tossio, Mazuko

1939

Cavalheiro, Jorge

Freiras, Jorge Cabral

Gomes, Braz I (1940)

Lacerva, Victor

Maia, Antonio (1940)

Martins, Vincente

Merimossa, Matafiko

Nizak, Ser (1940)

Pereira, Carlos (1948)

Pinto, Walter

Riquetto, Alfredo

Riquetto, Arthur

Soares, Irineu Macedo

Yamada Sinssuke

1940

Alves, Eduaro Junior

Andrare, Emery de

Araujo, Jose de

Conca, Manoel

Gomes, Braz II

Malheiros, René

Menezes, João

Meri, Jung

Miele, Arthur

Peres, Francisco

Prado, Alvaro

Proise, Vicente

1941

Rocha, Manoel

1943

Steinhardt, Willy

1946

Abiduch

Alvim, Joviano

Assahama Jun

Borges, Fernando

Burti, Arnaldo

Collo, Paulo

Comodoro, Thomas

Fiori

Gomes, Adão Lucas

Liguori

Masuro

Melo

Milan

Mira

Pava

Rocha

Tambucci, Luiz (1948)

Troncoso, Casimiro (1949)

1947

Cardia, Salvador (1949)

Galvão, Eduardo

Hollo, Paulo

Matsuoka

Matsui Giro

1948

Oka

1949

Alves, Antonio Afonso

Cadeco, Floriano

Matsuy Seizo

Moreira, Luiz Alberto

Sarty, Batista

Shymada, Mario

Rivals^3

Grapplers

1914

Jorge, Miguel

1915

Alves, Joaquim Guadencio

Azevedo, Benjamin Constant

Assef, Nagib

Bowler, Alfredo

Goldbach

Jeolas, Paulo

Leconte, Alfredo

Matuchevich

1916

Leconte, Alfredo

1920

Segato, Victorio

1928

Abreu, M. de

Archimedes, Rogerio (1929)

Farina

Francisco

Zacharias, Benedicto

1929

Jirkus, Estavan (1936)

Klausner, Ervin (1937)

Marianno

Marin, Jack

Pedro “O Caipira”

Ritter

1931

Baldi, João

Ferreira, Jayme

Fernandes, Manoel (1937)

Rufino, Manoel

Ruhmann, Roberto (1939)

Samsão (Sanson)

1932

Ebert, Fred

Ritter, Francisco

Smith, Geo

Victorino, Sebastião

Youssouf, Salim

1933

Crespo, Tavares

Gutovski

Silva “Hyena do Braz”

Soledade, Tico

1934

Conley, Jack

Dudú (1937)

Zbyszko, Wladek

1935

Burg, Muniu

Eberle, Haubert

Platchek, Marcos

Salvaterra, Paulo

1936

Amorim, Jose

Barbosa, Geronicio

João Peçanha

Roque, Antonio

1937

Atlas, Jim

Grillo, Manoel

Oliveira, Torquato de

1938

Campbell, Joe

Fazio, Luiz (1940)

Gardini, Renato

Russell, Jack (1940)

1939

Kolt, Jose

Ulsemer, Charles (1941)

Weber, Fritz (1946)

1940

Budip, Sarkiz

Orlando, Angelo

Santos, Silviano dos

1941

Rocha, Manoel

1942

Moraisinho

Stock, Luiz

Tatú (1947)

1946

Bagley, Jack

Bargach, Eduardo

Bettini, Moacir

Caduc, Basilio

Collado, Roberto

Memel

Mesnick, Carlos

Strika, Yerkos (1948)

Tarzan Argentino

1947

Bogni, Aldo

Gattoni, Ricardo

Homem Montanha

King Kong

Kostolias, Juan (1948)

Norki

1948

Aurichio, Carlos

Baronti, Alfio

Cernadas, Ramon

Gorila

Herrera, Tanque

Kid I

Nick (the) Policeman

Olaguibel, Pedro Juan

Roque, Antonio

Strikers

Boxers

1930

Toon, Johannes^4

Gabriel^5

1932

Crespo, Tavares

Portugal, Antonio

1935

Ceará

Capoeiras

1909

Cyriaco

1915

Silva, Leonel

1929

Feitosa, Argemiro

Vasques, Oswaldo

1931

Bahiano

Bala da Bronze

Coronel

Mané

Ozéas

1932

Dentinho

1935

Andre Jansen

Jiu-Jitsu Instructors (other than above listed fighters)

Barbosa, Francisco Jose (1932-1934)

Corderio, Augusto (1949)

Gracie, Gastão Jr. (1936-)

Maia, Manoel Azevedo (1943-)

Okura (1920)

Pires, Donato dos Reis (1930, 1939)

Prins, Waldemar (1934)

Organizations, Managers, Referees, Promoters, Writers, Venues and Facilities

Managers

Kid Pratt

Kid Simões

Antonio Luis (Lins)

Carlos Gracie

Gastão Gracie Jr.

Romeu Cotta

Referees^6

Eugenio Brandão Duffressey

Gumercindo Taboada

Angelo Ledoux

Jayme Ferreira

Maurity de Freitas

Ignacio de Loyola Daher

Armando Jagle

Alex Pinheiro

Sports Writers

Cousin Henry, Correio da Manhã (1909)

Jose Brigado, Diario da Noticias (1932)

Puncher, Diario da Noticias (1932)

Swing, Diario Carioca (1932-1934)

Frank Wright, Diario de Noticias (1936)

Dan Shupe, Diario de Noticias (1936)

Jota Efege, Diario Carioca (1938)

Ricardo Pinto, Diario de Noticias (1939)

El Campeón, Diario de Noticias (1940)

Official or Semi-Official Organizations

Commissão de Pugilismo

Confederação Brasileiro de Pugilismo

Federação Pugilistica Brasileira

Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo

Federação Brasileiro de Pugilismo

Federação Paulista de Pugilismo Amador

Promotors and Companies

Paschoal Segreto

Jeronymo de Moraes

Luiz Segreto Sobrinho

Paschoal Segreto Sobrinho

Jose Antonio Lage

Abdul Laham

Manoel Tumminelli

Eurico de Andrade Neves

Nicolini Vigiani

Jose Saba

Jose Gabbriel

***

Circo Alcebaides

Circo Queirolo

Circo Spinelli

Empresa Paschoal Segreto & Moraes

Empresa Pugilistica Brasileira (EPB)

Empreza Brasil Ring (EB)

Empresa Brasil Box Ltds.

Empreza Pugilistica Carioca (EPC)

Empresa Lage

Empresa Metropolitano de Esportes

Empresa Sul-Americana de Lutas

Empresa de Diversões Publicas

Empresa Metropolitina de Esportes

Imprensa N. Vigiani

Venues

Rio de Janeiro

Pavilhão Internacional.

Associação Christa do Moços (ACM)

Estadio Brasil (same as Stadium Brasil)

Estadio Carioca

Estadio Riachuleo

Icarhy Praia Club

Palacio das Festas

Palacio Metropolitano

Pavilhão Metropolitano (same as Palacio Metropolitano)

Stadium Brasil (same as Estadio Brasil).

Theatro Republica

São Christivão Athletic Club (SCAC)

Theatro Carlos Gomes

Theatro João Caetano

Roberto Palacio de Patinação

Nichteroy

Cinema Rio

São Paulo

Theatro Variedades

Gymnasio da Associação Athletica São Paulo (AASP)

Associação Christa do Moços

Cine Theatro de Asyio Colonia de Santo Angelo

Clube Athletico Paulistano

Frontão Boa Vista (later Ringue Paulistano)

Madison Square Paulistano

Estadio do PacaembuTheatro Recreio

Theatro São Paulo

Ringue Paulistano (formerly Frontão Boa Vista)

Casino Antarctica

Porto Alegre

Estadio do America

Paisandú

Ring Palacio

Bello Horizonte

Feira de Amostras

Stadium Benedicto Valadares (same as Estadio Governador Valadares)

Theatro Cassino

Londrina

Pavilhão Di Lauro

Curitiba

Pavilhão Olimpico

São Luiz

Theatro Cinema Palace

Recife

Theatro Moderno

Ribeiro Preto

Polytheama

Juiz da Fóra

Polytheama

Belém do Pará

Bar Paraense

Manaus

Polytheama

Jiu-Jitsu Academies, Gyms, Clubs, and Classes^7

.

Rio de Janeiro

Centro do Sportivo do Engenho Velho (Instructor: Mario Aleixo, 1913).

Club de Regatas Boqueirão do Passeio (Instructor: Mario Aleixo, 1914).

União do Empregados no Comercio (Instructor: Mario Aleixo, 1916).

Academia de Jiu-Jitsu, rua Marques Abrantes 106 (Instructors: Donato Pires dos Reis, Carlos Gracie, & George Gracie, 1930).

Academia Gracie, rua Marques Abrantes 106 (Instructors: Carlos Gracie & Helio Gracie, 1932).

Escola de Jiu-Jitsu, Realengo (Instructor: Francisco Jose Barbosa, 1932).

Club Carioca de Box, rua do Rosario, 133, 2nd floor (Instructor: Unspecified, 1932).

Academia de Jiu-Jitsu, rua do Cattete 310 (Instructor: George Gracie, 1932).

Flamengo Box Club, former Luar Dance Studio (1932) (Instructor: Unspecified, 1932).

Academia Gracie, rua Marques Abrantes 117 (Instructors: Carlos & Helio Gracie, 1933).

Nova Escola de Jiu-Jitsu, Edificio Odeon, sala 204, 1st floor, Rio (Instructor: Oswaldo Gracie, 1934).

Academia Geo Omori, rua Conde de Irajá, n. 142, Botafogo (Instructor: Geo Omori, 1933).

Kid Simões Academia Brasileira de Sports, rua da Assembléa, n. 95 (Instructor: Unspecified, 1932).

Club Naval, Marinha de Guerra Brasileira (Instructor: Takeo Yano, 1935).

Flamengo Club de Regatas do Flamengo (C.R.F) (Instructor: Takeo Yano, 1937).

Fluminense Football Club (F.F.C) (Instructor: George Gracie, 1937).

Cordeiro Academy, av. N. S. Copacabana, 533, room 6 (Instructor: Augusto Cordeiro, 1949).

.

São Paulo

Academia Paulista de Jiu-Jitsu (Instructor: Geo Omori, 1928)

Escola de Jiu-Jitsu Geo Omori (alternative name for above)

Academia Delauney, av. Brigadeiro Luis Antonio (Instructor: George Gracie,1939).

Academia Kid Pratt (Instructor: Jose Suleiman, 1938).

Associação Christa de Moços (Instructor: Yassuiti Ono, 1938).

Estudio Scientifico de Defesa Pessoal. Edificio Martinelli, 1,526 (Instructors: Donato Pires dos Reis & George Gracie, 1939)

Academia de Defesa Pessoal, av. Rangel Pestana/ av. Celso Garcia (Instructor: Yassuiti Ono, 1940).

Porto Alegre

Jiu-Jitsu Academy, rua dos Andradas (Instructors: Oswaldo Gracie & Miranda Neto, 1934).

Bello Horizonte

Academia Loanzi (Instructor: George Gracie, 1935).

O Club Universitario, rua de Maio, 33 and 35 (Instructor: George Gracie, 1937).

Petropolis

Academia Petropolitina de Jiu-Jitsu, 15 Novembro, n. 856 (Instructor: Oswaldo Gracie, 1932).

.

.

Appendix 1 Notes

Appendix 2

Fights 1909-1949

Confirmed matches are written in bold face.1

1909

April 19 Sada Miyako vs. Arnoldo Jose Ferreira

April 20 Sada Miyako vs. Amador Francez

April 28 Sada Miyako vs. Rich Jorge

May 1 Sada Miyako vs. Cyriaco Francisco da Silva

December 19 Carlos Pinto Soares vs. Waldemar Silva

1914

October 3 Conde Koma vs. Satake^2

October 4 Conde Koma vs. Satake

October 5 Conde Koma vs. Miguel Jorge

October 7 Akiyama vs. Satake

October 9 Conde Koma vs. Akiyama

October 11 Matsura vs. Satake; Akiyama vs. Okura

October 12 Akiyama vs. Satake

October 13 Conde Koma vs. Akiyama

October 18 Conde Koma vs. Matsura

1915

May 1 Satake vs. Raku

May 2 Okura vs. Shimizu

May 3 Satake vs. Shimizu

May 4 Raku vs. Goldbach

May 5 Satake vs. Matuchevich

May 6 Satake vs. Shimizu

May 8 Raku vs. Okura

May 9 Satake vs. Shimizu

May 10 Conde Koma vs. Paulo Jeolas

May 11 Raku vs. Okura^3

May 12 Conde Koma vs. Shimizu

May 13 Conde Koma vs. Joaquim Guadencio Alves

May 14 Satake vs. Okura

May 15 Raku vs. Paulo Jeolas

May 17-18 Shimizu vs. Raku^4

May 21 Satake vs. Okura

May 21 Conde Koma vs. Benjamin Constant Azevedo

August 26 Satake vs. Raku

August 31 Shimizu vs. Raku

September 1 Satake vs. Okura

September 5 Shimizu vs. Okura (or Conde Koma)5

September 6 Akiyama vs. Satake; Okura vs. Bianor de Oliveira^6

August 29 Satake vs. Raku

August 30 Conde Koma vs. Alfred Bowler

December 7 Raku vs. Satake

December 8 Shimizu vs. Okura; Conde Koma vs. Raku

December 9 Raku vs. Leonel Silva

December 10 Conde Koma vs. Shimizu

December ? Conde Koma vs. Nagib Assef^7

?? Conde Koma vs. Alfredo Leconte 8

1916^9

December ? Raku vs. Alfredo Leconte

December? Shimizu vs. Alfredo Leconte

1917

August 11, 1917 Satake vs. Nagib Assef

1920

July ? Conde Koma vs. Victorio Segato^10

July ? Jacyntho Ferro vs. Victorio Segato^11

1928

September 15 Geo Omori vs. Jack Marin

September 17 Rogerio Archmedes vs. M. Gotto

September 24 Geo Omori vs. Rogerio Archimedes

October 18 Jose Detti vs. Rogerio Archimedes

October 19 Geo Omori vs. Oswaldo Caetano Vasques

October 23 Geo Omori vs. Marianno; Othelo Queirolo vs. Eduardo

October 25 Geo Omori vs. Jack Marin

November 9 Okido vs. Benedicto Zacharias

November 11 Ervin Klausner vs. Dario Letone

December 14 Okido vs. Henkin; Goto vs. M. de Abreu

1929

January 2 Geo Omori vs. Farina; Geo Omori vs. Francisco

January 13 Geo Omori vs. Argemiro Feitosa; Takeda vs. Rodolpho; Goto vs. Guarany

January 18 Geo Omori vs. Weber; Geo Omori vs. Guarany; Wada vs. Kitajima; Kaveno vs. Arizunuma; Takada vs. Louvas; Bandan vs. Gibin

January 24 Geo Omori vs. Ervin Klausner; Takeda vs. Ritter; Ismael Haki vs. Gibin

February 2 Geo Omori vs. Pedro O Caipira

February 3 Geo Omori vs. Rogerio Archimedes

February 14 Geo Omori vs. Rogerio Archimedes

February 21 Geo Omori vs. Waldemar; Geo Omori vs. Ritter^12

March 9 Geo Omori vs. Ritter

March 23 Geo Omori vs. Rogerio (Panthera Paulista); Antonio Andriotti vs. Raiol; Felippe Contino vs. Jose de Oliveira; Maximino vs. Henke; Jose Detti vs. Assumpção

April 19 Geo Omori vs. Estavam (Jirkus)

April 28 Geo Omori vs. Carlos Gracie

May 2 Geo Omori vs Eduardo; Gotto vs. Dudú; Eukin vs. Del-o

1930

January 5 Geo Omori vs. Carlos Gracie; George Gracie vs. Gabriel; Henkin vs. Arthur; Benedicto Peres vs. Amilcar

January 19 George Gracie vs. Johannes Toon: Attila vs. Alcides: Zacharias vs. Arthur: Benedicto Peres vs. Mangerona: Jose Detti vs. Jose Gaucho

1931

June 13 Geo Omori vs. Roberto Ruhmann

July 3 George Gracie vs. Coronel; Oswaldo Gracie vs. Mane; Benedicto Peres vs. Ozéas

August 22 Carlos Gracie vs. Manoel Rufino dos Santo

November 5 Oswald Gracie vs. Bahiano

November 19 Oswaldo Gracie vs. João Baldi; George Gracie vs. Jayme Ferreira

December 3 George Gracie vs. Mario Aleixo

December 30 Geo Omori vs. Sanson

1932

January 16 Geo Omori vs. Tavares Crespo; Helio Gracie vs. Antonio Portugal

January 24 Saburo Senda vs. Jackas Galdi; Benedicto Peres vs Abrahao Miguel; Alberto Suleiman vs. Panthera Negra

March 12 Geo Omori vs. Roberto Ruhmann

April 18 Geo Omori vs. Roberto Ruhmann

May 5 Oswaldo Gracie vs. Octavio Alves “Dentinho”

July 16 Geo Omori vs. Youssuf; Saburo Senda vs. Mineysohi Fukushima

September 7 Geo Omori vs. Manoel Fernandes; Saburo Senda vs. Mineysohi Fukushima

September 10 Helio Gracie vs. Takashi Namiki; Saburo Senda vs. Mineysohi Fukushima

September 15 Geo Omori vs. Geo Smith; Takashi Namiki vs. Sebastião Victorino; Saburo Senda vs. Tavares Crespo

October 1 Geo Omori vs. Manoel Fernandes; Saburo Senda vs. Ouchida

October 8 Geo Omori vs. Fred Ebert

November 5 Helio Gracie vs. Fred Ebert

December 20 Geo Omori vs. Roberto Ruhmann

1933

April 8 Geo Omori vs. George Gracie; Albino da Costa vs. Tavares Crespo; Roberto Coelho vs. Jose Ferreira

June 3 Jose Detti vs. Gutovski

June 10 Jose Detti vs. Silva “Hyena do Braz”; Jack Muhai vs. Sugano

July 8 George Gracie vs. Tico Soledade

July 8 Adão Mayer vs. Herminio de Oliveria

October 23 Geo Omori vs. George Gracie

October 28 George Gracie vs. Manoel Fernandes

1934

January 19 George Gracie vs. Dudú

March 24 Geo Omori vs. Dudú 13

April 14 Roberto Ruhmann vs. Miyaki

May 16 George Gracie vs. Shigeo

June 23 Helio Gracie vs. Miyaki

July 28 Helio Gracie vs. Wladek Zbyszko

August 15 George Gracie vs. Jack Conley

October 6 George Gracie vs. Wladek Zbyszko

November 10 Oswaldo Gracie vs. Othelo Queirolo

November 11 Miranda Neto vs. Jose Santoro

Nov-Dec. ? Oswaldo Gracie vs. Simão Munich^14

December 1 Miranda Neto vs. Ricardo Cirne; Jorge Saldanha vs. Brusque; Dante Carvalho vs. Rubens Arlindo

1935

February 2 Helio Gracie vs. Dudú

March 28 Dante Carvalho vs. Paulo Salvaterra

September 28 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano; Jose Detti vs. Yakuro Goto

October 5 Geo Omori vs. Manoel Grillo; Miyaki vs. Kioto

October 10 Miranda Neto vs. Dante Carvalho

October 30 Ricardo Nibbon vs. Andre Jansen

December 5 Helio Gracie vs. Yassuiti Ono

December 7 George Gracie vs. Eberle^15

December 21 Geo Omori vs. Takeo Yano

1936

April 4 Jose Detti vs. Bergomas

April 18 Jose Detti vs. Francisco Iosika

May 23 Jose Detti vs. Estevam Jirkus

June 13 Helio Gracie vs. Takeo Yano

June 23 George Gracie vs. Geroncio Barbosa; George Gracie vs. Antonio Roque; George Gracie vs. Jose Amorim

August 1 Roberto Ruhmann vs. Misuki

August 8 Roberto Ruhmann vs. Tagesika Yamada

September 5 George Gracie vs. Roberto Ruhmann

September 12 Helio Gracie vs. Massagoichi

October 3 Helio Gracie vs. Yassuiti Ono

November 9 Takeo Yano vs. Jayme Ferreira; Odemar Figueiredo vs. Eguti; Vicente Marques vs. Luiz Ciz; Togo Carper vs. Egrad Guisher

November 17 Omori vs Peçanha; Tavares Crespo vs. Saburo Senda

November 30 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano

December 22 Jose Detti vs. Jose dos Santos

1937

January 8 Dante Carvalho vs. Torquato de Oliveira

January 13 Helio Gracie vs. Dudú

March 13 George Gracie vs. Roberto Ruhmann

May 1 George Gracie vs. Henrique Helio

September 11 George Gracie vs. Yassuiti Ono

September 18 Takeo Yano vs. Manoel Fernandes

September 26 Helio Gracie vs. Ervin Klausner

October 2 George Gracie vs. Naoiti Ono

October 16 George Gracie vs. Yassuiti Ono; Mattos Wolf Filho vs. Carlos Cruz

November 13 George Gracie vs. Naoiti Ono

December 11 George Gracie vs. Manoel Grillo

December 16 George Gracie vs. Manoel Grillo

December 16 Takeo Yano vs. Jim Atlas

December 25 Naoiti Ono vs. Manoel Grillo

1938

May 7 Naoiti Ono vs. Alberto Suleiman; Braz Gomes vs. Sinssuke Yamada; Sadayuki Sugo vs. Geraldo Falção; Gomes vs. Jose Roberto Macedo

June 11 Naoiti Ono vs. Benedicto Peres; Dudu Dorn vs. Sadayuki Sugou; Braz Gomes vs. Jose Roberto Macedo Soares; Milton Ferreira vs Sado Ishio

August 2 George Gracie vs. Jack Russell

August 13 George Gracie vs. Jack Russell

August 25 George Gracie vs. Joe Campbell

September 1 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano

September 24 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano

October 4 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano

October 15 Yassuiti Ono vs. Antonio Oliveiri; Naoiti Ono vs. Benedicto Peres; Jose Roberto Macedo Soares vs. Weimesdorf; Zito Gomes vs. Manoel Correa; Braz Gomes vs. Mazuke

October 19 Takeo Yano vs. Jack Russell

October 22 George Gracie vs. Renato Gardini

October 29 Naotiti Ono vs. Luiz Tarzan Fazio

November 9 Takeo Yano vs. Jack Russell; George Gracie vs. Jack Russell

1939

January 27 Carlos Pereira vs. Maia^16

February 4 George Gracie vs. Naoiti Ono; Ser Nizat vs. Walter Pinto; Braz Gomes vs. Jorge Cavalheiro

March 11 George Gracie vs Arthur Riquetto Filho; George Gracie vs. Luiz Tarzan Fazio; George Gracie vs. Alberto Sulleiman; Benedicto Peres vs. Alfredo Riquetto Filho

June 17 Takeo Yano vs. Charles Ulsemer

July 8 George Gracie vs. Roberto Ruhmann; Braz Gomes vs. Matafiko Merrimosa

July 10 Takeo Yano vs. Fritz Weber

July 15 Oswaldo Gracie vs Roberto Ruhmann; Braz Gomes vs. M. Merimossa

July 22 George Gracie vs. Benedicto Peres; Arthur Riquetto Filho vs. Henrique Vicaro

August 19 Naoiti Ono vs. Roberto Ruhmann

September 2 George Gracie vs. Fritz Weber

September 9 George Gracie vs. Charles Ulsemer

October 7 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano

October 21 Yassuiti Ono vs. Fritz Weber; Benedicto Peres vs. Arthur Riquetto Filho

November 4 Yassuiti Ono vs. Jose Kolt; Benedicto Peres vs. Naoiti Ono

November 18 Benedicto Peres vs. Jose Kolt

November 25 Yassuiti Ono vs. Benedicto Peres

December 2 Yer Nesaka vs. Jose Cabral Freitas; Udo Dorn vs. Thomaz Comodoro; Braz Gomes II vs. Osvaldo Bononi

1940

.March 9 Takeo Yano vs. Jack Russell; Emery de Andrade vs. Jose de Arajo; Carlos Pereira vs. Eduardo Jr.

March 16 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano; Carlos Pereira vs. Antonio Maia

March 30 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano; Carlos Pereira vs. Camillo Hollanda

April 13              George Gracie vs. Fritz Weber;Takeo Yano vs. Carlos Pereira

April 27 George Gracie vs. Sarkiz Budip;Yassuiti Ono vs. Jack Russell;Naoiti Ono vs. Carlos Pereira

May 25 George Gracie vs. Jung Meri

June 13 George Gracie vs. Sarkiz Budip

June 20 George Gracie vs. Angelo Orlando; Braz Gomes vs. Silviano dos Santos

July 6 Francisco Perez vs. Vicente Proise; Braz II vs. João Mamede Ramos

August 10 Yassuiti Ono vs. Andre Castano

September 8 Alvaro Prado vs. Francisco Peres;Udo Dorno vs. Rene Melheiros; Braz II vs. João Menezes

December 14 Yassuiti Ono vs. Charles Ulsemer;Naoiti Ono vs. Godofredo; Benedicto Peres vs. Luiz Tarzan Fazio; Braz Gome I vs. Ser Nizaki; Braz Gomes II vs. Udo Dorn

1941

October 4 Takeo Yano vs. Charles Ulsemer; Carlos Pereira vs. M. Rocha

November 19 George Gracie vs. Lutador Lusitano^17

1942

January 29 George Gracie vs. Stack^18

June ? George Gracie vs Tatú

June ?George Gracie vs. Moirasinho^19

1943

April 16 George Gracie vs. Willy Steinhardt

1946

July 27 George Gracie vs. Fritz Webber; Takeo Yano vs. Carlos Mesnick; Luiz Tambucci vs. Paulo Collo

July 31 Takeo Yano vs. Gigante de Memel; Thomas Comodoro vs. Milan; Hollo vs. Masuro

August 22 Takeo Yano vs. Gigante de Memel; Adão Luca Gomes vs. Paulo Holo; Jun Assahama vs. Arnaldo Butl

August 29 Liguori vs. Rocha; Fiori vs. Lucas

September 26 Takeo Yano vs. Yerko Strika; Melo vs. Mira

October 3 Takeo Yano vs. Roberto Collado; Abiduch vs. Deolival

October 12 Floriano Codesso vs. Antonio Afonso Alves; Casemiro Trancosco vs. Moacir Bettini

October 17 Takeo Yano vs. Roberto Collado

October 24 Takeo Yano vs. Gigante de Memel; Fernando Borges vs. Joviano Alvim

October 31 Takeo Yano vs. Jack Bagley

December 7 Y. Ono vs. Gigante de Memel; Pava vs. F. Borges

1947

January 9 Takeo Yano vs. Homem Montanha

January 15 Takeo Yano vs. Eduardo Bargach

January 18 Takeo Yano vs. Tarzan Argentino

January 22 Takeo Yano vs. Homom Montanha

January 25 Takeo Yano vs. Basilio Caduc

February 1 Takeo Yano vs. Homem Montanha

February 8 Takeo Yano vs. Kostolias

February 26 Takeo Yano vs. King Kong

March 5 Takeo Yano vs. Norki; Paulo Hollo vs. Salvador Cardia; Eduardo Galvão vs. Matsuoka

March 9 Luiz Tambucci vs. Salvador Cardia; Paulo Hollo vs. Giro Matsui; Antonio Silva vs. Jin Assahira 20

March 12 Takeo Yano vs. Aldo Bogni

March 19 Takeo Yano vs. Tatú

March 22 Takeo Yano vs. Homem Montanha

March 29 Takeo Yano vs. Juan Olaguibel

April 2 Takeo Yano vs. Homem Montanha

April 17 Takeo Yano vs. Gattoni,21 Godofredo vs. Omar

April 19 Takeo Yano vs. Eduardo Bargach

May 31 Takeo Yano vs Aldo Bogni^22

July 6 Godofredo vs. Braz

July 18 Diré vs. Omar; Milton vs. De Maio; Braz vs. Miranda; Kian vs. Godofredo

1948

February 1 Takeo Yano vs. Pablo Aldecoa

February 14 Takeo Yano vs. Yerkos Strika

February 18 Takeo Yano vs. Nick the Policeman

February 21 Takeo Yano vs. Antonio Rocca

March 3 Takeo Yano vs. Ramon Cernadas

March 6 Takeo Yano vs. Rene Adorée

March 10 Takeo Yano vs. Zbysko Junior

March 14 Takeo Yano vs. Roberto Collado

March 17 Takeo Yano vs. Basilio Caduc

May 7 George Gracie vs. Olaguibel

July 31 Takeo Yano vs. Kid 1

August 31 Takeo Yano vs. Juan Kostalias

September 14 Takeo Yano vs. Juan Kostalias

September 18 Takeo Yano vs. Juan Kostalias; Carlos Pereira vs. Tanque Herrera

September 25 Takeo Yano vs. Gorila; Carlos Pereira vs. Kostalias

October 2 Takeo Yano vs. Alfio Baronti

October 9 Takeo Yano vs. Alfio Baronti

October 16 Takeo Yano vs. Alfio Baronti

October 23 Takeo Yano vs. Carlos Aurichio; Oka vs. Kid 1

October 30 George Gracie vs. Oka; Takeo Yano vs. Carlos Aurichio

November 4 George Gracie vs. Takeo Yano

November 6 Takeo Yano vs. Alfio Baronti

1949^23

Appendix 2 Notes

Appendix 3

Lineages

The evidence for a lineage varied from reliable to questionable. Reliable evidence would be (authenticated) diplomas, photographs, and the like, and testimony from the teacher himself or his students based on their own first-hand experience. Questionable evidence would be self-promoting and uncorroborated or contested claims made many years after the alleged relationship, particularly when the individual had a documented history of lying. In short, the quality of evidence varied and in most cases lineages should be considered possible rather than certain.

Kodokan Graduates in Brazil

Conde Koma前田光世 (1878-1941). Conde Koma’s main teacher was Sakujiro Yokoyama (who also taught Ito, Ono, and Satake). According to myth, Conde Koma’s style of fighting was aggressive. He would use kicks and punches to bring the opponent to the ground and then quickly finish with a “lock” or choke.1 However, all of the available evidence clearly indicates that Conde Koma’s fights in Brazil were conducted strictly according to conventional jiu-jitsu rules. Kimonos were always worn and striking was never permitted (see main text for details). Conde Koma declined to fight capoeiras, whose game was striking.

Geo Omori大森瀼冶 (1892-1938). Earned his black belt [faixa negra] in 1909, when he was 17 from Kodokan, which he entered when he was 13, (1905). Omori’s main teacher was Conde Koma’s classmate Tokugoro Ito (whose teacher was also Conde Koma’s teacher, Sakujiro Yokoyama). Unlike Conde Koma, Geo Omori fought capoeiras and engaged in vale tudo fights. He also fought without kimono. However, he avoided boxers.

Yassuiti Ono小野安一 (1910-?). Ono’s main teacher was Kanemitsu Yaichibei (金光弥一市兵衛) in 1922. Ono immigrated to Brazil in 1929, when he was 19. Originally from Kumamoto, Japan. Ono fought with and without kimono. He did not fight strikers.

Takeo Yano矢野武雄 (1909-?).2 Like Yassuiti Ono and Masahiko Kimura, Yano was originally from Kumamoto, Japan (in fact, he attended the same middle school as Kimura). Yano fought with and without kimono. He did not fight strikers, although he challenged at least one boxer, and he fought numerous fake vale tudo “catch” fights.

Sada Miyako

Mario Aleixo

Conde Koma^3

Bianor de Oliveira (Recife)

Donato Pires dos Reis (Belém)

Jacyntho Ferro (Belém)

Takeo Yano (Belém)4

Donato Pires dos Reis

Carlos Gracie

George Gracie

Geo Omori

Saburo Senda

Abrahão Gazal

Albino da Costa

Arthur Riquetto

Vincente Martins (student of Riquetto)

Carlos Equido

Gatti

Jose Barbosa

Alberto Torre La Faria (Al Faria)

Roberto Coelho

Carlos Gracie

Benedicto Peres Campos

Arthur Miele (student of Peres)

Jose Cayat

Manoel Azevedo Maia

Ary Martini

Helio Gracie

Carlos Pereira

Adão Mayer

Antonio Marques

Oswaldo Gracie

Mirando Neto

Jorge Saldanha

Dante Carvalho

Euripedes Dornelo

George Gracie

Ricardo Nibbon

Camillo Hollanda

Takeo Yano

Odemar Figueiredo

Eguti

Vincente Marques

Pinochio

Inhesil Marinho

Herminio de Oliveira

Antonio Marques

Waldyr Corbo

Gastão Gracie Filho

Ennio Voss

Dr. Adhemar Barbosa

Yassuiti Ono

Oninho (Naoiti Ono)

Luiz Tambucci

Braz Gomes I

Mazuko Tossio

Milton Ferreira

Udu Dorn

Vincente Lacerva

Jose Roberto Macedo Soares

Mario Shymada

Batiste Sarty

Salvador Cardia

Casimiro Tronscoco

It is likely that all of the fighters who participated in preliminaries to Ono’s fights were his own students (refer to appendix 2).

Augusto Cordeiro

Antonio Alfonso Alves

Floriano Cadeco

Luiz Alberto Moreira

.

Appendix 3 Notes

Appendix 4

Glossary

Styles

Capoeiragem, according to contemporary sources, was originally derived from, based on, and inspired by savate, and associated with slaves, former slaves, lower-class young males of color, and trouble-makers in general. It evolved into the “national game” [jogo nacional], and by that time was almost exclusively the art of kicking. Practitioners were capoeiras. Eventually, capoeiragem was toned down (razor blades removed) and dressed up (musical instruments and acrobatics added) and became capoeira, while the former capoeiras (practitioners) then became capoeiristas. The change did not happen monolithically or abruptly. By the time jiu-jitsu came to Brazil, capoeiragem/capoeira was the art of kicking and had many supporters among the nationalistically inclined ruling classes.

Luta romana was the first foreign fight to arrive that was seen as a form of entertainment or, potentially, sport. In its very first presentations, it was a sort of mini-drama, with men acting the roles of Roman gladiators. To heighten the dramatic tension, aspects of genuine competition were introduced. It was the game of upper body wrestling with some limited aspects of ground fighting (exactly as in modern day Greco-Roman wrestling). Practitioners were artistas or lutadores. (Luta was also spelled lucta).

Luta (lucta) = a fight, struggle

Lutadore (luctadore) = fighter, competitor

Lutar (luctar) = to fight, to struggle

Box (boxing) was the specialized art of punching by the rules of the Marquis of Queensbury. The game of punching was not new; that was a sub-game of savate, until punching, at least skilled punching, became associated almost exclusively with boxing. Boxing was box, boxe, o jogo Inglez [the English game], a arte do murro [the art of punching], o jogo do murro [the game of punching], among other names. Boxers were boxeurs, boxeadores, boxistas, and sometimes esmurradores [punchers]. A boxing match was a luta de box, a “match” de box (the word match in quotation marks) among other expressions.

Luta livre (lucta livre) was the Brazilian Portuguese equivalent for catch-as-catch can, or “free-wrestling” (implying lack of the luta romana restrictions). Livre did not mean “free” in the sense of “anything goes” [that was vale tudo]. The exact meaning was never clear or universally accepted. Some writers believed that luta livre and catch-as-catch-can were the same while some believed that they were slightly, but not very, different. Practitioners were either lutadores (luctadores) or in the case of catch, “catchers”, catcheurs, and “catch-catchers”, among other expressions. Catch-as-catch-can was occasionally described or defined as, “a sciencia do ‘agarra-te-como puderes’” or something similar, sometimes as luta (or lucta) americana, but often simply “catch”.

The transition from sports to professional wrestling in North America was virtually complete by 1939. Brazil followed the same course for the same reasons, which were well-understood. Promoters gave the fans what they wanted. The “revealed preference” of the fans was for fake wrestling.1 In time, “catch” referred mostly to staged pro wrestling.

Olympic free-style wrestling (Luta Livre Olimpica) was unknown in Brazil until 1949 [era um desporto completamente desconhecido no Brasil]. The biggest booster of this form of wrestling was the nephew of Paschoal Segreto, the man who originally brought luta livre and jiu-jitsu to Brazil. The first Campeonato Brasileiro de Luta Livre Olimpica was promoted by the same groups who produced catch shows, namely the Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo (F.M.P) and the Confederação Brasileira de Pugilismo (C.B.P.). The two federations joined forces to promote a series of competitions designed to prepare a team for participation in the Olympic Games. It was difficult work because Brazilian wrestlers were accustomed to the rules of catch and “show matches” [“isso não custou pequeno trabalho, pois os nossos lutadores estavam habituados aos regulamentos do catch e ás lutas-exhibições”]. But the effort paid off. Around 10,000 people came to watch the competitions,2 which were held as segments within professional catch and capoeira shows.3

Jiu-jitsu was the secret, ancient, deadly, scientific game of the samurais and geishas. Sports writers, teachers, and practitioners generally viewed jiu-jitsu as a form of luta livre, the principle difference being the kimono^4 and the techniques that the kimono facilitated (chokes and throws) and to some extent, the physical characteristics of the “representatives” (Japanese lineage, agile, and of small stature). Practitioners were “jiu-jitsu men”, jiu-jitsuistas, jiu-jitsuanos, among other expressions.

Techniques

Techniques were described by sports writers who seldom were experts in the sport that they were describing. Even if they were, they were constrained to use terms that non-experts could understand. Striking was less confusing. The major techniques could be defined ostensively (by pointing), if that was even necessary. Everyone had some notion of what slaps, punches, and kicks looked like, and had probably even experienced them at some point in childhood or adolescence. Everyone could guess what cabeçadas, joelhadas, and cotoveladas were (cabeça is “head”, joelho is knee, cotovelo is elbow and the suffix -ada described a “blow” delivered with the object denoted by the root word). Describing grappling, especially jiu-jitsu, was more difficult. Thus, there were many expressions for the same limited number of techniques. The two most general were golpe, which could mean any technique or action that had some effect in potentially determining the outcome of a contest (among other meanings), just as the English equivalent “a blow” can be very general (as in “the liquidity crisis struck a fatal blow to the economy”, or some such). The next most frequently used was chave, a direct translation from French clef, meaning “key”, but in the context of grappling, a hold, lock, grip, or application of a hand or hands on the opponent for the purpose of manipulating or immobilizing him.

The following were used. What they meant depended on what the writer was trying to convey.

Grappling

Balão: Shoulder-throw, high throw.

Bananeira: Flipping the opponent by lying back, while lifting opponent with one’s own feet.

Cabeça presa nos rins: Pressing the kidneys with the head.

Chave de Braço Americana: American style armlock.

Chave de estrangulamento: Strangle lock, choke, estrangulamento usually implied use of a collar.

Chave de estrangulamento na trachea: Pressure on the trachea.

Chave de pé: Foot-lock.

Chave de pescoço: Neck-lock, or choke.

Chave de perna: Leg-lock.

Chave de pernas no pieto e torção de braço: Legs on the chest while twisting the arm, armlock from ground.

Chave de rin: Kidney lock, closed guard position, use of legs while lying.

Chave na garganta: Throat lock, choke

Clef au bras á terre (French): Armlock, writers sometimes used French words to clarify what a new Portuguese expression meant. The chave de braço that George Gracie used on Mario Aleixo was explained as a clef au bras á terre (lock of the arm on the ground).

Chave auto-collar: Choke.

Collar de força: Collar choke.

Chave de pé: Leglock.

Compresseão carotideana: Carotid compression, choke.

Cros en jambe ‘(French): Leg-hook.

Encostamento dos espaduas: Pinning the shoulders.

Golpe ao pescoço: Choke.

Golpe de asphyxiamento: Choke.

Golpe de estrangulação: Choke.

Golpe á garganta: Choke.

Golpe de perna: Leg attack.

Golpe de braço: Arm attack.

Gravata: Literally, neck-tie. This was the most widely used term. It could mean headlock, choke from any position, or simply arms around the head.

Gravata japoneza: Japanese neck-tie, choke.

Gravata com tesoura: Choke or headlock with legs around opponent’s body.

Gravata de um apache: Thug choke, forearm around neck from behind.

Gravata kimono: Choke with the kimono.

Guarda cerrada: Literally, closed guard.

Pressão da espinha: Pressure on the spine.

Prisão de braço com a tesoura: Armlock with legs over or around the opponent.

Prise (French): Prisão, or hold.

Prise de pieds (French): Leglock.

Queda: Take-down.

Rasteira: Trips, leg sweeps.

Tesoura: Literally scissors, use of legs for attack or defense, standing or lying.

Tesoura aos rin: Closed guard, could imply squeezing painfully.

Tesoura de rins: Same as above.

Tesoura de pernas ao thorax: Legs around the chest, closed guard.

Tombo: Take-down (tumble).

Torção de braço: Twisting the arm, armlock.

Torsão de perna: Twisting the leg, leglock.

Note that there was no expression for “triangle choke” [triangulo] despite the almost certainty that Yassuiti Ono knew about it (see Chapter 7, and Jiu-Jitsu in the South Zone, chapter 13, for details). A sports writer would probably have described the technique as a type of tesoura.

Striking

Bofetão: Slap, open-hand strike.

Chulipa: Back-hand slap, used by capoeiras.

Chute: Kick

Cotovelada: Elbow strike.

Cutelada: Open hand chop.

Joelhada: Knee strike.

Pisão: Stepping stomp kick, side kick.

Ponta pé: Straight front kick.

Savatada: Kick.

Socco: Punch.

Sopapo: Slap, open-hand strike.

Tapa: Slap, open-hand strike.

Xulipa:              Same as Chulipa.

How Matches Could End

Abandonar o ring: Leaving the ring or refusing to fight.

Desistencia: Desisting, giving up, tapping out.

Perda dos sentidos: Losing consciousness.

Empate: No decision, no definite winner or loser, draw.

Other Vocabulary

Below are the noun forms of the words that were used most frequently in the period 1856-1949 to refer to ring (and other athletic) contests. Most had more general, or more localized meanings. Luta could be any type of struggle. “Match” was used with quotation marks, to emphasize the Anglo-American-ness of the sport. Jogo meant game (but more often used to describe the art than a match). Poule (a French word) was used almost exclusively for luta romana. Assalto originally referred to a simulated fight with blades (i.e, fencing), later extended to describe savate demonstrations, and later to describe the segments of a match that was divided up for dramatic purposes, like acts in a play, in which case it meant “round” (which was also used, with “quotation marks, for the same reason that “match” was). Many have cognates in languages that developed from Latin, or borrowed from languages that did. Examples were choque (shock, collision) assalto (assault), batalha (battle), combate (combat), confronto (confrontation), contenda (contention), encontro (encounter), disputa (dispute), pugna (pugnacious, pugilism), prova (proof), and so on. Sports writers could invent new phrases, or translate from English if they wanted to be creative. Fighters would subir ao ring [climb into the ring], subir ao quadriletero [climb into the rectangle], or medir forces [measure forces], medir-se [contend], bater-se [grapple], or (in the cases of boxers) cruzar luvas (cross gloves). Writers had to use their imagination to fill up space describing activities that were often incomprehensible to the typical reader.

Assalto

Batalha

Certame

Choque

Combate

Confronto

Contenda

Jogo

Cotejo

Desafio

Desempenho

Disputa

Embate

Encontro

Luta (lucta)

Match

Partida

Peleja

Poule

Pugna

Prova

Reunião

Other Relevant Expressions

Abalar: To shake.

Adiamento: Postponement.

Antagonista: Opponent.

Apanhar: Grab, catch.

Armadilha: A Trap.

Arrastar: Crawl, creep, drag.

Arremeter: Attack.

Atordoado: Dazed.

Atropelar: Knock down.

Ase: Ace, expert.

Bengala: Walking stick.

Cacete:              Stick, club, blunt weapon.

Cacetada: A blunt weapon strike.

Cacetear: To bluedgeon.

Campo: Field.

Canivete: Pocket-knife.

Canivetada: A stab from a canivete.

Carioca: Someone from Rio.

Cilada: Ambush, trap.

Cognomiado: Nicknamed.

Combate de mentira: Worked fight

Combate simulada: Worked fight.

Combate de fundo: Main event.

Conchavos: Agreement to work a fight.

Conchavar: To collude.

Craque (crack, crac): Expert, very skilled.

Desempate: Tie-breaker.

Desempate a morte: Tie-breaker of inconclusive tie-breaker.

Despedida: Retiring, closing the show, leaving.

Embate-desforra: Rubber-match, the third in a best 2 out of 3 series.

Embusteiro: Swindler.

Estonteado: To be stunned.

Estontear: To stun.

Estraçalhada: Pulled into pieces.

Esfaçelada: torn apart.

Esmagar: Crush, smash.

Exame medico: Pre-fight medical check

Foi batido: Was beaten, lost.

Foi vencido: Was defeated, lost..

Faixa negra: Black belt.

Faixa preta: Black belt.

Folêgo: Stamina, wind, cardio.

Gaucho: From Rio Grande do Sul.

Habil: Skillful, able, capable

Habilidade: Skill.

Levar a melhor: To win.

Luta combinada: Worked fight.

Luta no tapete: Ground fight.

Luta simulada: Worked fight.

Mão tempo: Bad weather, rain.

Marmelada: Fake fight.

Match de fundo: Main event.

Nacional: National, Brazilian.

Navalha: Razor, knife.

Negra: Rematch.

Nosso patricio: The Brazilian fighter.

Palpate: A guess, hunch.

Pau: Stick.

Paulista: From São Paulo

Pelaja de fundo: Main event.

Pesagem: Weigh-in

Pôr fóra de combate: Defeat

Progroação: Over-time period, extension.

Refrega: Melee.

Renhida: Close (fight).

Renhidissima: Very close (fight).

Repto: Challenge.

Sine-die: Postponed indefinitely, cancelled.

Sobrado: Floor.

Soló: Ground, floor.

Sparring: Training partner.

Tablado: Ring, competition area.

Tamanho: Size.

Tapeação: A fraud, swindle, treachery.

Tapeadores: Swindlers, cheaters.

Tapear: Slap, strike, deceive, fake, trick.

Tapete: Ground, floor, carpet.

Tolice: Fool.

Traiçoeira: Cheater.

Transferido: Rescheduled or relocated.

Truque (truc): Trick, ploy, technique.

Revanche: Return match.

Revez: Set-back, loss, reversal.

Vencer: To win, to defeat, to beat.

Vencedor: Winner, victor.

Vulgo: To be called.

Xadrez: Chess, jail.

Nicknames (alcunas, apelidos) ring-names, and other commonly used descriptions for fighters. The two most famousnicknames belonged to Mitsuyo Maeda, and Sadakazu Uenishi, who were far better known as Conde Koma and Raku, respectively. Some Brazilian professional fighters had nicknames as well. Like their North American counterparts, they were generally the invention of publicists and sports writers who needed to fill up space.

Some examples were:

Rei das Quedas: Takeo Yano

Demonio Oriental: Takeo Yano

Caçula:              Helio Gracie

Caxinga: Helio Gracie

Caxinguetê: Helio Gracie

Chic-Chic: Othelo Queirolo

Espingarda: Simon Munich

Barata: Miranda Neto

Major: Jorge Saldanha

Oninho: Naoiti Ono

Ono II: Naoiti Ono

Noqueador: Dante Carvalho

Indigesto: Albino da Costa

Gato Ruivo: George Gracie

Gato Louro: George Gracie

Demolidor de Gigantes: George Gracie

Matador de Gigantes: George Gracie

Panthera Paulista: Rogerio

Carioca: Assumpção

Some of the Catchers were exclusively known by their ring names. Their real names appeared only in legal documents. Capoeiras all had nicknames as a convention of their art. When luta romana wrestler and sportsman Agenor Moreira Sampaio decided to reconstruct a modern version of capoeiragem, the first thing he did was adopt a new name, and he became better known as Sinhôzinho than by his legal name. Note that almost all, if not all, Brazilians had multiple names and a variety of ways to write them. For example, Simon or Sanson could also be written Simão and Samsão. Simon Munich was more often referred to by his nickname Espingarda. Sanson probably was not Sanson’s real name but was created to suggest supernatural power of Biblical proportions. Benedicto Peres dos Campos could be written Benedicto Peres, Benedicto Peres Campos. Some were seldom used, some were optional, some used for special occasions, and so on. Some fighters had nicknames piled on top of other nicknames, and some were publicly known only by their ring names.

Some examples were:

Caipira: Pedro

O Homem Borracha: Ceará

Coronel: Eduardo Jose Sant’ Maria

Cyriaco: Francisco da Silva

Dentinho: Otavio Alvaro Alves de Catumby

Dudú: Orlando Americo da Silva

Gato Selvagem: Tavares Crespo

Gigante de Memel: Stefano Zicek

Gorila: Eugenio Jose Gonsalvez

Homem de Borracha: Charles Ulsemer

Homem Montanha: Leon Finklestein

Kid I: Jose Santos Cardoso

King Kong: Anibal Fortunato Segovia

Mané: Manoel Tito Ferreira

Moraisinho: Adalgido Morais

Norki: Andres Taranovack

Nick the Policeman: Nicholas Blazza Ellich

Onça Loura: Ervin Klausner

Rei dos Fouls: Jack Russell

Rollinha: Jayme Martins Ferriera

Tarzan: Luiz Fazio

Tarzan Argentino: Hector Fare

Tatú: Euclides Hattem

Touro de Copacabana: Tico Soledade

Some are obvious even without translation, and some are obvious with a dictionary: Tatú is armadillo, rei is king, touro is bull, onça is jaguar, gato is cat, louro/a is blond, borracha is rubber, homem is man, caipira is hillbilly, caçula is youngest sibling (or kid brother), espingarda is shotgun, -inho is a suffix that means small). Chic-Chic is a type of plant.

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Appendix 4 Notes

Chapter Notes

.

Dates are written Day-Month-Year. For example, O Paiz 24-4-35 means the reference is to the newspaper O Paiz April 24, 1935.

..。

Preface

1. The importance of not relying excessively on a single individual’s testimony or memory is highlighted by the examples of three otherwise valuable academic dissertations. Souza (2010, p. 59), citing various sources including Jose Yamashiro and Stanlei Virgilio, mentions the names of several early Japanese visitors who might have initiated the spread of jiu-jitsu in Brazil, such as Takezo Mamizuka and “Sakuzo Miura”. Unfortunately, from the subsequent discussion it is clear that “Sakuzo Miura” must have been Sada Miyako. The sources of this confusion might have been thinking of Fumio Miura, a Japanese diplomat (secretario da Embaixado Imperial do Japão) in 1935 who on several occasions was quoted in the press about the subject of judo, and was accordingly associated with jiu-jitsu and Conde Koma (Diario de Noticias 24-11-35). Thus, additional assertions about “Miura”, all unsourced, can only be taken as speculative at best (since it isn’t clear exactly who the referenced individual is).

According to Nunes (2011, p. 54) Carlos Gracie was taught by Conde Koma’s student Jacyntho Ferro. Jacyntho Ferro was indeed a student of Conde Koma, but it has not been established when he began. Jose Cairus’ 2010 dissertation provides some useful information about Maeda, and some about Jacyntho Ferro. Ferro gave an interview in 1920 where he recalled beginning his “long acquaintance” with Maeda in October of 1915 (Cairus, 2010, p. 90, citing an April 8, 1920 interview in Folha do Norte, Belém). As to whether Carlos Gracie actually studied with Conde Koma, Cairus trusts Carlos Gracie’s own testimony (Cairus 2010, p. 112). Similarly, Carlos’ instruction at the hands of Jacyntho Ferro is speculation, based on “Gracie family sources” namely Reila Gracie’s (2008) book, specifically the one unsupported reference to Ferro on page 39. Reila Gracie in turn relied on what Carlos told his children and journalist Jose Geraldo (in 1958) about his childhood―or rather what they recalled him telling them (Gracie 2008, p. 25).

2. Diario de Noticias 10-3-40.

3. Diario de Noticias 24-3-40.

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Chapter 1

1856-1899

1. Mandell 1984 chp. 7. Different “schools” of physical culture arose in the various European countries, each with its own set of desiderata and objectives. Lopes (2000) points out that the first clubs in Brazil were organized, by foreigners and foreign educated Brazilian elites, around cricket and rowing. Football was not at the time regarded as sufficiently “masculine.” Brazilian adoption of one or another “fight” as sports or genres of physical culture followed European and North American trends.

2. Mandell 1984, chp. 8; Hargreaves 1986.

3. Correio Mercantil 14-12-1856. [“Este divertimento sendo para recreio das familias, não admittirá pessoa alguma que não esteja decentemente vestida”].

4. Conrad 1983.

5. Correio Paulistano 13-10-1863.

6. Gazeta de Noticias 1-11-68.

7. Also written lucta romana, luta (or lucta) Greco-romana, and grego-romana.

8. According to Le Floc’hmoan 1965, cited in Gutiérrez & Esparteiro 2004.

9. Correio Mercantil 14-12-1856.

10. Correio Mercantil 2-12-1857.

11. Assalto originally referred to the entire match, but later came to mean distinct periods within the match, analogous to the acts in a play. (Mandell 1984 pp. 148) comments that the people who watched the first variety show and circus fights were theater patrons, and expected a performance to be broken up into sections, heightening the dramatic tension. Breaks between rounds also served to lengthen the performance.

12. Diario do Rio de Janeiro 7-6-1862.

13. Correio Paulistano 13-10-1863.

14. Correio Mercantil 31-1-1864.

15. Correio Mercantil 1-11-1864. [“a Grande e Extraordinario Assalto de Armas , pelos artistas Francezes, Hespanholes, e Portuguezes. Haveá jogo de florete, espada, savate, luta romana, jogo de savate por M. Felippe e um amador, jogo de socco, e finalmente irá o grande jogo de pao portuguez. From 2:30 se não chover. Espectaculo variado: equestre, gymnastico, acrobatico, deslocacoes, equilibrios, dansas”].

16. Correio do Brasil 17-12-1872.

17. Gazeta de Noticias 6-9-1879. [“o qual desde já desafia ao homem mais forte, dando lhe, se o vencer, 400$ Inscreveram-se para competir com elle este noite os afamados Hercules Henrique o Grego, e Carlos Donadei”].

18. Gazeta de Noticias 7-9-1879.

19. Gazeta de Noticias 15-9-1879.

20. Gazeta de Noticias 18-9-1879.

21. Gazeta de Noticias 19-10-1879.

22. Publicador Maranhense 24-12-1879.

23. Gazete de Tarde 4-8-1881.

24. Gazeta de Noticias 12-11-1881.

25. Pharol 20-5-1882.

26. Pharol 28-5-1882.

27. Gazeta de Noticias 15-4-1882.

28. Diario do Brazil 28-9-84.

29. Gazeta de Noticias 24-8-1887.

30. Gazeta de Noticias 20-4-1890.

31. Gazeta de Noticias 23-5-1890. [“convida alguem homem de força ou lutador do proffisão a medir-se com elle em luta, dando-Ihe en grande premio se o deitar por terra, Segundo a regra da luta romana.” F. Cantoni was the director and owner of the circus [director propriatario do circo]. C. da Silva was the promoter [emprezario].

32. Diario do Commercio 11-6-1890; Gazete de Noticias 13-6-1890.

33. O Paiz 13-6-1890; 15-6-1890; Gazeta de Noticias 15-6-1890. Otto’s family name was also written as Schönhew and Schonherr.

34. Gazeta de Noticias 25-6-1890.

35. In North America in 1903, “nearly 100 circuses roamed the nation” (Davis, 2008, p. 168). They traveled by rail and ship. South American cities such as Buenas Aires, Montevideo, and Rio, any large coastal city for that matter, were highly accessible by sea.

36. O Paiz 15-9-1891; Novidades 18-9-1891; 26-9-1891; O Paiz19-9-1891.

37. O Paiz 4-12-1894.

38. The challenger’s name was written Mac Sham in a news item, Mac Lhmam [sic] in an advertisement, both in O Paiz 17-12-1894, and Max Lehmam in Diario de Noticias 18-12-1894.

39. Correio da Tarde 12-2-1895; 23-2-95. [“comidas frias, leite de minas, vinhos Italianos, chocolate, and mingau, o que poderá haver de bom em café de 1st ordem”].

40. Gazete de Tarde 13-9-97.

41. Hampton 1970.

42. Gazete da Tarde 5-10-97.

43. Gazete da Tarde 18-1-98. 26-1-98.

44. Gazete da Tarde 3-3-98.

45. Gazeta da Tarde 3-9-98.

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Chapter 2

1900-1908

1. O Paiz 28-4-01; Gazeta de Noticias 9-5-01.

2. O Paiz 1-5-01; Gazete da Tarde 1-5-01.

3. O Paiz (2-5-01) described the cause of death as “syncope cardiaca”. O Paiz (6-5-01) described it as “uma lesão cardiaca”. Whatever the official cause of death was, it was related to his heart and he died quickly. By coincidence, Loriot was the editor and caricaturist of the newspaper L’Italia and had been selected by Paschoal Segreto to take over the direction of café chantant de Santos. He was also known as an excellent fencer (Gazeta de Noticias 2-5-01).

4. O Paiz 7-5-01.

5. O Seculo 5-10-06.

6. O Paiz 13-8-07.

7. O Paiz 15-8-07.

8. O Paiz 21-8-07.

9. Cairus 2011, p. 117, notes that “there are accounts about a certain Takezawa Manji, a Japanese martial artist hired to instruct the imperial guard of Brazil’s last emperor Pedro II”. Information about Takezawa Manji is non longer available at the source Cairus cited, but in any case, it does not seem that jiu-jitsu became popular in Brazil as a result. Takezawa Manji may be the same person referred to by Souza (2010, p. 59) as Takezo Mamizuka.

10. Cortazzi 1987; Huffman 2003.

11. The Brazilian Review 9-4-01; Correia da Manhã 3-7-03.

12. Correio da Manhã 1-8-03. Oliveira Lima also served in Washington D.C., London, Berlin, and Venezuela.

13. Olivera Lima’s reference to jiu-jitsu is cited in Cairus 2011, p. 105.

14. Norman 1905.

15. Hancock 1903, 1904-a, 1904-b; Hancock 1905; Hancock & Higashi 1906; Norman 1905, O’Brien 1905; Skinner 1904.

16. Okada 2010.

17. Correio do Norte 22-6-06; 24-6-06; 27-6-06; 29-6-06.

18. Hancock (1903, p. 2) incorrectly translated “jiu-jitsu” as muscle breaking”. (Juu-Jutsu (in Japanese),柔術can be literally translated in a number of ways.柔and術are bound morphemes, meaning that they occur only in combinations (when they are pronounced as “juu” and “jutsu” respectively). Separately,柔is pronounced “yawa” as in “yawarakaii” (柔らかい) and means “flexible, not firm, not stiff”.術(waza) means technique, method, a way to do something, a skill. Together they are pronounced juu-jutsu (vowel length is phonemic in Japanese; “uu” indicates that the “u” sound is held twice as long. Any word can have any meaning as long as the people using it agree on what it is, but in Japan柔術has never meant “muscle breaking”.

19. A Noite 13-8-12.

20. Mandell, pp. 184-185, 189.

21. Valer tudo, valendo tudo, and later vale tudo. Literally, “everything permitted,” but there were in fact many restrictions. George Gracie versus Tico Soledade in 1933 was considered to be the first valendo tudo fight (later called vale tudo).

22. Gazeta de Noticias 19-12-09.

23. A Illustração Brazileira 15-9-09, n. 8, p. 139.

24. A Illustração Brazileira 1-6-10, n. 25, p. 195. French words were used for most Luta Romana techniques.

25. A Illustração Brazileira 1-8-10, n. 29, annuncios III.

26. Loudcher 2007; Boody 2011, p. 429.

27 .Published April 11, 1909 in Revista da Semana, n. 465.

28. Richard Kyle Fox started publishing Police Gazette in America in 1874, specializing in “crime stories, girlie pictures, gossip (much of it made up) of prize-fighters and star baseball players” (Mandell, 1984, p. 185). It was enormously popular and set the bar for any paper that aimed at a mass circulation in countries where average educational levels were basic. In 1882 the Police Gazette sponsored the John L. Sullivan versus Paddy Ryan bare-knuckle fight and billed it as the heavyweight championship of the world. Sullivan liked being the world champion and continued using the description (Randy Roberts 2010, p. 28). The practice became customary.

29. Gazeta de Noticias 20-6-10.

30. Reiss, 1985, pp. 95-128.

31. Randy Roberts’ Jack Dempsey (originally published in 1979, revised in 2003) is the definitive work on this topic.

32. Correio da Manhã 10-10-09.

33. O Paiz 6-4-08. [“O uso da sardinha, nome que os capoeiras dão a navalha, tornou antipathico a população o jogo nacional, cuja origem e africana. Formaram-se as celebres maltas, cuja existencia depunha contra a civilização brazileira, a capoeira começou a ser adoptada apenas pelas classes mais baixas da sociedade, por criminosos e vagabundos sanguinarios, e d’ahi o desprestigio e a degradação a que chegou.” Note that capoeiragem was referred to as capoeira”].

34. Diario de Noticias 2-5-1886. “ante-hontem, as 11 1/2 horas da manhã, foi preso na rua da União, Trajano, escravo de Jutsino da Silveira Machado, por se achar com outros que se evadiram, em exercicio de capoeiragem e haver quebrado a cabeça de João Baptista dos Santos, com um pedra que Ihe arremessou”.

35. Cidade do rio 29-2-1888. “Foi preso Felicio Joaquin Martins, vulgo Moleque Felippe, por estar em exercicio de capoeiragem no largo de S. Francisco, sendo ferido com um estocada por outro capoeira, Dominguinhos, por autonomasia Dominguinhos da Sé, o qual evadiu-se.”

36. Cidade do Rio 20-3-1888. “Sebastião Jose da Silva, por ser encontrado hontem em exercicio de capoeiragem, armado de uma navalha, foi preso e contra elle lavrou-se auto de flagrante por uso de armas prohibidas”.

37. Conrad 1983; Stein, 1985.

38. Gazeta de Noticias 17-10-1890, pp. 2-4.

39. The other capitulos concerned burials and respect for the dead, lotteries and raffles, gambling and betting, money-lending and pawnshops, making and carrying weapons, creating dangerous public conditions, using fake names or disguises, participating in secret societies, copyright infringement and forgeries, failing to register births etc., blocking public access and utilities. Capitulo XII concerned mendigos e ebrios [beggars and drunks]. The four categories in capitulos XII and XIII were related. The official end of slavery created a large group of people with no homes, no jobs, no money, no skills, no useful social connections, no access to power, no political representation. In addition, former slaves did not want to work in jobs that were associated with slavery, for example, labor gangs on coffee plantations, and no one else did either, for what the planters were willing to pay or could afford for what they demanded, which eventually led to large scale efforts to recruit Japanese workers. For an excellent treatment, see Stein, 1985.

40. Article 404 concerned repeat offenders and foreigners. Article 405 concerned aggravating conditions.

41. Artigo 403 read as follows: “fazer nas ruas e praças publicas, exercicios de agilidade e destreza corporal conhecidas pela denominação capoeiragem; andar em correrias, com armas ou instrumentos capazes do produzir uma lesão corporal, provocando tumultos ou desordens, ameaçando pessoa certa ou incerta, ou incutindo temor de algum mal. Pena-prisão cellular por dois a seis mezes. Paragrapho unico. Ė considerada circumstancia aggravante pertencer o capoeira a alguma banda ou malta. Aos chefes ou cabeças, se imporá a pena em dobro”.

42. Relatorio sobre a Administração da Justiça. Presented in 1898 to Deembargador Sigismundo Antonio Gonçalves, Governador d’est Estado de Pernambuco, by Presidente do Superior Tribunal do Justiça.

43. Gazeta de Noticias 6-7-00. “metteu no xadrez, Ricardo Jose da Rocha e Faustino Cornelio por terem sido encontrados em exercicio de capoeiragem”.

44. Gazeta de Noticias 13-12-01. “deu-se uma lucta terrivel entre Manuel do Nascimento e Jose Martins, 1 sargento do 2 batalhão da guarda nacional, ambos armadas de navalhas, em exercicio de capoeiragem”.

45. Gazeta de Petropolis 16-6-03. O Cabra was a doceiro. His cake-box was a caixa de doces. Doceiros with their caixas do doces were still a familiar sight on the streets of Rio as late as 2008 (and probably always will be).

46. O Seculo 9-9-07. “Tomando-Ihe a frente, dous menores, comecaram a ensinar-Ihe ums passos de capoeiragem”.

47. O Seculo 17-2-08.

48. O Seculo 1-4-08. Either the article erred in identifying the article numbers of the penal code or the code was revised since 1890.

49. O Seculo 15-4-08. “Algumas pessoas esforçam-se para que o capoeiragem seja adoptada officialmente nas forças armadas. Ė justo: esse excellente exercicio não pode ser privativo da capadoçagem policia”.

50. Gazeta de Noticias (7-7-10) concluded that “A capoeiragem …é um adaptação nacional da savate franceza.” Others (Eu Se Tudo, January 1922) referred to capoeiragem as “Brazilian savate” [savata nacional].

51. Gazeta de Noticias 13-1-09. “Ė sabido quo s militares de mar e terra cultivam varios jogos de defesa, mas deixam de parte o ‘melhor de todos’. Que é o jogo de capoeira. Ainda não ha muito, meu bom parente, capitão Gomes Pereira, trouxe comsigo do japão dois professors de “jiu-Jitsu”.

52. Gazeta de Noticias 7-6-10.

53. Gazeta de Noticias 7-6-10. “Capoeiragem demande uma ajilidade excepcional. Não pode ser aprendida por todos…..Jiu-Jitsu, ao contrario, e uma ginastica especial para a defeza dos fracos. Os golpes do jiu-jitsu não demandam nem força nem ajilidade acima do comum. …é certo que o campeão do jiu-jitsu foi vencido pelo da capoeiragem….O jiu-jitsu serve exatamente para inutilizar certas rezistencias, mas sem a excessive brutalidade da capoeiragem”.

54. Diario de Noticias 5-12-33. In 1933 when boxer Joe Zeeman challenged George Gracie, columnists asked, “Can George Gracie do what Matsuda didn’t?”

.

Chapter 3

1909

1. Revista da Semana 27-4-21.

2. See chapter 12 for details.

3. O Seculo 27-5-08 [“No Colyseu dos Recreios, a luta romana havia tomado nova aspecto pois os lutadores que ali se exhibiam iam defrontar-se com o celebre lutador japonez Raku, o campeão do jiu-jitsu”].

4. O Seculo 27-5-08 [“complicadissima science que os japonezes inventaram e cultivam, de deitar o diabo ao chão enquanto esfrega um olho”].

5. Raku’s stage-name was probably derived from the kanji楽, which would have the approximate meaning of “Lucky”.

6. O Paiz 6-4-08 [“ha pouco temp, quando mais ardente era a furia das japonezices, chegou-nos as mãos um livro francez sobre o jiu-jitsu explicando os passes e os golpes desse jogo, as attitudes de defesa e as fintas de ataque, tudo isso accompanhado de illiustrações”]. The book was probably Le Jujitsu Kano ou De l’origine du Judo, translated by Serge Maite 1905.

7. “From the late 1890’s, Japan was a familiar subject on American screens” (Waller, 2008, p. 139). One of the topics covered in travelogues and newsreels of the period, was jiu-jitsu and judo. Brazilians watched movies made in Europe and North America. It is unlikely that they could avoid seeing images of jiu-jitsu in some form or another.

8. Correio Paulistano 2-6-08 [“No Colyseu dos Recreios continua a despertar grande enthusiasmo a lucta entre Raku-o japonez, e os outros campeões. A furia da lucta tem chegado a exaggeros. O Colyseu enche-se todas as noites”].

9. Correio da Manhã 12-8-08.

10. Jornal do Brasil 17-12-08. “Mme.” is the abbreviation for madam. Kakiara was therefore a woman.

11. O Dia 6-4-16.

12. Diario da Noite 16-12-44.

13. Correio da Manhã 19-5-12.

14. Gazeta de Noticias 18-4-09; O Paiz 18-4-09 [“os dous notaveis professors Japonezes offerecem 5 libras em ouro a todo os competidores que não tombem em 3 minutos de luta”].

15. O Seculo 28-4-09 [“O nosso publico amante desses sports, pode apreciar naquelle theatrinho as vantagens que se pode tirar do saber jogar bem o ‘jiu-jiutsu’ cujas regras damos o baixo”].

16. In 1909 movies were short. A single reel was 10 minutes (Hampton 1970).

17. Gazeta de Noticias 18-4-09; O Paiz 19-4-09.

18. Gazeta de Noticias 20-4-09; O Paiz 20-4-09.

19. Correio da Manhã 21-4-09 [“Ha no Concerto Avenida uns Japonezas que figuram no cartaz como eximios jogadiores do jiu-jitsu. Um delles dizendo-se até vencedor do conhecido campaeo Raku. Esta ultima affirmativa e falsa, pois todos quantos conhecem o sport sabem que Raku só tem dois competidores, e são Tarro Myako e Dialutzu”]. Tarro Miyako was certainly Taro Miyake. It is unknown who Dialutzu might have been.

20. O Seculo 26-4-09.

21. O Paiz 29-4-09 [“Sada Miyako continuará os assaltos de jiu-jitsu, cada vez mais emocionantes ee [sic] os intervalos serão preencidos por sessões cinematographicas de genero alegre”].

22. O Seculo 28-4-09; O Paiz 28-4-09.

23. Correio da Manhã 19-5-12; Gazeta de Noticias 19-5-12. It is uncertain how old Cyriaco was. The article reporting the fight said that he was 38 (in 1909), while both of his obituary notices said that he was 38 at the time of his death in 1912. He died May 18, 1912 of a lesão cardiaca [heart attack] at the age of 38 and was buried in Cemiterio de S. Francisco Xavier. Cyriaco’s nickname “Moleque” meant “black boy” (Conrad 1985, p. 491) or “negro or mulatto male child” (Stein 1985, p. 299). Obviously, Cyriaco was mulatto. 24. O Paiz 2-5-09.

24. O Paiz 2-5-09 [“desenvolver o seu ataque; ora pulava como um gato, ora abaixava-se tanto, que parecia estar sentado. A japonez  esperava o momento de ataque, Porem, Cyriaco, dando rapido baixada, mandou lhe violento cangapé-um rabo de arraia na giria da capoeiragem, de encontro ao peietal direito, que produziu a queda immediate do japoneza”].

25. Gazeta de Noticias 15-6-10. The Ykoma was “Ikoma” a battle-cruiser built in 1908. In 1910, Ikoma was sent to Argentina to participate in Centennial of Independence celebrations, before steaming to Europe. Argentina’s Independence Day is July 9, so evidently Ikoma arrived with time to spare.

26. O Paiz 7-8-09.

27. Gazeta de Noticias 20-9-09.

28. Gazeta de Noticias 21-9-09.

29. Gazeta de Noticias 1-10-09 [“A empreza Paschoal Segreto, além destes interessantes lutas livres, vai organisar varios desafios entre Caseaux, Schackman e Dierry contra um valente lutador japonez prestes a chegar a este capital”].

30. O Seculo 6-10-09. The fighters could also use and attack the legs, but that was optional.

31. Correia da Manhã 8-10-09.

32. Gazeta de Noticias 9-10-09.

33. Gazeta de Noticias 9-10-09.

34. O Paiz 8-10-09 [“O nosso terrivel creoulo Cyriaco, depois de assistir a uma lucta livre, mostrou desejo de se empenhar em tães difficuldades e começou pelo fim: desafiando todos os luctadores. Mas, o caso é que Dierry acceitou-Ihe o desafio e se encontrarão segunda-feira proxima. Cyriaco porá em jogo todos os seus manejos, inclusivel o terrivel ‘rabo de arraia’, que tombou o japonez….Cyriaco está inscripto no campeonato de ‘jiu-jitsu’ que se desenrolará no Concerto Avenida, após a proxima chegada do campeão Raku!!!”].

35. Gazeta de Noticias 9-10-09; Gazeta de Noticias 11-10-09.

36. Correia da Manhã 13-10-09.

37. O Paiz 8-10-09.

38. Examples were: “Iniciar-se ha o campeonato de jiu-jitsu, com o concurso de professor Raku (O Paiz 6-10-09); “Brevemente Grand Campeonato Internacional de Luta Romana com o concurso de celebre professor Raku” (Gazeta de Noticias 7-10-09); “Grand Campeonato Internacional de Luta Romana com o concurso de celebre professor Raku” (Gazeta de Noticias 7-10-09); “Grande campeonato internacional de jiu-jiutsu [sic] com o concurso de celebre professor Raku, unico luctador que nunca for derrotado, denominade o invencivel japonez”(O Paiz 14-10-09); “Continuação das lutas romanas de Consolação at Concerto Avenida. Brevemente invensivel Raku” (Correio da Manhã 14-10-09);. “Brevemente Raku” (O Paiz 14-10-09); “Brevemente Grande Campeonato Internacional de Jiu-Jitsu com o concurso de celebre Raku” (Jornal do Brasil 15-10-09. Jornal do Brasil 16-10-09); “Grande campeonato internacional de jiu-jiutsu [sic] com o concurso de celebre professor Raku, unico luctador que nunca for derrotado, denominade o invencivel japonez” (Correio da Manhã 19-10-09); “Les Leger-Lia duettistas comicos; Evanisto, xilophonista; Gabv Darmivill, cantora Franceza; Mlle. Gina. Brevemente Raku” (Correio da Manhã 19-10-09); “Mlle. Lotty, A venus Moderno; Les leger-Lia e toda a importante troupe de Concerto…sessões cinematographica, genero alegre. Brevemente Raku” (Correio da Manhã 21-10-09).

39. Correio da Manhã 19-10-09.

40. Revista da Semana 24-10-09, n. 493 [“Depois da bordoeira grossa a que chamaram luta romana, o Concerto Avenida prepara novo campeonato de luta japoneza, com o invencivel Raku”].

.

Chapter 4

1910-1913

1. Gazeta de Noticias 19-12-09.

2. A Noite 13-8-12. Translations of Hancock were available in Brazil as early as 1906 (see chapter 2-3).

3. Fon-Fon 15-10-10, n. 41 [“Mistress Garrud conhece a fundo os segretos do jiu-jitsu e propõe-se a ensinar a suas companheiras todos os recursos do jogo japonez.] [Mistress Garrud pensa que formará uma solida agremição de athletes do bello sexo, cuja  primeira missão será expulsar aquelles que perturbam, com as suas facecias e impertencias, os ‘meetings’ feministas. [Gaba-se, Mistress Garrud de ter atirado ao chão um policeman da altura de seis pés “].

4. Gazeta de Noticias 7-1-12. Guilard died October 31, 1916 while serving in France (A Noite 12-3-16).

5. Gazeta de Noticias 18-9-10.

6. Gazeta de Noticias 28-3-12 [“O celebre ‘boxeurs’ [sic] Jack Johnson acaba de annunciar que no mez de abril se medirá em luta livre com o campeão de mundo Franck [sic] Gotch, a quem deu uma garantia de 150,000 francos”].

7. Once was in fact the night before February 12 (A Epoca 13-2-13; O Imparcial 13-2-13.)

8. A Epoca 20-1-13.

9. A Epoca 6-5-13.

10. O Dia 6-2-12.

11. O Dia 20-3-17.

12. O Imparcial 17-2-13; 20-2-13; A Epoca 21-2-13.

13 O Imparcial 20-2-13 [“A odysséa de um pobre menino brasileiro deportado para Portugual (Emilio Pinto)) Sendo repatriado agora, pelo consul do brasil em Lisboa, veio a bordo de vapor allemão <Bahia>”].

14. A Epoca 28-4-13. Tassei maru was expected to arrive Saturday April 12 (A Epoca 12-4-13). The Festa took place on the 27th. The ship may either have been delayed, or had been in port for two weeks before the event. [“A limpesa a bordo não deixava nada a desejar….estes exercicios foram muito admirados pelos convidados, em vista da ligeiresa com que eram dados os golpes pelos jogadore”].

15. O Imparcial 13-2-13.

16. A Epoca 2-4-13.

17. Segreto was an early proponent of professional Box Inglez. When a Jamaican boxer named Bill Jackson was killed in a bout with Jack Murray at Segreto’s Theatro Masion Moderne, Segreto defended the sport in a letter to A Epoca (29-10-12), saying that other sports, occupations, and recreational activities, such as acrobatics, football, flying airplanes, horse racing, archery, bicycling, among others, were also dangerous. He added that Jackson died of natural causes (specifically, a respiratory infection), not injuries suffered in the boxing ring [Bill Jackson falleceu victimado por uma pleuro-pulmonia sem menor vestigo de trauma ou de qualquer causa externa ou extraordinaria que originasse e entermidade que foi causa unica a direita da mortede pranteado boxista.] He added that the Brazilian public doesn’t understand the sport well, but the customers of Theatro Masion Moderne enjoy watching it. Boxing is presented in the prestigious capitals of Europe and North America (Paris, London, Berlin, New York, Philadelphia), so it can’t be as “barbaros” [barbaric] as its critics claim, he said. He ended his letter by saying that he had already contracted boxers from foreign countries and planned to give the public what it wanted.

18. Circo Spinelli also offered boxing, but specialized in lightweight international boxing (A Epoca 2-4-13). In addition to boxing, Circo Spinelli ocassionally presented jiu-jitsu. Conde Koma and his troupe worked for the circus in 1915 (see chapter 15).

19. Whoever he was, “MacVea” was busy. On May 6, 1913, MacVea fought a 6-round boxing match with Louis Condor. The result was a draw. They fought again on May 8. MacVea fought Joseph Beerens on May 3, Charle Jackson on May 15, and on May 25 he fought six rounds with Lecomte, who later lost by disqualification to Conde Koma in Belém in 1915. It was not unusual for the boxers to fight every night.

20. A Epoca 5-4-13.

21. A Batalha 27-4-33.

22. A Epoca 5-4-13.

23. A Epoca 7-4-13.

24. O Paiz 9-4-13.

25. Roberts 2003, pp. 11, 16. Dempsey originally fought under the name of Kid Blackie.

26. O Imparcial 8-5-13.

27. A Epoca 1-5-13.

28. A Epoca 3-5-13.

29. Both incidents were reported in A Epoca 3-5-13.

30. O Imparcial 1-9-14. Club de Regatas Boqueirão do Passeio was a sports club, originally (like most other sports clubs) focused on rowing and sailing.

31. A Epoca 14-3-13.

32. “Elle [Mario Aleixo] como todos sabem, é um dos mais profundos conhecedores dos jogos que vae leccionar”] O Imparcial 1-9-14.

33. Maeda’s name in Japanese is前田光世[Maeda Mitsuyo]. In Brazil he was Conde Koma de Maeda, and some other names, but usually simply Conde Koma.

.

Chapter 5

1914

1. Correio Paulistano 23-9-14 [“Estréa da afamada troupe de luctadores Japonezes Jiu-Jitsu dirigida por campeão mundial Conde Koma….O jiu-jitsu é uma lucta absolutamente differente e bem distincta de qualquer outra; é a verdadeira arte de DEFESA PESSOAL e da CULTURA PHYSICA no Japão”].

2. Spelling of the Japanese names was highly variable.

3. Confusingly Correio Paulistano 23-10-14 announced that the debut would be Thursday (“5.a-feira, 24 de Setembro de 1914”). Either that was an error, or the debut was postponed one day. Contrary to what some historians have claimed, Conde Koma did not first enter Brazil at Porto Alegre on November 14, 1914 (Souza 2010, citing Rildo Heros Barbosa de Medeiros). As Choque reveals, Koma was already performing in São Paulo on September 25, 1914. If Koma had entered via Porto Alegre it could only mean that he had left after October 20 and then come back on November 14, suggesting a brief stay in Montevideo or Buenas Aires.

4. Mr. Galant (also spelled Mr. Gallant) was the Russian luta romana world champion.

5. Segreto’s theaters included Theatro S. Jose, Theatro S. Pedro, and Cinema-Theatro Carlos Gomes, Moulin Rouge, Theatro Maison Moderne, Pavilhão Internacional in Rio, the Cinema Rio in Nictheroy [Niteroi]), Theatro Apollo in São Paulo, Theatro Fluminense in Petropolis, as well as Theatro Variedades and others.

6. Corrieo Paulistano 26-9-14.

7. Corrieo Paulistano 26-9-14. A Conflagração Europea was a continuing film news report about the First World War (although no one knew at the time that it was a “world” war or the first of two) that had just commenced the previous month (Howard 2002).

8. Pacotilha 12-8-15.

9. O Imparcial 30-3-15; Gazeta de Noticias 2-4-15.

10. Such offers were already a standard device from the earliest days of professional jiu-jitsu in Europe, designed to attract press coverage and amateur challengers. See Gutierrez & Esparteo 2003.

11. Correio Paulistano 3-10-14.

12. Correio Paulistano 4-9-14.

13. Correio Paulistano 4-10-14.

14. Correio Paulistano 7-10-14.

15. Correio Paulistano 9-10-14.

16. Correio Paulistano 11-10-14.

17. Correio Paulistano 12-10-14.

18. Correio Paulistano 13-10-14.

19. Correio Paulistano 18-10-14.

20. Correio Paulistano14, 19, 21-10-14.

21. Correio Paulistano 29-12-14.

..

Chapter 6

1915

1. Gazeta de Noticias 11-3-15 [“troupe de lutadores de jiu-jitsu que se acha em S. Paulo]. Akiyama (champion of North America) was already in Rio [“já se acha no Rio”].

2. Correia da Manhã 4-4-15.

3. Correio Paulistano 3-9-15.

4. Gazeta de Noticias 4-8-15.

5. Gazeta de Noticias 11-3-15.

6. Gazeta de Noticias 11-3-15.

7. Correio de Manhã 4-4-15.

8. A Epoca 5-4-15 [“Antes do inicio do campeonato, o conde Koma offerecerá uma sessão especial dedicada a class medica e a imprensa, afim de explicar, minuciosamente, os effeitos dos terrivels golpes de ataque e de defesa”].

9. A Noite 8-4-15 [“O conde Koma, chefe da “troupe” de “jiu-jitsu”, ora entre nos, visitou o sr. ministro do Japão, que hontem lhe retribuiu a vista no theatro Carlos Gomes”].

10. O Seculo 8-4-15. Ceinture á rebours en tourbillon meant picking the man up and rotating him backwards. Prise de hanches en tête was squeezing the head with the legs. Ceinture en souplesse was a back throw (a supplex).

11. Gazeta de Noticias 6-4-15 [“dentro de poucos dias mostará os seus profundos conhecimentos do sport Greco-romana”].

12. O Impracial 24-4-15. Rio and Nictheroy [Niteroi] were connected by a bridge in 1974. The ferry took about 15 minutes. Traveling on land however, was a trip of 100 kilometers, according to www.tramz.com/br/ni/ni.html.

13. A Noite 30-4-15 [“Inicia-se amanhã, no Carlos Gomes, o campeonato de <<jiu-jitsu>>, que vinda sendo esperado com anciedade a longos dias. Nessas lutas tomarão parte habeis lutadores japonezes, dirigidos pelo conde Koma”].

14. Gazeta de Noticias 1-5-15. Jeolas was spelled Giolage in Diario de Noticias. In subsequent reports, Joaquim Guadencio Alves’ was usually referred to by his nickname of “o Lisboa” or “o Lisboeta.”

15. Gazeta de Noticias 2-5-15; O Paiz 2-5-15.

16. Gazeta de Noticias 2-5-15.

17. A Noite 2-5-15.

18. Gazeta de Noticias 2-5-15 [“não causou boa impressão, aos amadores de jiu-jitsu, que se apresentaram para disputer o premio offerecido pelo conde Koma, a rapida defesa dos golpes, applicada por este campãeo”]. It isn’t clear who the Gazeta de Noticias writer was referring to since the amateur challenges were not scheduled until May 10 and no results had been reported. However, when the fights did take place, the results were about as the observer apparently expected.

19. O Paiz 4-5-15.

20. Gazeta de Noticias 4-5-15 [“Cesareo, que sem entender deste genero de sport, e occupar a logar de juiz, muito concorrou com as suas descabidas decisões, para ser desrespeitado”].

21. With the possible exception of Raku, whose background is unclear.

22. Gazeta de Noticias 4-5-15 [“Satake, o menor da ‘troupe’ é bastante nervosa, e na luta, torna-se as vezes violento”].

23. Gazete de Noticias 4-5-15.

24. O Paiz 4-5-15. Goldbach weighed 100 kilos in February (Correio da Manhã 26-2-15).

25. Gazeta de Noticias 5-5-15.

26. A Epoca 6-5-15 [“Sataxa [sic], no quatro ‘round’ applicando uma chave auto-collar em Matuchevich, levatou a Victoria co mgrande [sic] espanto da assembléa”].

27. O Seculo 5-5-15 [“Sensacionaes encontros dos campeãos de lucta Greco-romana com os luctadores de JIU-JITSU”].

28. O Imparcial 6, 7, 8, 9-5-15.

29. Jornal do Brasil 9-5-15.

30. O Paiz 9-5-15.

31. A Epoca 10-5-15; Gazeta de Noticias 10-5-15 [“Satake, afinal, sempre decidiu a sua “poule” com o agil e corajoso Achimizu [sic, Shimizu], depois de haver applicado uma infinidade de golpes anatomicos. Satake venceu, no quarto “round,” por uma vigorosa chave de perna, mas manda a verdade dizer, não foi sem pequena difficuldade. Com effeito, Schmizu, si não fóra a infelicidade da “prise,” ter-se-ia feito o vencedor da “poule,” que já vem empatada ha tres dias”].

32. O Seculo 10-5-15; Corrieo da Manhã 10-5-15 [“Inicio das lutas entre os amadores de jin-jtsu [sic] e o conde de Koma”].

33. Gazeta de Noticias 15-5-15. Paulo Jeolas was undoubtedly the same as Paulo Giolage, one of the four amateurs who accepted Conde Koma’s challenge and signed up in hopes of winning the 5,000 francos.

34. A Epoca 10-5-15.

35. O Paiz 11-5-15 [“foi realizado o encontro de jiu-jitsu entre o campeão mundial conde Koma e um dos espectadores presentes [Paulo Jeolas], sendo este facilmente vencido pelo conde”].

36. A Epoca 11-5-15.

37. O Paiz 10-5-15; O Seculo 10-5-15.

38. Gazeta de Noticias 12-5-15. The date of the Raku versus Okura match was not mentioned, only “at the time scheduled for jiu-jitsu, Raku and Okusa [Okura] fought” [“na hora destinada as disputas dos assaltos de ‘jiu-jitsu’ lutaram Raku e Okusa”]. As fight results were generally reported the following day, a reasonable guess is that it was Monday May 11.

39. O Paiz 13-5-15.

40. O Paiz 14-5-15 [“O campeonato de jiu-jitsu luctaram o Conde Koma e, vencendo o Conde, no 2º round, por uma chave de pé”].

41. A Epoca 15-5-15.

42. O Paiz 14, 16-5-15; O Imparcial 17-5-15; Correio de Manhã 18-5-15.

43. O Paiz 19-5-15.

44. A Epoca 15-5-15 [“Teremos por ahi um outro Cyriaco?”].

45. A Noite 18-5-15.

46. A Noite 19-5-15.

47. A Epocha 20-5-15 [“O Cyriaco já é morto e os outros ‘capoeiras’ que existem entre nós não se querem dar ao trabalho de lutar em publico, razão por que o ‘jiu-jitsu’ conseguirá triumphar”].

48. Gazeta de Noticias 22-5-15 [“Já não offerecem grande interesse as lutas de ‘jiu-jitsu’, que estão sendo disputadas no Theatro Carlos Gomes, devido ao grande numero de amadores que se apresentam para disputer o premio offerecido pelo conde Koma. Até agora nenhum dos amadores tem resistido por muito tempo e isso ainda não serviu de exemplo aos que pretendem lutar com of campeao mundial do sport nipponico. Hontem um amadore, o sr. Benjamin Constant Azevedo, acceitou o desfaio lançada pelo conde Koma, apresentado-se para a lutar. O sr. Benjamin, apesar de ter dito a varios pessoas que iria “engazopar” o seu adversario, não deixando que elle Ihe agarrase, foi todavia vencido em 4 minutos, sem ter ao menos, neste curto espaço de tempo, applicado um só golpe no seu contendor, mostrando não ter algum conhecimento sa regras do jiu-jitsu”].

49. Gazeta de Noticias 22-5-15 [Por ter lutado com a amador, o conde Koma não pode disputer o ‘match’ com Satake, como estava annunciado. Foi alternado a programma, lutando Satake e Okura…..Este ‘match’ terminou pelo victoria de Satake, sendo Okura vencido no 5th ‘round’ por uma chave de braço”].

50. O Paiz 21-5-15.

51. O Paiz 5-6-15 [“Embarca amanhã, a noite, para Bello Horizonte, onde vai se exhibir no theatro Cassino, a troupe de luctadores japonezes do conde Koma, que tanto successo alançou ultimamente no theatro Carlos Gomes”].

52. O Pharol 25-6-15 [“Estrou hontem no Polytheama, como lutador de ju-jitsu [sic], o conde Koma”].

53. O Paiz 1-7-15 [“Estréa hoje no Polytheama, conhecido casa de diversoes deste cidade, a afamada troupe japoneza de jiu-jitsu, dirigida pelo campeao conde Koma, que offerece a quantia de cinco mil francos a quem vencer, sem distincção de peso ou tamanho”].

54. Jornal do Brasil 15-7-15; 17-7-15.

55. O Municipio 1-8-15 [“Determinou o dr. Aurelino Leal, chefe de policia do Districto Federal que o ensino de jiu-jitsu fosse ministrado á guarda civil. Esta encarregado disso o professor japonez conde de Koma”].

56. Gazeta de Noticias 4-8-15. Sekinus was undoubtedly Shimizu, a name that Brazilian reporters seemed to have special difficulty spelling. It is unknown who Ito was.

57. A Provincia 27-8-15; Jornal de Recife 26-8-15. Koma’s offer was 5,000 francos to anyone who could beat him and 500 to any amateur who could last 15 minutes. Bowler was aiming low, probably thinking that his chances of lasting 15 minutes were better than his chances of beating Conde Koma in a jiu-jitsu match.

58. Jornal de Recife 27-8-15 [“O campeão mexicano [Raku], após 12 minutos de uma lucta intensamente violenta foi vencido pelo seu college new-yorkino [Satake]”].

59. A Provincia 29-8-15.

60. Provincia 30-8-15.

61. A Provincia 28-8-15 [“na proxima segunda feira [August 30, 1915] tera logar neste Theatro um grande match de jiu-jitsu entre os campeões Alfredo Bowlser e conde Koma”].

62. Correio Paulistano 3-9-15.

63. Jornal do Recife 1-9-15.

64. A Provincia 4-9-15. It is unclear how Bianor de Oliveira could have been a Koma student at that point. One possibility is that he met Koma previously. Another is that he had just recently become a student of Koma.

65. A Provincia 6-9-15.

66. Between November 18 and December 5, several newspapers published reports from Pará commenting on Conde Koma and his Troupe’s performances at “Bar” (Bar Paraenses) in Belém and specifically his refusal to fight “real” capoeiras. In O Imparcial (18-11-25) it was reported that the Japanese had fought a number of hillbillies, who didn’t come out advantageously [“Os paraenses têm assistido a varios encontros entre os lutadores japonezes e os caipiras patricios que, infelizimente não têm obtido grandes vantagens”]. A Federação (2-12-15) reported that the ‘patriots’ who confronted the ‘Troupe’ weren’t capoeiras; they were strong and agile, but they didn’t know the first thing about capoeira [“Os ‘patriotas’ que-se têm arriscado contra a ‘troupe’ do Bar, não são capoeiras, serão ageis, serão fortes, mas de capoeira não entendem nem o primeiro passo.” The last report, in O Imparcial (5-12-15) was most critical. “The famous jiu-jitsu player (Conde Koma) having been counter-challenged by a lowly capoeira [parauára], lacked the necessary courage to accept, perhaps fearing that the result would be a disaster” [“o famoso jogador de jiu-jitsu, tendo sido convidado a se bater com um humilde capoeira, parauára, não se achou com a precisa coragem de erguer a luva do desafio, convicto, talvez, de resultado infausto que teria a pugna para elle”].

67. Batalha 27-4-33.

68. Jack Hillson became famous for crossing Niagara Falls hanging on to a wire with his teeth. He also performed the act at Jardim Zoologico in Rio later in 1917, from tree to tree, passing over a enclosure for bears at a zoo Fon-Fon 3-3-17; O Paiz 30-3-17).

69. Pacotilha 29-22-15.

70. Pacotilha 3-12-15. [“deve chegar do Pará a troupe de Japoneses, com artistas de variedade,,,Lucta de Jiujtsiu “][sic].

71. Pacotilha 7-12-15. [“O Conde Koma e qualquer homem da sua troupe desafiam a quem quizer luctar, offerecendo um premio de 5,000 francos a quem os vencer e 500 ao amador que Ihes resistir na lucta durante 15 minutos”].

72. Pacotilha 8-12-15.

73. Pacotilha 7-12-15.

74. Pacotilha 8-12-15.

75. Pacotilha 9-12-15. A creoulo (or crioulo) was a Brazilian born black man (Conrad 1983, p. 490).

76. Pacotilha 10-12-15.

77. A Noticia 16/17-1-16. According to Souza (2010, p. 58) the troupe was in Manaus on December 18, 1915.

.

Chapter 7

1916-1927

1. A Noite 5-9-15.

2. O Imparcial 26-3-16.

3. Eu Sei Tudo October 1917, n. 5, pp. 79-80 [“Os systemas de luta actualmente mais conhecidos: luta livre, luta de calçao ou luta Suisse, luta Indiana, luta turco, luta na america do norte, <<jiu-jitsu>> ou luta japoneza, and luta francez ou Greco-romana”].

4. Eu Sei Tudo November 1917, n. 6, pp. 125-126 [“na America do norte, a luta livre foi sempre practicada, mas tendo preferencia o systema indiano, catch as catch can, agarra como puderes, Ė usada nella uma carta torção de dedos qualificada de Americana, mas que se encontra tambem na luta dos indios e cujo fim é obrigar o adversario a ceder por effeito de dôr”].

5. Gazeta de Noticias 20-9-18 [“tal jogo, mixto de box, jiu-jitsu e da nossa velha capoeira”].

6. Revista da Semana 7-5-21.

7. A Noticia 18-7-19. Sada Miyako was written “Shada Miako”.

8. Carlos Gracie claimed to have learned from Conde Koma. Other people doubted that he did. Oswaldo Gracie also claimed on at least one occasion that he learned from Conde Koma.

9. Tesoura had variable meanings. Some used it to refer to the legs around “guard position.” Aleixo meant the position known in judo as kani-basami.

10. (Revista da Semana7-5-21). Aleixo referred to “Saga Mako”, but given how variable spelling was at the time, it is obvious that he was referring to Sada Miyako. He added that Saga-Mako made many men “kiss the floor” in two seconds [“Em 1904, luctei em publico, durante tres noites, com o japonez Saga-Mako, que em dois segundos fez muita gente bôa beijar o pó do chão, aqui no Rio”].

11. Some of Rio’s most eminent jiu-jitsu and judo instructors started out as “auto-didacts”. Augusto Cordeiro was one example. The same was true of some capoeiragem instructors, including Sinhôzinho, Mario Aleixo himself, and the dubious case of Jayme Martins Ferreira (see chapter 1931).

12. A Noite 12-8-20 [“Ė mais uma contribuição ao desenvolvimento physico da nossa mocidade”].

13. Revista o Tico-Tico 9-6-20.

14. Boddy 2011, p. 432, citing Carpentier’s memoir.

15. O Paiz 5-12-19.

16. The 2012 purchasing power of Carpentier’s purse is $1,330,000 according to www.measuringworth.com/uscompare/relativevalue.php.

17. O Paiz 6-12-19.

18. Roberts 2003, chp. 6.

19. According to Gracie (2008, p. 75), “Desde adolescente, Carlos sentia uma enorme admiração pelo boxer americano Jack Dempsey e passou a acompanhar de perto a evolução do boxe”.

20. Correio da Manhã 2-2-21.

21. Gracie, 2008.

22. At least part of the way. One of the keys to Rickard’s success was his willingness to risk large amounts of money, as Jack Dempsey explained (Dempsey 1934; see also Roberts 2003). Carlos was generally hard-pressed to pay his rent, sometimes failing to, until he met Oscar Santa Maria. Financing a mega-fight promotion was entirely beyond his economic means, not to mention his organizational and abilities.

23. Correio da Manhã 24-3-22.

24. Brazilians did not want to be thought of or seen as stereotypical corrupt and violent Latin Americans (Bethell, 2010). The historian and diplomat Oliveira Lima wrote books explaining why the developed countries should understand that Brazil was different from the former Spanish colonies in South America (Brazilian Review 30-9-13, p. 1018).

25. There were some exceptions. Boddy, 2011; Reiss, 1985.

26. Correio Paulistano 7-11-26.

27. O Imparcial 19-1-24.

28. O Imparcial 28-1-24.

29. Correio Paulistano 2-10-23.

30. Correio Paulistano 21-10-26; 7-11-26.

31. Jornal do Brasil 5-4-27.

32. O Paiz 11-3-27. Later, in 1930 the Club Carioca de Box was established on rua do Rosario, 133, 2nd floor, in Rio. The club played a role in the evolution of jiu-jitsu in Rio.

33. O Imparcial 19-1-21.

34. O Paiz 7-11-26 . Scherer’s article was titled “Importante estudo da maneira de desviar as golpes directos ao rosto”.

35. Also Brazilians were generally physically unhealthy by European and North American standards; see McCann 1995. It was not coincidental that most boxers were foreigners.

36. January 1922, No. 56-8o pp. 22-23 and 79.

37. Eu Sei Tudo, December 1922, n. 67, pp. 55-58.

38. Correio da Manhã and O Imparcial, 5-10-23 [“Alias é desnecessario dizer-se que Sessue Hayakawa é bom patriota, como japonez legitimito, cultiva com ardor os jogos da sua terra. Elle é mesmo um eximo jogador de jiu-jitsu e tem prostrado ao solo concorrentes muito superiores em força e corpulencia”].

39. Nogueira 2000, Reichl 1995, Tsuda 2001.

40. Cairus 2010, citing Folha da Norte 3-7-20.

41. Jornal de Recife 17-7-24 [“O campeão mundial do jiu-jitsu, conde Koma, reside ha alguns annos no Pará, onde tem numerosos discipulos, de que o mais notavel é o athleta regional, Jacintho Ferro”]. Ferro died on either December 31, 1928 or January 1, 1929 (O Imparcial 2-1-29; Gazeta de Noticias 3-1-29. O Paiz 2/3-1-29). Ferro fought and defeated the luta romana champion Victorio Segato in July of 1920, according to sources cited by Cairus 2010.

42. Masuda 2011, p. 102.

43. A Capital 6-8-17. Both fighters were black―”ambos de cor preto”. This gives us some idea what the word “race” [raça] meant to Brazilians at that time. Also, “playing by the rules” was a very English concept, and in a way revolutionary. The concept of not using every possible advantage to win but rather creating a “level playing field” was uniquely British. Undeveloped, backward countries felt themselves to be on the modernizing track when they adopted this particular British custom in the form of another British invention, that of “sport” (Mandell 1984 for insightful discussion).

44. A Capital 9-8-17.

45. A Capital 12-5-18.

46. Masuda 2011, p. 102.

47. Masuda 2011, p. 335.

.

Chapter 8

1928

1. Correio Paulistano 21-6-21.

2. Correio Paulistano 9-10-26.

3. Correio Paulistano 13-6-26.

4. Diario Nacional 11-9-28. Omori probably joined in August, as earlier would have been months and later would have been days.

5. Diario Nacional 9-10-28.

6. Diario Nacional 19-10-28 [“emocionante luta ‘capoeira contra jiu-jitsu’”].

7. O Imparcial 4-7-35; 5-1-35; 12-2-38. In Japanese the family name comes first; Jyoji was not an unusual Japanese male name at that time. Omori’s first name was written as “Geo” and “Géo” (with diacritic over the letter “e”) in the press.

8. Unger 1987, pp. 83-108.

9. Omori’s story is based on his own four-part series of articles in 1932, interviews conducted between 1928 and 1938, and especially obituary notices (see chapter 1938 for references).

10. Kohyama 1997.

11. Cetuko was also spelled Kotuko, Kotuke, and Kimika as Kimiko, and Kinka, among other variants.

12. Diario Nacional 12-9-28 [“o publico que frequenta a nossa casa não tem prazer em apreciar muitas vezes a mesma luta”].

13. Information about Jack Marin comes from O Paiz 20-1-22; Correio Paulistano 11-7-28; A Noite 25-5-28.

14. Diario Carioca 18-9-28.

15. Diario Nacional 18-9-28.

16. Diario Nacional 23-9-28.

17. September 24, 1928, Vol. 12, issue 13, page 26.

18. Diario Nacional 19-10 1928.

19. A general vocabulary of fight techniques was lacking. Reporters made up their own terminology. Rabo de arraio referred to a spinning back kick supported by the hands, rastiera meant crawling, but also was used to refer to crouching positions or foot sweeps, trips, and leg kicks. A rabo de frente may have been a spin kick aimed at Omori’s front. A pulo de passarinho seems from context to be a ground position, most likely hopping from a crouching position rather than lying or sitting (as suggested by the avian metaphor). In short, the only way to know what was meant by a term for a technique would be to see a picture. Fortunately, there were many (confirming that usage was inconsistent).

20. Diario Nacional 21-10-28.

21. Diario Nacional 23-10-28.

22. Diario Nacional 25-10-28.

23. Diario Nacional 18-10-28.

24. Pacotilha 5-1-28. On Tuesday January 10, Letone lost in a luta romana contest to Manoel Stringhuiny, of the Circo Stringhuiny, then appearing in São Luis.

25. A Manhã 16-11-28.

26. Diario Nacional 11-11-28.

27. Diario Nacional 14-12-28 [“Acceitam qualquer desafio de qualquer amador ou professional para fazeram uma luta livre de Jiu-Jitsu contra luta livre. Dando um premio de 500$000 ao vencedor”].

28. Diario Nacional 15-11-28.

29. Diario Nacional 21-10-28.

30. Diario Nacional 23-10-28.

31. Diario Nacional; 24-10-28.

32. Diario Nacional 25-10-28.

33. As an obvious example, Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu is now often called BJJ. Conversely, publishers can use the longer variants when they need to fill up space and writers are free to say almost anything in order to make what they are describing seem more significant than it is. Accordingly there are many words for “fight” in the sense of an athletic contest (see glossary for examples). Writers need to be creative when what they are describing is two men punching each other, or the equivalent in grappling.

34. Diario Nacional 20-12-28.

.

Chapter 9

1929

1. Correio Paulistano 2-1-29.

2. Dete was Jose Detti, the “arabe” jiu-jitsu champion. Klausner was the boxer Ervin Klausner, who fought a jiu-jitsu match with Helio Gracie in 1937. Goto might have been the Goto (who fought M. de Abreu in 1928), or Yakuro Goto (who fought Detti in 1935), or the two Gotos may have been the same person.

3. Diario Nacional January 13, 1929.

4. Diario Nacional 6-1-28.

5. Diario Nacional, 8-1-29.

6. Diario Carioca, 10-1-29; 16-1-29 [“Omori pretende vir ao Rio, em busca de novos adversaries”].

7. Correio da da Manhã 15-1-29.

8. Correio da Manhã 15-1-29.

9. Diario Nacional 15-1-29.

10. Klausner (85 kilos) and Haki (85 kilos) engaged in a straight boxing match just a week before, January 5, 1929. Klausner won by decision (Diario Carioca 9-1-29).

11. Correio Paulistano 17-1-29.

12. Diario Nacional 17-1-29; Correio Paulistano 18-1-29.

13. O Paiz 4-7-26.

14. Correio Paulistano 2-1-29.

15. Correio Paulistano 25-1-29 [“ha muito que essa luta é esperada, pois, Klausner desafiou por tres vezes ao campeão nipponico. Esta lucta deverá ser renhida, pois Klausner é o mais perigoso adversario que Omori pode enfrenta”].

16. Diario Nacional, 3-2-29; 17-2-29.

17. Diario de Noticias 26-8-31.

18. Diario de Noticias 9-9-31.

19. Correio Paulistano 8-3-29 [“A forte luctador Austriaco, inesperadamente, e com surpresa geral, venceu o japonez Omori no Segundo assalto. Foi um acontecimento sensacional, que para muitos parecia um sonho, e para outros uma [combinação]. O facto e que Omoir permaneceu desacordado, e Ritter recebeu as honras de ser o primeiro a vencer o ate então invicto nipponico”]. Ritter was probably Francisco Ritter from Germany. Ritter weighed 72 kilos in a luta romana match against Hungarian Jose Magasarsky on Sunday January 24, 1932 in São Paulo and was probably not much heavier than Omori in 1929 (Diario Nacional 23-1-32).

20. Correio Paulistano 8-3-29.

21. Diario Nacional 23-3-29.

22. Correio Paulistano 18-4-29. Results are not available.

23. Carlos’ initial appearance in the pages of the Rio newspapers concerned business and legal matters. In 1924, he was seeking official permission to undertake various “projects” (Jornal do Brasil 3-6-24, 4-6-24, 5-6-24, 22-6-24, 16-7-24-, and 24-8-24). In 1925, with his father, he had gotten into illegal gambling [jogos prohibidos] at house of “diversões” called Ideal Prado, and was court-ordered to desist (Gazeta de Noticias 13-5-25). Other legal disputes followed (Gazeta de Noticias 29-11-25; 20-1-26). In 1927 he was evicted from a house owned by Fredrico A. Liberalli on rua General Severiano, n. 219. (O Paiz 14-9-27). The reason was not specified, but failing to pay the rent is one of the more common.

24. The article was reprinted in Diario Nacional 3-3-29.

25. Diario Nacional 3-3-29.

26. Diario Nacional 26-4-29.

27. See chapter 1932.

28. See chapter 1932.

29. Correio Paulistano 26-4-29.

30. Diario Nacional 27-4-29.

31. Diario Nacional 2-5-29.

32. Gracie 2008.

33. Correio Paulistano 26-4-29 [“com alguns eforços, consegui me destacar, creando, verdaderio gosto pela educação physica, e que me animou a diffundir esse meio de defesa e desenvolvimento corporal em minha patria”].

34. Correio Paulistano 26-4-29.

35. Gracie 2008 pp. 38-41. Carlos told journalist Jose Geraldo in 1958 that Conde Koma predicted that he (Carlos) was going to be a “grande campeão”.

36. The interview can be found in Kakutou Striking Spirit, May 1, 2002. An English translation is available at Global-Training-Report.com/helio.htm.

37. Gracie 2008, p. 39, p. 90.

38. Information about Jacyntho Ferro comes from Diario Carioca 8-1-29, and Diario Nacional 7-2-29; 23-2-29.

39. See chapters 10 and 19 for more about Donato Pires dos Reis.

40. Pacotilha 8-7-22.

41. O Paiz 10-9-29. According to Almanak Administrativo, Mercantil e Industrial do Rio de Janeiro - 1891 a 1940, Koma’s address was at av. São Jeronymo, 120.

42. O Paiz 15-8-29; Diario Carioca 17-8-29. The president of Companha Nipponica de Plantação do Brasil was the noted industrialist Henrique Hachiro Fukuhara.

.

Chapter 10

1930

1. A Batalha 3-1-30 [“não encontrando ainda, em sua carreira de lutador, um adversario que o subjugasse. Como elle, ainda não vencido no ‘jiu-jitsu’ e o seu adversario na luta de domingo proximo”].

2. A Batalha 3-1-30 [“perfeito conhecedor daquelle arte e o unico brasileiro que fez cursos de tres annos….”].

3. Boxers were a partial exception. From about 1922, records were maintained (Roberts, 2003, p. 142). But in the interest of marketing fights, exaggeration and fabrication were not uncommon. Obviously, once a boxer became well-known and his fights reported in the press, it was more difficult to falsify his record.

4. Diario Nacional 3-1-30 [“De sua performance, nada se pôde affirmer. A não ser que vem com credenciaes que diz bem alto do seu valor, de sua technica. De sua maneira de lutar, tambem pouco se conhece”].

5. Diario Nacional 2-1-30; A Batalha 3-1-30; Diario Nacional 3-1-30.

6. George’s boxer opponent may have been Gabriel Pena. Arthur may have been Omori’s student Arthur Riquetto.

7. Diario Nacional 10-1-30 [“ha alguns annos, quando obteve certa voga entre nós o esporte nacional do Japão. Geo Omori derrotava com facilidade todos os homens que eram postos na frente”].

8. Diario Nacional 10-1-30 [“O sr. Gracie demonstrou que a conhece perfeitamente o jiu-jitsu e esta em condições de enfrentar qualquer adversario”].

9. Correio Paulistano 10-1-30; Diario Nacional 11-1-30. Toon was also spelled as Toom, Tose (Correio Paulistano 15-1-30), Toow (Correio Paulistano 18-1-30). His first name was also written as Johanav, Joannes, Johanes, and Jacques. According to Correio de S. Paulo 14-4-34 he was North American.

10. Diario Nacional 11-1-30; 15-1-30.

11. Jornal do Brasil 15-1-30. [“Em sua residencia, a rua Paysandú n. 31, falleceu, ante-hontem, a Sra. Maria Pinheiro Gracie, viuva ao commendador Pedro Gracie”].

12. Correio Paulistano 15-1-30.

13. Correio Paulistano 19-1-30.

14. Correio Paulistano 19-1-30.

15. Correio Paulistano 19-1-30. Correio Paulistano 18-1-30 said the rounds were 3 minutes.

16. The other reasons included prohibitions by official agencies and disputes over money or rules.

17. A bit later in 1930, George Gracie mentioned that he fought and beat a boxer in São Paulo. However, it seems more likely that the boxer was Gabriel than Toon, since the former was part of the January 5 program that is known to have taken place.

18. Correio Paulistano 18-5-30.

19. Diario Paulistano 10-1-30.

20. Gracie 2008. p. 65 [“Se você quer ter sua face esmurrada e arrebentada, seu traseiro chutado e seus braços quebrados, entre em contato com Carlos Gracie neste endereço”].

21. Caçula [kid brother] was one of Helio’s nicknames. He was also occasionally called “Caxinga” and “Caxinguetê” (Diario de Noticias 11-9-32).

22. Correio da Manhã 21-1-30.

23. Gazeta de Noticias 9-2-30.

24. Gracie, 2006, Gracie 2008, chp. 8. Magarian, 2001.

25. Diario da Noite 1-4-30.

26. Diario Carioca 15-8-30.

27. Correio da Manhã 6-9-30 [“Para a demonstração previa da efficiencia da technica desse luta de defesa pessoal, o sr. Donato Pires solicita uma pessoa que pretenda provar a superioridade de qualquer outro meio de luta corporal em confronto com o jiu-jitsu”].

28. Diario de Noticias 7-9-30 [“O Mais admiravel meio de defesa pessoal-O Jiu-Jitsu. O ensinamento scientifico desse sport Japoneze feito pela ‘Academia de Jiu-Jitsu’”].

29. [“No final de uma serie de instrucções de jiu-jiasu [sic] o alumno obterá as seguintes vantagens: mais forte, mais agil, maior rapidez reflexo sensitivo sensorial, maior golpe de vista, augmento de capacidade das grandes funcções (circulação e respiração) alliadas a tranquilidade absoluta, resulante da confiança propria que os golpes de jiu-jitsu nós proporcionam”].

30. Gracie 2008 p. 56-57.

31. Gracie 2008, p. 76 [“Carlos venceu o Campeonato Brasileiro de Amadores na categoria meio-médios e George foi o vice-campeão”]. No sources or specifics are provided. It appears that Reila was relying on Carlos’ interview.

32. Correio da Manhã 15-1-24; O Imparcial 19-1-24.

33. A Noite 5-4-27; Jornal do Brasil 5-4-27.

34. A Noite 11-4-27 From subsequent match ups, it appears that Donato lost to Alexi; Alexi continued to fight, while Donato did not.

35. A Noite 28-3-27; Diario Desportivo 1-4-27; O Imparcial 1-4-27.

36. A Noite 4-4-27.

37. The following year a young man named Luiz França competed as a lighteweight [peso penna]. França later became a student of Geo Omori, and still later taught Oswaldo Fadda, according to Eduardo Pereira, 1998, p. 11 (assuming that it was the same Luiz França). Another participant in the 1928 campeonato was Elias Jose de Amorim (peso meio medio), who was probably the same Jose Amorim who fought, and some observers thought, defeated George Gracie in 1936 (A Esquerda 17-8-28).

38. Correio da Manhã 9-9-30. A Noite 8-9-30 described the same sparring match the precious day, September 8.

39. Diario da Noite 12-3-31 [“O unico homem no Brasil que possue um diploma de professor de jiu-jitsu passado pelo Conde de Koma”]. Evidence that Donato studied with Conde Koma and received a diploma from him consisted of Donato’s own testimony.

40. Gracie 2008, p. 54.

41. O Imparcial 5-4-28.

42. Correio da Manhã 12-6-30. For example, on June 12, 1930, he returned to Rio, landing in the Guanabara Bay, from Victoria in Espirito Santo on board the sea-plane [hydro-avião] “Rio de Janeiro.” Additional information about Donato Pires is available in chapter 19.

43. Correio da Manhã 11-8-45.

44. The incorrect translation of jiu-jutsu as “muscle breaking” [quebrar-musculos] obviously derived from Santos Porto and Radler de Aquino’s 1906 translation of Irving Hancock’s 1904 book Jiu-Jitsu: Japanese Physical Training. See chapter 2 for details.

45. Diario de Noticias 27-12-30.

46. Diario de Noitcias 5-6-32; 12-6-32 [“Graça ao ‘jiu-jitsu’, os japonezes são un dos povos mais fortes, mais sadios e mais calmos do mundo. A victoria dos nippõoes sobre os slavos devem aqueles, diz Ph. Tissié, o successo de genero de luta que possuem—o jiu-jtsu, tão antigo que a sua origem precede a historia authenticada do japão”].

47. July 24, August 8, August 23, and August 31 (all 1932)

48. There were more than 170 different “styles” or “schools” (or ryu) of jiu-jitsu during the Tokugawa period (Mandell 1984, p. 99, citing Sasajima, p. 197). According to Hoare (citing Nippon Budo Zenshu), there were 179 ryu.

49. Diario de Noticias 24-7-35.

.

Chapter 11

1931

1. Diario de Noticias 26-2-31; 28-2-31.

2. Biographical information about Roberto Ruhmann comes primarily from Diario de Noticias 18-4-31; 14-2-32; Diario da Noite 12-2-32; A Noite Supplemento 21-12-32 n. 142; and Correio Paulistano 19-4-36.

3. There is no record of Robert Ruhmann medalling in the 1924 Paris Olympics, at any weight in either Greco-Roman or Freestyle wrestling, according to www.databaseolympics.com and www.olympic.org.

4. Given the inconsistent spelling and type-setting of the time, Blank Perzel and Prailt Bert may have been the same individual.

5. Diario Carioca, 21-2-32; 1-5-32.

6. A Noite 28-5-31.

7. A Noite 28-5-31.

8. Diario de Noticias 11-6-31.

9. A Noite 23-12-30.

10. Diario de Noticias, 28-6-31.

11. A Noite 3-2-31.

12. A Noite 23-12-30.

13. A Noite 3-2-31 [“contrataram dois authenticos mestres da rasteira para com eles cooperam, ensinado a todos os jovens a defesa pessoal mais perfeita”].

14. A Noite 28-5-31.

15. A Noite 13-6-31.

16. Hoare 2009, pp. 143-144.

17. Diario de Noticias 27-3-16.

18. A Noite 2-6-31 [“panejamento prejudica sobremaneira a quem o vestir”].

19. A Noite 13-6-31.

20. June 28, 1931.

21. Diario de Noticias 14-7-31. The “prise de tête” was a luta romana technique, at least one adapted for pro wrestling, which tends to explain how the capoeiras learned it. The “prise de tête” involved grabbing the opponent’s head with both hands while standing in front of him with the back turned (i.e., both facing in the same direction), and then bending forward. It was designed to be used against a rear bear hug, for example as a counter to a supplex attempt, in which case the opponent’s arms would be around the waist, not near the neck. It can also be seen executed by 1920 Belgium Olympic Greco-Romana silver medallist (82.5 kilos class) Nathan Pendelton in the 1938 Warner Brothers movie Swing Your Lady (starring Humphrey Bogart). According to Diario de Noticias (28-6-32), prisão de cabeça (or the predecessor to it) was described in a book published in 1443 by the German Talhofer. Also according to the article, the sport of Jim Londos, Ray Steele, and Jim MacMillan, goes back thousands of years and is even mentioned in Hosea XII, 4, of the Old Testament of the Christian Bible. However, the writer was guilty of letting his imagination run wild. Hosea XII, 4 reads, “He strove with the angle and prevailed, he wept and sought his favor; he met him at Bethel, and there he spoke with him” (Holy Bible New Revised Standard Version, 1989).

22. Diario de Noticias 28-6-31.

23. A Noite 19-6-31.

24. A Noite 24-6-31 [“Eu, procuro demonstrar a superioridade do jiu-jitsu por ter bebido os seus ensinamentos naquelle manancial inesgotavel que se synthetisa nos profundos conhecimentos do conde Maeda Koma…”].

25. Diario de Noticias 25-6-31.

26. Diario da Noite 3-7-31. The date on this page was incorrectly printed as “2-7-31”.

27. A Noite 28-5-31.

28. Diario de Noticias 28-6-31 [“A luta do capoeira com o jiu-jitsu é absolutemente brutal…não tem nada de semelhante com o boxe ou a luta romana”]. Diario de Noticias 3-7-31. Ozéas may have been one of the names of Reynaldo Neves da Silva (Bala da Bronze).

29. Coronel administered a type of back-hand slap known as a chulipa (also written xulipa).

30. Diario de Noticias 20-11-31.

31. A Noite 10-7-31.

32. A Noite 21-7-31. [“O jiu-jitsu [é] uma competição sportive e não de uma luta de vida ou de morte”].

33. Diario de Noticias 19-8-31.

34. A Noite 28-7-31

35. Correio da Manhã 30-7-31; Diario da Noite 19-8-31.

36. Diario da Noite 20-8-31.

37. Diario da Noite 19-8-31. Typos were common, but in this article Carlos’ family name was written “Gracil” every time, “Gracie” was not written at all, suggesting that it was intentional. Gracil meant “slim, slender” and may have been intended as an insult.

38. A Noite 22-8-31. [“Victoria só se dará com a perda dos sentidos ou desistencia de um elles”].

39. Diario de Noticias 22-8-31.

40. Diario de Noticias, 28-8-31; Correio da Manhã 23-8-31. The stadium was also accessible from Rua Guanabara (A Batalha 22-8-31).

41. Correio da Manhã 23-8-31. [“O combate, alem de violento, foi tanto selvagem. Nos primeiro e segundo rounds a luta foi favoravel a Rufino Santos; quasi no final do terceiro round, os dois lutadores vão para fóra de tapete, e o juiz ordena que que [sic] os mesmos voltem ao centro, largando Santos. Gracie disso se approveita a applica um golpe illicito, provocando muito discussão. Carlos Gracie abandona o rink [sic] e, depois de pedidos de amigos, volta ao mesmo. A luta fica interrompida por mais de uma hora; a direcção da luta providencia para o reinicio da mesma, e Gracie abandona pela segunda vez o terreno da luta. O juiz resolve justamente, em virtude da desistencia de Carlos Gracie, proclamar vencedor Manoel Rufino dos Santos”].

42. Diario de Noticias 23-8-31. [“Manoel Rufino levou vantagem até o 3 round, quando em dado momento, ambos os adversaries ficaram fóra das cordas do ring e prestes a cair. Gracie se achava sobre Rufino. O juiz gritou ‘centro!’ e Manoel Rufino largou Gracie, porem, este, prevalecendo da opportunidade, passou um ‘gravata’ no rival, que confiara na sua lealdade e na energia do referee. Houve tumulto e a luta foi interrompida. Gracie considerava-se vencedor, apesar dos protestos do publico, que criticava severamente o recurso por elle empregado. Depois de grande demora, Graci [sic] desistiu de continuar e Rufino foi acclamado vencedor. Nenhum dos contendores poz em pratica os seus conhecimentos e o referee, sr. Eugenio Brandão Duffressy, foi um assistente muito….distraihido”].

43. Diario de Noticias 25-8-31. [“Os adversarios não puzeram em pratica os conhecimentos que se Ihe attriburem. Manoel Rufino fez prisões que pareciam pouco incommodar o adversario. E os ‘toe holds’, os ‘arm lock’, os ‘leg locks’? Napa [sic] vimos de satisfatario. Gracie, por seu lado, empregou ‘tesouras’ que Rufino supportou bem”].

44. A Noite 24-8-31 [“Carlos Gracie que prefereiu nao proseguir, motivo porque a victoria foi dada ao seu adversario”].

45. Diario de Noticias 13-12-31 [“chão….não ha mysterio para o conhecedor da ‘luta livre’”].

46. Diario de Noticias 5-4-32. [“Este ultimo (Carlos Gracie) desvenbelhar-se facilmente de uma ‘tesoura de Rufino, dada sobre a cabeça”]. The writer was Agenor “Sinhôzinho.” The “head scissor [tesoura a cabeça], as an accompanying picture makes clear, consisted of squeezing the opponents’ head with one’s legs. Sinhôzinho felt that Rufino’s lack of ability was at fault.

47. According to Salamiel de Oliveira, who obviously was not an unbiased source and probably took Rufino Santos’ word for his actual record in the USA (Diario de Noticias 14-4-32).

48. Diario de Noticias 23-8-31. Corrieo da Manhã (23-8-31) thought that the Crespo versus Pacheco luta romana match was the best.

49. Diario da Noite25-8-31 [“Ｕm cultor verdadeiro de jiu-jitsu, que é diplomado pelo Conde Koma”].

50. Diario da Noite 25-7-31 [“Ｏs lutadores de jiu-jitsu que temos, não merecem nem ser considerados como segunda classe”]. Donato was identified as Duarte [sic] Pires dos Reis.

51. Diario da Noite 25-8-31 [“Uma coisa, porem, que me supreende (continuou o sr. Donato) é a facilidade com que pessoas sem escrupulo se dizem formados pelo conde de Koma”].

52. Diario de Noticias 25-8-31.

53. Oscar Santa Maria was quoted in the society page column “O Que se Dizia Hontem” in Diario de Noticias (29-8-31.) The columnist was highly skeptical

54. Diario de Noticias 13-12-31 [“O exemplo bem frisante foi o que demonstrei no estadio do Fluminense, na noite de 22 Agosto, quando o meu adversario] abandonou o ring”].

55. A Batalha 19-10-32.

56. A Noite 11-8-34.

57. Diario de Noticias 29-8-31.

58. A Noite 10-7-31.

59. Diario da Noite 17-8-31.

60. A Noite 22-10-31

61. Diario de Noticias 24-10-31.

62. A Noite 4-11-31.

63. Diario de Noticias 7-11-31 [“Bahiano não revelou qualidades notaveis como capoeira. Foi um contendor facil para Oswaldo Gracie”].

64. A Noite 6-11-31 [“golpe na carotida” que deixou em condicões de semi-inconsciencia a ponto de mal se poder aguentar de pé”].

65. Diario de Noticias 30-10-31 [“um capoeira complete, rapido e perigoso, um creoulo forte de grande agilidade”]. “Um creoulo forte” was “a strong Brazilian born black man”.

66. Diario de Noticias 7-12-31.

67. A Noite 19-11-31 [“Entre os brasileiros ainda não viu quem appliqué melhor a technical dos meios de defesa do japão, do que os irmãos Gracie, com os quaes formará nas proximas competições”].

68. Omori didn’t speak a word of Portuguese, according to A Noite Illustrada 22-2-38, so this is what someone else (possibly Carlos Gracie) said that he said.

69. Carlos was a big fan of Jack Dempsey, and therefore he couldn’t had avoided learning about Tex Rickard’s exploits even if he wanted to (Gracie 2008, p. 75.)

70. The promotional techniques were pioneered by Hollywood and adapted by Rickard. In both cases they depended on the recent and rapid expansion of mass circulation daily newspapers (Hampton 1970).

71. Diario de Noticias 10-11-31.

72. A Noite 12-11-31.

73. Correio da Manhã 2-1-22.

74. Correio Paulistano 4-6-11.

75. Correio Paulistano 28-6-13

76. According to Roberts 2003, p. 188, Firpo weighed 220 lbs (100 kilos) on the night he fought Dempsey.

77. Diario de Noticias 21-4-31.

78. Correio Paulistano 13-4-20

79. CorreioPaulistano 18-4-20.

80. Correio Paulistano 19-4-20.

81. Diario de Noticias 10-11-31

82. Diario de Noticias 5-8-31. Baldi trained luta livre in Buenos Aires and took 4th place in an international tournament there in 1919.

83. Diario de Noticias 25-8-31.

84. Diario de Noticias 18-11-31.

85. A Noite 19-11-31, p. 8 [“Jayme empregará um mixto do luta livre e capoeiragem”].

86. Diario de Noticias 15-11-31 [“Quanto tempo Oswaldo Gracie resistirá o João Baldi?”].

87. Diario de Noticias 20-11-31.

88. Diario de Noticias18-4-31.

89. Diario de Noticias 18-11-31.

90. Diario de Noticias 18, 19-4-31.

91. Diario de Noticias 20-11-31 [“Baldi foi forçado a vestir um kimono extremamente reforçado, o que consideramos um absurdo. O publicou protestou, exigindo que Baldi tirasse o kimono”].

92. Diario de Noticias 20-11-31 [“levou a rival ao chão e estava dominando, quando teve que interomper o combate por ter saido do tapete… Depois, Baldi teve que ceder, vencendo Oswaldo com um collar de força”].

93. Diario da Noite 20-11-31.

94. A Noite 20-11-31.

95. Diario da Noite 20-11-31.

96. Diario da Noite 20-11-31.

97. Diario de Noticias 24-10-31 [“professional de luta romana, que se diz conhecedor de capoeiragem”].

98. Diario de Noticias, 20-11-31.

99. Diario de Noticias 22-10-31 [“nada entende da arte…e que só é desmorilizar os que de facto practicam a capoeiragem”].

100. Diario da Noite 20-11-31 [“ficou sobre-aviso e mesmo disposte a manifestar-se ruidosamente”].

101. Diario da Noite 20-11-31 [“O publico não se convenceu com a facil derrota de Baldi”].

102. According to Roberts 2003, p. 253.

103. Gracie 2008, p. 75.

104. Diario de Noticias 25-11-31.

105. Diario de Noticias 1-12-31 [“Desafiou Carlos Gracie, mas vae lutar com George…Acceitando o meu repto, Carlos Gracie solicitou-me, entretanto, que lutasse com o irmão George”]. Last minute substitutions were not unusual but Carlos’ tactic was to challenge people and then substitute a brother or student rather than fight himself (his loss to Manoel Rufino being the only documented exception).

106. Diario de Noite 7-10-31.

107. Diario de Noite 20-10-31.

108. Diario de Noticias 3-12-31.

109. Diario de Noticias 1-12-31.

110. Diario de Noticias 4-12-31.

111. Diario Carioca 14-10-31 [“O sr. Gracie desse pelaja, é irmãao do sr. Carlos Gracie, que tão triste figura fez com o sr. Rufino Santos. Ė de esperar, agora, que o irmão não Ihe siga o exemplo”].

112. Diario da Noite 3-10-31.

113. Diario da Noite 10-10-31 [“será dado como vencido o lutador que perda os sentidos, ficar inconsciente, desistir por sinal convencional ou abandono, e particularmente o jogador de jiu-jitsu, se fór derrubado tres vezes por efeito de golpe nitido de capoeira”].

114. Correio da Manhã 2-12-31.

115. Correio da Manhã 3-12-31. Mario Aleixo: “Cyriaco assumiu attitude obrigatoria não se deixou agarrar, precaução que não adoptaram os capoeiras abatidos ultimamente. Quando o inimigo se approximou, elle [Cyriaco] desfechou o golpe fatal. Não ha de ser outro o meu procedimento hoje a noite. Inutil será dizer que George Gracie, não me tocará”. George Gracie: “O palco do Republica é amplo mas não permitte que ninguem corra….desde que elle se conserve ao ring, fatalmente será agarrado….uma vez seguro Mario Aleixo, eu o derrotarei rapido e fulminante”].

116. Diario de Noticias 5-12-31 [“Mario Aleixo continuou parado, negaceando seu adversario por collocar-Ihe um pontapé sobre a tibia, coisa, alias não mais em uso. George Gracie tombou, então a iniciativa do combate e caiu defeituosamente―em queda não admissival a nenhum praticante em disputa―móremente num professor como elle, de jiu-jitsu”].

117. Diario de Noticias 4-12-31. [“Mario Aleixo professor de capoeiragem e ex-instrutor de jiu-jitsu da guarda civil, actou mais do que pessimamente, se assim é possivel dizer “Mario Aleixo “não applicou um unico golpe de capoeiragem, e não soube approveiter-se dos ensejos que teve. Parecia um neophyte deante de George Gracie que avançava imprudentemente.”…. No primeiro round Mario Aleixo resistiu bem a uma gravata de George. O seu erro maior foi querer contrapor aos golpes de Gracie o seu defeituoso. No 2 round, um ‘arm-lock’ fel-o desistir. Foi um fracasso a sua exhibição. George Gracie venceu Mario Aleixo, mas não foi a Victoria do jiu-jitsu sobre a capoeiragem, porque esta não appareceu em tal combate. Se Mario Aleixo actuasse como capoeira, o desfecho de luta teria forçosamente que ser outro. Requiescat in pace, Mario Aleixo!”].

118. Diario de Noticias 4-12-31.

119. Diario da Noite 4-12-31.

120. Diario de Noticias 5-12-31 [“George Gracie venceu Mario Aleixo mas o jiu-jitsu não venceu a capoeiragem. …Mario Aleixo foi derrotado por George Gracie apenas porque não quiz jogar a capoeiragem….elle preferiu não empregar um unico golpe da luta brasileira”….Do modo por que foi dado em Mario Aleixo não seria applicado em um verdadeira mestre do jiu-jitsu, donde se conclude que Mario tem conhecimentos limitados da luta japoneza…Não deveria trabalhar com os braços distendidos nem com o pescoço tão a mostra….”].

121. Diario de Noticias 5-12-31 [“Fosse George Gracie um Aeda [sic] de Koma, e, certamente, Mario Aleixo não resistiria nem 30 segundos”].

122. Diario de Noticias 5-12-31 [“Mario Aleixo querendo fazer valer os seus conhecimentos da luta japoneza”].

123. Correio da Manhã 4-12-31 [”O professor Aleixo parece ter querido mostrar a assistencia que, alem da capoeiragem, era, tambem, eximo em jiu-jitsu”].

124. Diario de Noticias 5-12-31 [“Os Gracie venceram, até agora, com excepção de Mario Aleixo, a capoeiras falhos, incompletos e sem grande conhecimentos dos segredos da nossa luta. Mario Aleixo, que conhece a capoeiragem, não a emprogou contra George Gracie, não tendo, por isso, os sympathizantes da luta nipponico o direto de gritar pela sua superioridae”].

125. Diario da Noite 4-12-31 [“Aleixo deixou os seus affeiçonados profundamente decepcionados”].

126. Correio da Manhã 4-12-31 [“George Gracie parecia uma criança-abrincar com o professor, bem mais velho que elle [with his] cabellos alourados, corpo fino, and calçar curtas”].

126. Diario da Noite 4-12-31 [“O momento do choque final, ahi, então, a desillusão é completa”].

127. Diario Carioca 16-1-29.

128. Diario de Noticias 9-12-31.

129. Diario de Noticias 8-12-31. Fernandes generally weighed in at around 80-85 kilos, Omori at around 65-68 kilos.

130. A Noite 14-12-31 [“Dou-lhe, como prometti, o ‘handicap’ de subir ao ‘ring’ sem kimono, podendo fazer-Ihe, ainda, outras concessões, tão certo estou de o vencer”].

131. Unless otherwise noted, boxing records are from boxrec.com as of December 8, 2013.

132. A Noite 11-12-31.

133. A Noite 11-12-31. The “academia de jiu-jitsu” ad evolved over time. It started out as simply academia de jiu-jitsu. After the original director, Donato Pires dos Reis departed, the names of the remaining instructors were added in 1931, (Carlos and Jorge, then Carlos and Helio). Between October 1, 1932 and October 27, 1932, it had become the “Academia Gracie” (A Noite 1-10-32; and 27-10-32). To save space in headlines and heading, newspapers sometimes simply called it academia Gracie while describing it in the text as academia de jiu-jitsu.

134. Diario de Noticias 12-12-31.

135. Diario de Noticias 13-12-31.

136. A Noite 16-12-31.

137. A Noite 16-12-31.

138. Diario de Noticias 17-12-31.

139. Diario de Noticias 27-12-31.

140. Diario de Noticias 24-12-31.

141 A Noite 19-12-31.

142. Jornal do Brasil 29-12-31 [“quebrarei a resistencia de Omori, com a mesma facilidade com que vergo barras de ferro”].

143. A Noite 22-12-31;28-12-31 [“não hava força capaz de me fazer desisti”].

144. A Noite 18-12-31 [“Bolsa seja dado ao vencedor…. a victoria se verifique pela desistencia”].

145. A Noite 31-12-31; Diario de Noticias 31-12-31.

146. A Noite 22-12-31; 28-12-31.

147. A Noite 31-12-31.

148. Correio Paulistano 8-1-29.

149. Diario de Noticias 26-8-31.

150. Dempsey 1934.

151. Dempsey fought at least three wrestlers in 1940, knocking all of them out. The last was Cowboy Luttrell on July 1. The outcome of a Dempsey versus Gracie fight would certainly have hinged on the Gracie representative’s ability to put the Manassa Mauler on the canvas and keep him there. We will never know, but a historical review of such mixed fights suggests that it could have gone either way.

.

Chapter 12

1932

1. Mandell 1984.

2. A Noite 6-1-32; Diario de Noticias 7-1-32.

3. A Noite 5-1-32.

4. A Noite 11-1-32.

5. A Noite 13-1-32.

6. A Noite 13-1-32 [“Pela primeira vez, o box livre em competencia com o jiu-jitsu”].

7. Diario de Noticias 13-12-31.

8. Pierpaoli 2011.

9. Portugal’s record did not improve after the fight. Boxing data come from boxrec.com unless otherwise indicated.

10. A Noite 15-1-32 [“Já venceu, por knock-out, no Pará, um praticante do jiu-jitsu”].

11. Diario da Noite 15-1-32. Certainly the numbers were exaggerated, but few people in Brazil could claim to have more ring experience than Omori in 1932.

12. Diario Carioca 14-1-32 [“Poderiam ter sido escolhidos adversaries mais competentes, da parte do pugilismo, para represental-o, mas assim mesmo, sendo Crespo uma estrella completamente apagada tecnicamente e Portugal um insufficiente energicamente e mesmo falho de tecnica, temos fé que o box vencerá”].

13. Diario da Noite 16-1-32.

14. Dempsey had not been champion for six years (he lost the title to Gene Tunney by 10-round decision on September 23, 1926) but was still the personification of boxing to many people.

15. A Batalha 16-1-32 [“Antonio Portugal é a pugilista experimentado, e que, além, do mais conhece, tambem, os segredos do jiu-jitsu”].

16. Diario da Noite 16-1-32.

17. Diario de Noticias 15-1-32.

18. Diario de Noticias 15-1-32. Baldi probably left something out of his story.

19. Diario Carioca 15-1-32.

20. Correia da Manhã 14, 15-1-32; A Noite 14, 15-1-32.

21. Also described as Colyseu de Box.

22. A Noite 18-1-32.

23. Diario da Noite 18-1-32 [“Mal o combate foi iniciado, Geo Omori, com uma tesoura da pernas, levou o portuguez ao tablado. Em seguir, com incrivel agilidade, Geo Omori levantou Crespo, atirando-o ao tablado. Completamente estonteado com os golpes que soffreu, Crespo pouco depois desistiu do combate, ao poder de violente chave de pernas que lhe applicou Geo Omori”].

24. Diario Carioca 17-1-32 [“Aos 45 segundos Omori applica uma tesoura de pernas ao thorax e torção de pé, forçando Crespo a desistir….A’ 1 minuto e 45 segundos, Portugal soffre uma chave de pernas no pieto e torção de braço e desistiu”].

25. Correio da Manhã 19-1-32 [“Tal como estava previsto, os dois fraquissimos pugilistas Tavares Crespo e Antonio Portugal foram facilmente vencidos pelos representantes do violento jogo japonez”].

26. Diario Nacional 16-1-32.

27. Diario Nacional 23-1-32.

28. Diario Nacional 31-1-32.

29. Correio Paulistano 11-3-39.

30. Diario de Noticias 2-2-32.

31. Diario de Noticias 4-3-32.

32. Diario Nacional 13-3-32. Gallos Cegos [blind-fold boxing] was described as “boxeurs que se vão bater com os olhas vendados”].

33. Diario da Noite 26-1-32, reprinted 26-4-32. Rule 2 (concerning shoulder pinning) was “um lutador será considerado vencido quando os seus dois hombres e os seus quadric hajam tocado o solo, com a condição, todavia, de que esta posição resulte de queda imposta pelo adversario.” Rule 8 (concerning voluntarily lying on one’s back) was [“quando um lutador deixa que as suas espaduas e seus quadric toquem o solo, mas se o fez com a intenção de aassim tombar o adversario, não se considerado vencido”].

34. Diario da Noite 12-3-32 [“Os recursos do jiu-jitsu e da luta livre são identicos. Não posso negar que e difficel prever um desfecho”].

35. A Noite 14-3-32.Diario da Noite, 14-3-3; Diario Nacional, 13-3-32.

36. Diario de Noticias 15-3-32.

37. A Noite 16-3-32.

38. A Noite 22-3-32.

39. A Noite 29-3-32.

40. Diario de Noticias 22-4-32.

41. Diario Carioca 6-4-32.

42. Reila Gracie (2008) shows that, at most, Carlos could have taken lessons from Koma for one year. The four people in the best position to judge―George, Helio, Geo Omori, and Donato Pires, didn’t seem to think that Carlos had a high level of either technique or knowledge. (Obviously, they were not completely unbiased). Reila also suggests that Carlos trained with another Koma student Jacyntho Ferro, but that also is unproven. Ferro was later acclaimed (by the press, not by Koma) as Koma’s best student but that was long after Carlos left Belém.

43. Diario de Noticias 21-7-32.

44. Diario de Noticias 5-4-32.

45. Diario de Noticias 5-4-32. Akitaro Ono was a Kodokan classmate and colleague of Maeda Mitsuyo (Conde Koma).

46. Diario de Noticias 15-4-32.

47. Diario de Noticias 19-4-32.

48. Diario Carioca 27-4-32; Diario de Noticias 28-4-32.

49. Corrieo da Manhã 28-4-32.

50. As reported in Folha da Manhã 14-6-32.

51. Diario Carioca 1-5-32.

52. A Noite 24-2-32.

53. A Noite 15-4-32; Diario de Noticias 6-5-32.

54. A Noite 27-4-32.

55. Diario de Noticias 17-10-32.

56. A Noite 4-5-32 [“Dentinho, logo de inicio, mostrou não possuir habilidade para pôr á prova a efficiencia do meio de defesa japonez. Indo ao tapete logo no primeiro round. Salvando-o o final do mesmo. No Segundo round, o professor Oswaldo Gracie applicou uma chave de braço em Dentinho, que não resistindo, caiu, vencido nitidamente. A numerosa platéa não se mostrou satisfeita por ver no o adversario do professor Gracie pouca tendencia para a capoeiragem“] (A Batalha 5-5-32; Diario de Noticias 6-5-32).

57. A Noite 28-5-32.

58. Diario de Noticias 18-3-32.

59. Diario de Noticias 10-6-32. Manoel Rufino was described as the “vanquisher of Carlos Gracie [“vencedor de Carlos Gracie”]. After his three year campaign of self-promotion, including claims of being undefeated and unbeatable, this must have bothered a man with an ego the size of Carlos Gracie’s.

60. Diario de Noticias 19-6-32.

61. Correio d S. Paulo 22-6-32

62. Correio da Manhã 28-6-32. An “academic match” was a demonstration.

63. Diario de Noticias 8-7-32.

64. Diario de Noticias 9-7-32.

65. Diario de Noticias 12-7-32.

66. Diario de Noticias 14-7-32. Roberto Coelho was jiu-jitsu student of Jose Barbosa.

67. Correio da Manhã 17-7-32. None of the reports included photographs so it is unclear what a “gravata americana” was, other than some type of choke or headlock.

68. Diario de Noticias. 17-7-32; Diario da Noite 19-7-32.

69. Diario de Noticias 21-7-32.

70. Diario de Noticias 25-7-32.

71. Carlos may have had a match of some sort with someone possibly named “Samuel” but according to his brother George, “Samuel” was untrained tough guy who Carlos was unable to defeat. Reila Gracie (2008, pp. 70-73) describes this match in great detail, from Carlos’s perspective, but does not provide a source for her information, which seems to be Carlos himself.

72. Diario da Noite 27-7-32.

73. Omori’s academy had many young Brazilian students who were eager to learn the exciting and very useful Japanese fight” [“Frequentada por muitas jovens brasileiros, que ali vão em buscade conhecimentos technicos da emocianante e utilissima luta nipponico”] (Diario de Noticias 20-7-32).

74. Diario de Noticias 24-7-32.

75. Diario de Noticias 3-8-32 [“uma das pelejas mais renhidas dos nossos annaes sportivos”].

76. First letter of name was illegible, but Omori says that he was from Fukuoka. He probably was Samura Kaichiro.

77. Diario de Noticas 23-8-32.

78. Diario de Noticias 29-7-32. [“Para que Geo Omori me venca terá que conseguir o knock-out, poise eu não desisterei”].

79. Diario de Noticias 22-8-32.

80. Diario de Noticias 5-8-32; Diario de Noticias 1-9-32.

81. A Noite 26-8-32.

82. Diario de Noticias 7-9-32.

83. Correio da Manhã 21-9-32.

84. A Noite 6-9-32.

85. Diario de Noticias 23-8-32.

86. Diario de Noticas 28-8-32.

87. Diario de Noticias 26-8-32, 28-8-32, 30-8-32.

88. Diario de Noticias 9-1-32.

89. Diario de Noticias 9-9-32.

90. Diario de Noticias 11-9-32.

91. A Noite 12-9-32.

92. Diario de Noticias 11-9-32 [Namiki “teve franco predominio durante a maior parte da pelaja”].

93. Diario de Noticias 11-9-32.

94. Hannam 2009; pp. 337-338; Merton and Barber 2004, p. 19.

95. A Noite 12-9-32.

96. Diario da Noite 11-9-32. O Imparcial 28-5-39. In 1932 Jeronymo de Moraes was the president, and Paschoal Segreto Sobrinho was the director. Moraes stepped down in 1936 at which time the Irmãos Segreto, as they were often called, took over.

97. Diario de Noticias 15-9-32.

98. Correio da Manhã 1-7-31.

99. Diario da Noite 11-9-32.

100. Diario de Noticias 14-9-32; 15-9-32.

101. Diario de Noticias 14-9-32.

102. Diario de Noticias. 21-9-32 [“Quem vae acceitar o repto de Ebert?”]. Like Roberto Ruhmann, Ebert (or a publicist, manager, or promoter) may have exaggerated his competition record. There is no listing for Fred Ebert as a Greco-roman or Freestyle wrestling medallist in the 1920 Antwerp Olympic Games, according to www.olympic.org.

103. A Noite 22-9-32.

104. Diario de Noticias 23-9-32.

105. Diario de Noticias 23-9-32.

106. Diario de Noticias 24-9-32 [“darei 5,000$ooo a Ebert se elle resistir a minha gravata”].

107. A Noite 29-9-32; Diario da Noite 30-9-32.

108. Correio da Manhã 29-9-32.

109. Eduardo de Oliveira was also called Eduardo da Praia [Eduardo of the beach] in some reports.

110. Correio da Manhã 1-10-32.

111. A Noite 29-9-32.

112. Diario de Noticias 1-10-32.

113. Diario de Noticias 4-10-32.

114 Diario de Noticias 4-10-32.

115. Diario de Noticias 7-10-32.

116. Diario de Noticias 5-1-32 [“Pela primeira vez, o publico vae conhecer um lutador que sabe pôr em pratica o verdadeiro catch as catch can”].

117. Diario Carioca 9-10-32 [”Este combate de 1 ao 6 round não teve grande phases, como era de esperar de ‘tongo’ illustrado por algumas quedas. Terminou empate”].

118. O Radical 10-10-32.

119. Diario de Noticias 14-10-32.

120. A Batalha 12-10-32; Diario de Noticias 14-10-32.

121. Diario Carioca 13-10-32 [“Sou o mas novo discipulo do Academia Gracie. Assim mesmo, estou prompto a enfrentar o athleta judeu com a certeza de vencel-o”].

122. Diario de Noticias 14-10-32 [“Elle [Carlos Gracie] declara que o seu irmão Helio Gracie me vencerá facilmente, e que eu SEM [sic] kimono, não resistirei mais que dois rounds!” Pode ser que o ‘phenomeno’ esteja aqui “].

123. Diario de Noticias 14-10-32.

124. Diario de Noticias 20-10-32.

125. Diario da Noite 19-10-32 [“Os irmãos Gracie reuniram-se para “lutar com o professor do gymnastica Manoel Rufino dos Santos. Da partida desigual saiu seriamente contundido o que lutou sozinho. A luta travada foi do que livre….liberrima. Não houve juiz, nem regras e muito menos lealdade de parte dos conhecidos profissionaes do ‘jiu-jitsu’. A policia, porém, não concordando com o ‘methodo’ que os irmãos Gracie usam, ou melhor, de que abusam, abriu inquerito e vae processal-os”].

126. A Noite 19-10-32.

127. A Noite 21-10-32.

128. Diario de Noticias 2-11-32 [“O Teuto-Americano não chegará ao segundo round ….o enfrentasse”].

129. Correio da Manha 8-11-32 [“Fred Ebert empatou com Gracie…não houve vencedores”].

130. A Noite 7-11-32; O Radical 6-11-32.

131. Diario de Noticias 8-11-32 [“uma mistura exquisita que não podia satisfazer a ninguem”].

132. Jornal do Brasil 8-12-32.

133. A Batalha 19-11-32; A Noite 25-11-32; Diario de Noticias 29-11-32.

134. Diario de Noticias 7-12-32. Al Faria (Alberto La Torre Faria) and Roberto Coelho were students of jiu-jitsu teacher Jose Barbosa.

135. A Batalha 27-11-32.

136. Jornal do Brasil 8-12-32.

137. Diario de Noticas 30-11-32 [“Hoje estou separado de Carlos e procuro imprimir aos meus treinos uma nova technca que muito me tem animado para manter a minha academia…quando deixei o Rio ja me encontrava em grande forma, e agora attingi a minha melhor phase, e isso graças a dedicação do meu treinador Dudú”].

138. Diario de Noticias 9-12-32.

139. A Noite 13-12-32 [“A policia não permittiu a luta…..denegar…em virtude de constatar desproporção de peso nos lutadores”].

140. O Radical 15-12-32.

141. A Batalha 27-11-32. Sine-die essentially meant cancelled, or postponed without any plan to reschedule the fight.

142. Diario de Noticias 22-12-32.

143. Diario de Noticias 22-12-32.

144. Yassuiti Ono worked closely with the pro-wrestlers but it is not clear that he arranged any results. At least there is no record of him losing. The other active jiu-jitsu fighters all lost to pro-wrestlers and the more often they entered the ring, the more often they lost. The only definite exception was Helio Gracie.

.

Chapter 13

1933

1. Diario de Noticias 12-1-33 [“talvez…não ter Oswaldo Gracie sabido cair. Muita gente não sabe que uma grandes vantagems da luta japoneza é ‘saber cair’”].

2. A Noite 17-2-33; 7-2-33.

3. Diario da Noite 3-2-33.

4. Diario de Noticias 11-2-33. Antonio Portugal was also described as the lightweight champion (campeão brasileiro de peso-leve) by Reila Gracie in 2008 (p. 99). Antonio Portugal was never lightweight boxing champion of Brazil. One newspaper described him as the champion of his home state of Pará (Diario Nacional 27-7-27). In 1931 he was one of the three boxers who fought 2-round exhibitions with Joe Assobrab in the semi-final to the Manoel Rufino dos Santos versus Carlos Gracie luta livre match. Antonio Portugal’s “promotion” to champion of Brazil may have stemmed from Helio Gracie, seventy years later, confusing the two boxers.

5. Diario de Noticias 9-2-32.

6. Diario de Noticias 13-12-32.

7. Diario da Noite 9-2-33.

8. A Batalha 30-3-33 said the Albino da Costas versus Tavares Crespo fight would be five rounds. Crespo had luta livre experience but was primarily a boxer.

9. Diario Carioca 7-4-33; A Batalha 30-3-33.

10. Some newspapers reported the address as 106, others as 117.

11. Correio da Manha 31-3-33 [“Independente do valor de cada um delles existe ainda o prestigio das Academia que será posto em jogo. Qual dellas é a mais recommendavel a Academia Geo Omori ou a Academia George Gracie?”].

12. Diario Carioca 7-4-33. [“qual o mais perfeito methodo de ensinamentos”].

13. A Batalha 31-3-33.

14. Diario Carioca 7-4-33.

15. Diario da Noite 11-4-33.

16. Diario de Noticias 12-4-33 [“foi uma “borracheira. Do principio ao fim, lutas monotonas e destitudas de technical. O combate Omori e George Gracie Não agradou, muito agarrado e extremamente monotono, uma decepção em 8 rounds, destitudas de technica”].

17. Diario Carioca 12-4-33 [“Crespo foi ‘astro’ no box, e bom na luta livre, mas deve deixar o ‘jiu-jitsu’ para outras”].

18. A Batalha 11-4-33.

19. A Noite 18-4-33; A Batalha 20-4-33 [“Ninguem convenceu O resultado do combate George Gracie x Geo Omori”].

20. A Noite18-4-33.

21. A Noite 20-4-33.

22. A Noite 10-5-33.

23. According to Correio de S. Paulo 2-6-33. Rogerio was a fighter of formidable resources who had already beaten Pernarella and Geo Omori, among others. One of Ruhmann’s nicknames at the time was “Strangler” [“estrangulador”].

24. Correio de S. Paulo 7-6-33; 10-6-33 [“Jiut-Jiuts [sic] (Kimono) 5 rounds de 5 ms. entre os famosos professors da tradicional faixa preta”].

25. A Noite 8-7-33.

26. A Batalha 8-4-32. Salamiel de Oliveira was a luta livre professor, and student of Manoel Rufio dos Santos.

27. A Batalha 25-10-33.

28. A Batalha 11-7-33.

29. A Batalha 11-7-33; A Noite 8-7-33.

30. A Batalha 9-7-33 [“George ficando montado nas costas do peso pesado, para Ihe desferir uma serie de violentissimosos soccos…Tico cae numa violenta “gravata,” dada pelas costas com o auxilio efficiente de uma ‘thesoura’ de rins’”].

31. A Noite 10-7-33 [“começo do fin”].

32. A Batalha 9-7-33. Diario Carioca 12-7-33 called the take-down a “rasteira”.

33. A Batalha 17-7-33.

34. Also known as sleeper chokes, hadaka jime, among other names.

35. A Batalha 11-7-33.

36. A Noite 10-7-33. [“um adversario valoroso….sabe perder, como verdadeiro sportsman”].

37 Diario de Noticias 11-7-33. Brigado was alluding to the Cyriaco versus Sada Miyako fight in 1909.

38. A Batalha 12-7-33.

39. Diario de Noticias 14-7-33.

40. Diario de Noticias 5-11-33 [“Dentro da sua categoria, o aggressivo cultor da luta japoneza não tem adversaries no Brasil”].

41. Diario da Noite 29-7-33; Diario de Noticias 30-7-33.

42. A Batalha 30-9-33.

43. A Batalha 17-10-33.

44. A Batalha 29-10-33.

45. Diario Carioca 29-10-33 [“Ė muito mais difficil um peso leve enfrentar um adversario agil, em sua categoria, que um mastadonte inerte”].

46. Coelho was a student of Jose Barbosa.

47. Diario Carioca 12-11-33; 18-11-33;

48. Diario de Noticias 31-10-33 [“A facil Victoria de George Gracie sobre Manoel Fernandes alvoroçou os circulous sportivos”].

49. A Batalha 23-11-33.

50. Diario da Noite 27-12-33 [“George não resistirá mais de um round em sua frente”].

51. Diario de Noticias 31-10-33 [“atiraria George longo com um soco”].

52. A Batalha 3-11-33.

53. A Batalha 22-12-33. Omori described Carlos as a “lutador trapaçeiro”. A “trapaçeiro” was a cheater, fraudster, hustler, conman, swindler.

54. A Batalha 12-11-33 [“sempre que procure a luta, Carlos manda um irmão ou alumno responder”].

55. A Batalha 4-11-33 [“Carlos Gracie não deve lancer desafios para os pupillos. Isso e feio. Elle, que e profressor, como eu, deve lancer desafios em seu proprio nome”].

56. A Noite 7-11-33 [“como todos sabem, os misteres do Carlos Gracie não permittem esteja elle em condições de subir ao ‘ring’ a qualquer momento”].

57. Diario Carioca 17-12-33 [“permittará todos os golpes, mesmo porque os adversariios não querem lutar como da outra vez, uma hora e mais”].

58. Diario Carioca 20-12-33. [“Omori não passaria do segundo round….a luta terminará com relative rapidez. Vencerá o mais violento”].

59. Diario de Noticias 20-12-33. [“Geo Omori será espectacularmente vencido por George até o segundo round, se não fugir ao combate”].

60. Diario de Noticas 20-12-33.

61. Jornal do Brasil 23-12-33.

62. A Batalha 12-12-33.

63. A Batalha 13-12-33 [“Ė absolutemante impossivel trabalhar com os irmãos Gracie”].

64. Diario de Noticias 22-12-33.

65. Diario Carioca 24-12-33.

66. O Paiz 24-12-33 [“redundou em pessima exhibição de box e luta livre a ‘valer tudo’ entre Omori e Gracie….A luta redundou num fracasso”].

67. A Batalha 24-12-33; Diario Carioca 27-12-33.

68. A Batalha 28-12-33.

69. A Noite 26-12-33 [“a luta estava estipulada em 10 rounds sendo condição da victoria a perda dos sentidos ou desistencia”].

70. A Noite 27-12-33.

71. Diario Carioca 31-12-33.

72. Boxing records come from www.boxrec.com (accessed December 10, 2013, with a few earlier exceptions, such as Jayme Ferreira), unless otherwise indicated.

73. A Noite 13-7-33 [“Acceito a repto convencerei aos descrentes do valor do jiu-jitsu….espera-se a vinda de Jose Santa ao Rio”].

.

Chapter 14

1934

1. Diario de Noticias 10-11-33 [“elle confessa implicitamente ter feita lutas combinadas”].

2. Diario de Noticias 22-11-33 [“haverá empresario que queira fazer a peleja? E o publico terá a ingenuidade de ir ver outro combate do homem que já abusou tantas vezes de sua boa fé?”].

3. A Batalha 15-7-33.

4. A Batalha 20-1-34 [“Poucas, rarissimas, foram as vezes que Gracie teve alguma opportunidade…Dudú dominou George Gracie mas viu, por fim, a luta considerada empatada pela Commissão de Pugilismo”].

5. A Batalha 20-1-34.

6. Dairo da Noite 20-1-34.

7. O Paiz 20-1-34 [“embora pouco combativos, os luctadores Dudú e George evidenciaram bon conhecimentos da modalidade de luta que cultivam”].

8. A Noite 26-2-34.

9. A Noite 18-1-34; O Paiz 19-1-34, Diario de Noticias 20-1-34.

10. Diario de Noticias 27-1-34.

11. A Batalha 14-3-34.

12. Diario da Noite 24-3-34 [“com isso os organisadores do combate pensam forçar Dudú e Omori a lutarem de verdade”].

13. O Paiz 25-3-34.

14. Diario da Noite 26-3-34.

15. O Paiz 25-3-34.

16. Diario da Noite 27-3-24.

17. A Noite 4-4-34 [“Os Gracie jamais recusaram desafios”]. But as other people pointed out, when Carlos referred to the Gracies in this context, he meant George and Helio.

18. Diario de Noticias 29-3-34.

19. Diario de Noticias 29-3-24.

20. A Noite 9-4-34.

21. Diario de Noticias 12-4-34. The professional match was Louis Reix versus Balthazar Cardoso.

22. A Noite 14-4-34.

23. According to Correio do Parana (17-4-24) the fight lasted 22 minutes.

24. A Noite 16-4-34.

25. A Noite 18-4-34.

26. O Paiz 21-4-34.

27. O Paiz 20-4-34.

28. A Noite 8-5-34.

29. O Paiz 6-5-34.

30. O Paiz 18-2-34.

31. A Noite 8-5-34 [“Zbyszko, o famoso campeão de catch-as-catch-can, chegará ao Rio, amanhã”].

32. The first mention of catch-as-catch-can in the Brazilian press was in a story about the Spanish wrestler Andres Balsa in O Paiz on April 23, 1920. The expression was rarely used until the 1930’s, when it became extensively used.

33. ANoite 9-5-34.

34. Based on their names, Hochwald and Nawrocki probably came from Germany and Poland.

35. O Paiz 9-5-34.

36. O Paiz 9-5-34 [“o novo e spectacular sport que é a grande attracção dos ‘rings’ Yankees”].

37. O Paiz 9-5-34 [“nesta temporada, um acontecimento sensacional”].

38 O Paiz 9-5-34.

39. A Noite 9-4-34.

40. O Paiz 9-5-34.

41. A Noite 10-5-34.

42. O Paiz 11-5-34; 12-5-34.

43. Das Decisões: (1) quando um dos luctadores desistir mediante o signal convencional, dado ao juiz, que é: tres pancadas no chão; (2) quando encostar ou collocar as espaduas no chão por tres (3) segundos; (3) quando um dos contendores tombar insconsciente por dez (10) seconds; (4) quando um dos contendores foi atirado por seu adversario for a do ring e não voltar ao ring, por suas proprias forças, em vinte (20) segundos. [semi-colons added by author].

44. Diario de Noticias 11-5-34. “Catch-as-catch-can” was translated as “agarrra-se como puder” for those who were unfamiliar with the English expression.

45. O Paiz 11-5-34.

46. Diario de Noticias 11-5-34 [“Helio Gracie e Miaky vão fazer um combate sensacional na proxima semana”].

47. Diario de Noticias 23-5-34

48. O Paiz 26-5-34.

49. O Paiz 12-5-34. Sixteen were Brazilian, six were Portuguese, and 16 represented a mixed of other nationalities.

50. Diario de Noticias 11-5-34 [“Quem é o lutador Japoneze que veremos Quarta-Feira no Stadium Brasil?.....todos que o conhece dizem que George Gracie terá um contendor difficil e capaz das maiores façanhas”].

51. O Paiz 20-4-34; Diario de Noticias 21-4-34; 16-5-34.

52. A Noite 11-5-34, and A Noite 14-5-34 [“um lutador novo….sempre pepriogas”].

53. A Noite 5-4-34.

54. A Noite 14-5-34.

55. O Paiz 17-5-34 [“A lucta final, como a maioria dos matches de jiu-jitsu, foi monotona: quatro tombos, varias tenativas de estrangulamento, com os dois homems rolando pelo tapete, evolvidos os pannejamentos dos kimonos, e eis que Gracie, mais feliz, conseque esse proposito”].

56. Diario Carioca 17-5-34 said it was 25 minutes.

57. O Paiz 17-5-34 [Ė curios notar que, tendo o famos e efficiente sport japonez centenas de golpes, so se registram nos nossos rings duas classes de ataques: derrubar o adversario com um calce ou com a ajuda o flanco e depois cruzar-lhe o kimono o pescoço para o afogamento”].

58. A Noite 17-5-34.

59. Diario de Noticias 18-5-34. Shupe didn’t mention Gastão Jr., who was also a jiu-jitsu expert. Gastão however didn’t fight and seldom appeared in the newspapers. For most practical purposes, he didn’t exist.

60. Diario Carioca, 17-5-34.

61. Diario da Noite 17-5-34 [“quando torcia pelo seu favorito, rolou da archibancada, indo tomar no solo, bastante ferido”]. A Noite (17-5-34) reported that the injured fan’s name was Luiz Nopurg, that he was 36, a charuteiro [cigar maker or shop owner], and that he fainted and fell. The two reports differed in many details and may have been planted to create the impression that the fight was more exciting than it apparently really was. If not, it indicates how inaccurate press reports could be at the time. The only common features of the stories were that the fan’s first name was Luiz, he was Japanese, and fell.

62. A Batalha 24-5-34.

63. Diario de Noticias 24-5-34 [“Os irmãos Gracie Condemnados a 2 1/2 annos de prisão”].

64. Roberts 2003. Godfrey’s record was 96 wins (with 78 KOs), 21 losses, and 2 draws. Godfrey was unquestionably the best boxer ever to step foot in Brazil, and certainly light years ahead of any Brazilian boxer until Eder Jofre.

65. Diario de Noticias 24-5-34 [“campeãos dos arabias…não faço lutas combinadas….vencedor ou vencido, lutarei honestamente”].

66. It is interesting that the Gracie brothers didn’t challenge George Godfrey. It is likely that he would have accepted. He had no problem fighting grapplers, and knew how to wrestle himself. On 18, 1931 he defeated Jack Russell in nine minutes in a luta romana match in Mexico City (A Esquerda 22-1-31). Not being a world champion, possibly there wasn’t enough potential publicity to make a challenge worth-while. Or possibly the fact that he was in Rio and might have accepted influenced the jiu-jitsu men’s calculations.

67. Diario de Noticias 26-5-34.

68. Jornal do Brasil 29-5-34 [“E a luta com Miyaki?” Perguntamos a Helio. “Não sei bem ainda. Por esses dias mais proximos, não será, certamente. Preciso retreinar. Perdi muito o folego. O certo é que será para a semana”]. It is unclear from Helio’s statement whether he meant that the fight would take place within a week, or that he would need at least a week to recover his form. The latter seems more likely.

69. A Noite 30-5-34; O Paiz 31-5-34; Diario de Noticias 11-8-34.

70. A Noite 5-6-34; 6-6-34. The specific points of the petition are quoted in Gracie 2008, p. 126.

71. O Paiz 21-6-34.

72. Merrill, Bryan, & Alisky 1975.

73. Diario de Noticias 23-6-34 [“O combate deverá ser desinteressante. A luta promette ser destituida de technica e chiea de ‘agarramentos’, porque ambos os pugilistas não possuem recursos capazes de desenvolver uma actuação impressionante”].

74. Diario de Noticias 24-6-34 [“Nitida Victoria de Helio Gracie sobre Miaki aos 25 minutos de luta, com uma gravata de estrangulamento”].

75. A Noite 25-6-34.

76. O Paiz 24-6-34 [“a lucta incia-se intense e o japonez tenta um estrangulamento. Helio escapa-se para as cordas. O juiz tenta separar mas a japonez custa a larger seu contendor, obrigando o intrevir energicamente. Agora e o japonez que se escapa para as cordas. Voltam ao centro e a lucta prosegue com as mesmas caracteristicas:  isto e, tentativas de estrangulamento com o auxillo do kimono [sic]. Helio passa a maior parte do round sob o corpo do japonez, mas mantem este com um ‘tesoura’ aos rins, tentando varias vezes viral-o sem conseguir. Por varias vezes o brasileiro se ve em mas situações mas conseque livrar-se com auxillo das pernas, repellindo o japonez. Passados uns vinte minutos, Helio conseque sasar-se de sob o japonez, passando o dominal-o sentado sobre elle. Numa desse viravoltas Helio conseque trançar a kimono e estrangula Miaky [sic], que desmaia”].

77. A Noite 15-5-34 [“Estanislao Zbyszko desafiou os irmãos Gracie. E lutara com todos na mesma noite!”].

78. Diario Carioca 26-7-34.

79. O Paiz 22-7-34.

80. O Paiz 25-7-34.

81. O Paiz 26-7-34.

82. O Paiz 28-7-34.

83. O Paiz 28-7-34.

84. Diario de Noticias 27-7-34; Correio da Manhã 29-8-34.

85. Diario de Noticias 29-7-34. [“Wladek procurava quebra a guarda impenetravel de Helio Gracie, sem o conseguir”].

86. Correio da Manhã 29-8-34.

87. A Noite 30-8-34. A Noite was owned by Gracie family friend Roberto Marinho.

88. A Noite 26-7-34 [“Quando um Gracie sobe ao quadrado de cordas o publico sabe que vae assistir uma luta de verdade”].

89. O Paiz 8-8-34; A Noite 10-8-34.

90. A Noite 10-8-34.

91. A Noite 11-8-34 [“Carlos nunca foi lutador, como e facil constatar nas duas vezes em que elle subiu ao ‘ring’. Uma na A.C.M., quando lutou com um homem que não conhecia nenhuma, luta e mesmo assim elle não conseguiu vencer, e outra, quando lutou no Fluminense, naquelle combate em que abandonou a peleja com Rufino dos Santos”]. Based on circumstantial evidence, the most likely candidate for Carlos’ first opponent was Rufino’s student Salamiel de Oliveira. However, apart from George’s comment, no mention of this fight (or incident) has been found. Reila Gracie (2008, p. 70-73; 300, 372) basing her account on what Carlos said “many years later” [“muitos anos depois”] describes Carlos’ mystery opponent as “Samuel” a gigante negro capoeira stevedore. According to Reila, again based on Carlos testimony, Carlos wanted to fight “without rules” [sem regras]. If so, he changed his tune completly when it came time to face Manoel Rufino in 1931.

92. Gracie 2008.

93. As documented by Reila Gracie 2008.

94. Diario de Noticias 11-8-34.

95. Diario de Noite 11-8-34 [“acho que George perderá, amanha, o titulo de invicto. Os Gracies pensem que nossos physicos nada valem. Mostrarei que a habilidade delles e não tem expressão”].

96. Diario de Noticias 16-8-34 [“aos sete minutos, recebendo um efficiente ‘arm-lock”].

97. Diario de Noticias 16-8-34.

98. Diario de Noticias 17-8-34.

99. Diario de Noticias 7-9-34.

100. O Paiz 12-5-34. Gardini, Jack Russell and Jack Conley (and several others) were suspended by the Commissão de Box for signing contracts with EPB while already under contract to Pepe Lectoure and Ismail Pace in Argentina, who had lent them to rival promoters Empresa Pugilistica Carioca (O Paiz 13-5-34).

101. O Paiz 4-5-34.

102. Zbyszko was considered the legitimate world champion by the “Commission of California” [considerado ainda pela commissão da California como o legitomo campeao mundial] (O Paiz 13-5-34].

103. O Paiz 4-5-34.

104. Diario Carioca 14-9-34.

105. Diario de Noticias 14-9-34 [“teremos nova farça? Ė diffiicil responder”].

106. O Paiz 15-9-34 [“A reunião de hoje no Estadio Brasil: Renato Gardini enfrentará Helio Gracie”].

107. Diario da Noite 11-9-34.

108. Correio da Manhã 15-9-34 [“não haverá lutas no Stadium Brasil…resolveu adiar sine-die, a luta que devia realizar-se hoje no Stadium Brasil entre os lutadores Gardini e Jorge Gracie”].

109. Diario Carioca 16-9-34.

110. Correio de S. Paulo 5-10-34. As usual, spelling was highly erratic. Some of the spellings were common variants in Brazilian Portuguese, for examples, alternating “s” and “z,” (Azuma/Asuma) “I” and “Y” (Iamada, Yamada). Others may have been the result of ignorance or carelessness. The father of the two children Migavi, was probably Miravami, who probably was Murakami (there is no “v” sound in Japanese and “Miravami/Magavi would be rare names, even if spelled accurately, while Murakami is a common name.

111. A Noite 20-2-34.

112. A Noite 20-2-34 [“Para a futoro quem quizer lutar comnosco terá envergar o tão apavorante kimono”].

113. A Federação 31-10-34 [“affirmou ainda que qualquer dos Gracie são eximios luctadores, tendo condições de brilhar em qualquer paiz do universo”].

114. O Paiz 7-10-34.

115. Gazeta de Noticias. 7-10-34 [“deste vez resolvou não combinar, como tem feito lutas anteriores, principalmente a que travou com o irmao de seu adversario hontem”].

116. Diario de Noticias 12-10-34.

117. A Federação 2-10-34 [“até mesmo os nipponicos, os reis do quebra-musculos, curvaram-se ante a supremacia dos Gracie”].

118. A Federação 9-10-34.

119. A Federação 13-10-34 [“lutas contra qualquer pessoa que queira medir forças conosco”].

120. A Federação 17-10-34.

121. A Federação 17-10-34 [“O publico formará o seu juizo sobre a efficiencia da lucta romana, do box, e do formidavel jiu-jitsu”].

122. A Federação 19-10-34.

123. A Federação 23-10-34.

124. A Federação 26-11-34.

125. A Federação 27-10-34.

126. A Federação 29-10-34.

127. A Federação 30-10-34.

128. A Federação 31-10-34.

129. Diario de Noticias 19-10-34.

130. Diario Carioca 18-10-34.

131. A Federação 1-11-34.

132. Federação 1-11-34.

133. Federação 7-11-34.

34. Diario Carioca 11-11-34, O Paiz 11-11-34; O Radical 11-11-34.

135. A Federação 19-12-34.

136. A Noite 3-11-34.

137. Diario de Noticias 4-11-34. If a fighter refused to fight from the beginning (rather than refusing to continue after the start), his opponent was generally declared the winner by “walk-over” (or WO).

138. Dario de Noticias 7-11-34 [“Helio ‘empate’ porque a luta fôra combinada. Em combate leal, honesto, ‘no duro’, Helio não resistiria a Zbyszko, como George, que o mais forte que o irmão, não resistiu”].

139. A Federação 18-12-34.

140. A Federação 24-12-34.

141. A Federação 1-12-34.

142. Correio da Manhã 17-11-34. Adan Mayer (aka Adam Mayer, Adão Mayer, Adam Meyer) was a luta romana wrestler who represented the Gracie Academy on at least one occasion, in July of 1933.

.

Chapter 15

1935

1. A Noite 5-1-35; Correio da Manhã 6-1-35.

2. Diario Carioca 2-2-35 [“Como se sabe, Helio e Carlos sentiram-se affrontados com as referencias feitas por Dudú acerca da academia dos Gracie a proposito do facto lamentavel de George não ter querido enfrental-o já quando estavam ambos sobre o ring. Dudú declarou por essa occasião que os Gracies nada valiam e que poderia derrotar qualquer delles em poucos minutos e que a prova disso estava no proprio facto de que George não ter querido lutar com elle”].

3. Diario Carioca 2-2-35 [“Foi então que surgiu Helio pela imprensa, desafiando Dudú em qualquer condições, provando assim que havia um Gracie prompto a lutar com elle”].

4. Diario Carioca 2-2-35 [“Vencerei qualquer dos Gracies com facilidade, em qualquer condições. Espero poder provar minhas palavras; isto é que vencerei Helio como moralmente venci George. Só que desta vez a victoria não será apenas moral, ha de ser material, positive e dolorosa”].

5. Diario de Noticias 2-2-35; Diario Carioca 3-2-35.

6. Correio da Manhã 3-2-35.

7. Diario Carioca 3-2-35.

8. Many people enjoy watching theatrical, formulaic, ritualistic violence, but as Randall Collins (2008) documents, very few enjoy watching genuine violence and trauma (at least in recent history).

9. Correio da Manhã 21-2-35.

10. Gazeta de Noticias 10-4-35.

11. Gazeta de Noticias 10-4-35.

12. [“Commissão de pugilismo impediu Grillo Omori escanalocaso;” “porque achou que na luta houve combinação tivesse provado antes de mais nada quem fez a combinação…a luta irregular”].

13. O Radical 29-4-35.

14. A Federação 7-6-35.

15. A Manhã 7-7-35; Gazeta de Noticias 9-7-35.

16. A Federação 3-8-35.

17. A Federação 22-8-35.

18. A Noite 3-9-35.

19. O Imparcial 19-9-35.

20. Diario de Noticias 27-9-35.

21. A Manhã 27-9-35; O Radical 26-9-35.

22. Gazeta de Noticias 29-9-35.

23. [“O japonez mostrou habilidade nas rasteiras”]. “Rasteira” (singular) was a word with many meanings, including “trip” (as in “cause someone to fall by blocking the movement of one or both of their legs with one or both of your own”). In this case it probably referred to foot sweeps, such as “ashi-barai” and possibly other similar looking techniques, such as osoto-gari, osoto-gake, kouchi-gari, and the like.

24. Gazeta de Noticias 5-10-35 [“antes de soar o gong para o segundo round o ‘celebre’ Grillo desistirá”].

25. A Manhã 3-10-35.

26. Gazeta de Noticias 6-10-35.

27. Gazeta de Noticias 6-10-35.

28. Gazeta de Noticias 10-10-35.

29.Gazeta de Noticias 11-10-35.

30. A Federação 23-10-35.

31. O Imparcial 25-10-35 mentioned that Jansen lost to George Gracie in the sixth round of an unspecified fight.There is no record of an Andre Jansen versus George Gracie fight. If George or any other jiu-jitsu representative had managed to defeat a capoeira of Jansen’s stature it is unlikely that they wouldn’t have mentioned the incident. George and Jansen did fight (other opponents) on one or more programs however. The October 25 O Imparcial report may have been incorrect.

32. O Imparcial 25-10-35. [“será a primeira em todo o territorio bahiano e uma das poucas do norte do Brasil”].

33. O Imparcial 31-10-35.

34. O Imparcial 5-11-35 [“desistam de continuar a peleja, ou percam os sentidos”].

35. Gazeta de Noticias 26-11-35. Later reports said that Ono was a 3-dan. Whether 3-dan or 5-dan, he was very good at what he did.

36. A Noite 4-12-35 [“Ono, contrariando todas as caracteristicas essenciaes aos japonezes, tem falado demais”].

37. Gazeta de Noticias 4-12-35 [“entre a technica de Helio e a violencia do Ono”]. Gazeta de Noticias 5-12-35 [“estylo aggrssivo”].

38. Diario Carioca 5-12-35. It isn’t clear what outcome betters were wagering on―Helio to win or Helio to avoid losing.

39. O Imparcial 8-12-35.

40. A Noite 11-12-35; Gazeta de Noticias 12-12-35.

41. Gracie 2008. Reila describes this aspect of Carlos’ life in extensive detail.

42. Stein, 1985, chapter 8; Birman & Leite 2000.

43. The ad read: “Quer Ganhar Sempre na Loteria? Orientando-me pela data de nascimento de cada pessoa, descobrirei o modo seguro que minha experiencia todos podem ganhar na loteria sem perder uma só vez. Mande seu endereço e 600 reis em seilos, para enviar-Ihe GRATIS "O SEGURO DA FORTUNA". Millhares de attestados provam as minhas palavras. Meu endereço, Prof. PAKCHANG TONG, Gral. Milre, 224L, Rosario (S. Fé) (Rep. Argentina).“

In January 1931 Diario Nacional ran a series of article exposing the celebrated Buenos Aires based charlatan [celeberrimo charlatão] “Professor” Pakchang Tong and his scams [bruxarias]. At that time, he was based in Buenos Aires. Pakchang Tong promised that by using his secret knowledge of “radio fluidico astral” anyone could always win (or at least, have enviable luck) in lotteries, gambling, etc., [jogos da loteria, do bicho, do cartas, de corridas, etc.] (Diario Nacional 2-1-31).

Tong’s modus operandi was not very different from 21st century internet scammers. If someone sent him stamps for the free book, that individual was marked as potential victim. He or she obviously needed good luck and had some degree of belief that it could be obtained using a secret method and that there was no risk－after all, the book was free, and thousands of people could verify that it was true. At least Prof. Tong said they would.

One of the secrets that Prof Tong was able to reveal was that of “Pedra Iman Polarisada,” a talisman that had no less than 150 degrees of force [150 graus de força]. Another was the “magnetic powder of Cleopatra” [o pô magnetico de Cleopatra], which when used correctly would irresistibly attract desirable partners of the opposite sex.

There was no free email in 1933-1938. Packchang Tong had to pay for all those ads, which means people were sending him money. Prof. Tong’s methods worked well in making him rich, at least judged by the numbers of people who later filed complaints and wrote to Diario Nacional. Some of them were well-educated people. All needed money, but also had enough to send to Tong and his colleagues in Brazil.

In 1933 Packchang Tong relocated to Rio. Ads began appearing in Brazilian newspapers and magazines. They ran in the following periodicals between 1933 and 1938: A Noite, Diario da Noite, Correio Paulistano, A Scena Muda, Careta, O Malho (in Bello Horizonte), Revista de Semana, Correio da Manhã, Diario Carioca, Diario da Manhã, Fon Fon, Jornal da Moças, Vida Domestica, Sports llustrado, Eu Sei Tudo, Correio de Paraná, Diario Nacional, Diario de Noticias, and O Imparcial.

In August of 1935, Correio de S. Paulo printed an article about Prof. Tong and the curious fact that his ads seemed to be everywhere. The police had already been receiving complaints. An Argentine named Alfredo Serrano, recently arrived from Buenos Aires on board the “Massilia” with his wife, was under suspicion (Correio de S. Paulo 9-8-35.) The ads continued until August 1938 and then stopped. The reasons have not been revealed but it was certainly not for lack of gullible people in Rio.

44. Gracie 2008.

45. Gazeta de Noticias 7-12-34. Eberle may have been Eberle Haubert.

46. Gracie 2008, chapter 26.

47. A Noite 26-12-35.

48. Gracie 2008.

49. Diario de Noticias 20-12-35; O Radical 20-12-35.

50. A Manhã 7-7-35.

.

Chapter 16

1936

1. A Noite 23-1-36.

2. A Noite 3-4-36. “Uma Luta Sensacional de George Gracie”]. A Noite was published by Gracie family friend Roberto Marinho.

3. O Radical 26-9-35.

4. Correio de S. Paulo 3-4-36.

5. Correio de S. Paulo 16-4-36.

6. Correio de S. Paulo 20-4-36.

7. Gazeta de Noticias 3-5-36.

8. He was also called “Estevam”, Estafano”, “Stefano”, “Jiskus”, and Jurkis”, and by the nickname Bataglia.

9. Correio de S. Paulo 22-5-36; 23-5-36; Correio Paulistano 22-5-36.

10. Correio Paulistano 21-5-36; Correio de S. Paulo 23-5-36.

11. Gazeta de Noticias 1-9-36. George had been beaten (submitted, not pinned) by Zbyszko on October 6, 1934. But that wasn’t a jiu-jitsu match so technically George was still undefeated in jiu-jitsu.

12. Gazeta de Noticias 31-5-36.

13. Gazeta de Noticias 12-6-36.

14. A Noite 13-6-36.

15. O Imparcial 12-6-36.

16. Diario Carioca 14-6-36 [“nada disso porem aconteceu. O combate foi monotono, desnido de menor interrese. Foi devéres uma luta que decepcionou a quantos ali foram em busca de emocões“].

17. Diario de Noticias 14-6-36.

18. Gazeta de Noticias 14-6-36.

19. Diario Carioca 16-6-36.

20. Helio made a comeback and fought five more times between 1950 and 1955.

21. A Noite 16-6-36.

22. Gazete de Noticias 16-6-36; 17-6-36.

23. A Noite Illustrada 29-6-32.

24. Diario Carioca 3-11-32. He may have been the Antonio Rocha who was a “monitor” at the Gracie Academy in 1931 Diario da Noite 2-7-31. Such alternative spellings of names was not unusual.

25. Diario Carioca 23, 24, 25-8-28.

26. Diario da Noite 24-6-36.

27. A Batalha 2-8-36.

28. A Noite 3-8-36.

29. Yamada and Massagoichi posed together in kimonos for a publicity photo, which appeared in Gazeta de Noticias 7-8-36 and 13-8-36.

30. Gazeta de Noticias 8-8-36.

31. A Batalha 8-8-36.

32. Diario da Noite 8-8-36.

33. Diario Carioca 7-8-36.

34. Gazeta de Noticias 7-8-36. “Iamada, o adversario de Ruhmann em companhia do professor Massagoichi, considerado o campeão sul-americano de jiu-jitsu” [“Yamada, the adversary of Ruhmann in company with professor Massagoichi, considered the South American jiu-jitsu champion”]. It is unclear who was being described as the champion. However, Massagoichi was not described as the South American jiu-jitsu champion in other articles, so it seems that it was Yamada who was. No evidence was offered that he was a champion of anything or even that he had any jiu-jitsu skills.

35. Diario de Noticias 8-8-36.

36. The boxing matches were Gonçalves da Cunha versus Fumaça; Acosto versus Negrito; and Schleinkofer versus Benjamin Rutta.

37. Diario de Noticias 8, 9-8-26.

38. Diario de Noticias 9-8-36.

39. A Offensiva 6-8-36 [“Nunca ouvi falar nesses campeões mysteriosos e tenho tanta certeza de que elles pouco conhecem jiu-jitsu”]. The phrase pouco conhecem might be interpreted as “know little,” “don’t know much,” among other possible translation equivalents, but the point is the same. If they had legitimate credentials, Yano certainly would have known about them.

40. A Offensiva 8-8-36.

41.Gazeta de Noticias 1-9-36. The main office of the Brazilian Federation of Pugilism [Federação Brasileiro de Pugilismo] was located at 175 Avenida Rio Branco, 1st floor.

42. Diario de Noticias 7-8-36; Diario Carioca 14-8-36.

43. A Batalha 11-9-36.

44. A Noite 17-8-36.

45. Correio da Manhã 14-8-36 [“Precisa provar, com uma exhibição publica, as suas possibilidaes technicas”…apresentando as suas credenciaes adquiriu o direito de enfrentar Helio Gracie, o campãeo nacional da luta japoneza”].

46. Diario de Noticias 12-9-36 [“deixou magnifica impressão de seu ensaio official”].

47. A Noite 12-9-36.

48. Correio da Manhã 13-9-36.

49 Diario Carioca 13-9-36 [“Helio Gracie venceu o japonez Massagoichi, aos doze minutos de luta com uma chave de braço…poz em evidencia os seus vastos conhecimentos no jiu-jitsu”].

50. A Offensiva 16-9-36 [“As luctas de jiu-jitsu realizadas em nossa capital, com rarissimas excepções, vêm se tornado, cada dia, mais desmoralizadas, em consequencia dos desfechos apresentados, positivamente suspeitos”].

51. A Offensiva 19-9-36.

52. O Paiz 4-4-34.

53. A Noite 26-4-32.

54. Jornal do Brasil 5-9-36. George’s defeat by Wladek Zbyszko in 1934 had been forgotten, but that was a luta livre match. George hadn’t lost either of his three jiu-jitsu matches up to that point (draws with Geo Omori and Takeo Yano and a win over Shigeo).

55. Diario de Noticias 6-9-36.

56. O Imparcial 20-9-36.

57. Diario da Noite.12-10-36.

58. Diario de Noticias 3-10-36.

59. A Noite 5-10-36.

60. Diario de Noticias4-10-36．

61. Correio de S. Paulo 5-10-36. “Golpe” referred to techniques in general, but in this case it apparently more specifically meant throws. If it referred to submission attempts, it would have similar implications.

62．In the boxing contests, G. Schneider KOed Santa Anna in the 3rd round, Acosta KOed Barzolo in 3, and Gonçalves de Cunha decisioned Juan Belleza.

63. Diario Carioca 13-11-36.

64. Diario Carioca 18-10-34.

65. Diario Carioca 24-7-36.

66. Gazeta de Noticias 13, 14, 15-11-36.

67. Gazeta de Noticias 17-11-36.

68. Correio de S. Paulo 30-11-36. In the same article, Yano’s name was spelled Jairo, Zario, and Zano. To add confusion, the first paragraph of one article called George “Helio”. George’s name was also written Jorge and Georges. It was not unusual for a person’s name to be written two, or even three different ways in the same article, occasionally even in the same sentence. Yano’s name was also written as Iano, and his first name as Taqueo. Confusion about Yano’s (first name) also was apparently not unusual. Even his friend Kimura Masahiko was unsure how to write it (Kimura 1985, p. 161).

69. Correio de S. Paulo 9-12-36.

.

Chapter 17

1937

1. As Kimura explained in his book Demon Judo[鬼の柔道] “私がプロレスに関心を持ってたのは柔道なんかより楽で、しかも金儲けができるからだった”] (Cited in Masuda 2011, pp. 359).

2. A Federação 8-1-37.

3. A Federação 9-1-37.

4. Correio de S. Paulo 14-1-37.

5. A Noite 23-2-37.

6. A Federação 28-1-37. Stock was undoubtedly Luiz Stock.

7. Gazeta de Noticias, 16-3-37.

8. Correio Paulistano 9-4-37.

9. Lopes 2000 p. 242. Rowing was also an upper-class sport, because boats were expensive. Football required only a ball.

10. See chapter 10 for details about Helio’s Gracies early sports activities. Helio represented Clube de Regatas do Botafogo (C.R. Botafogo). On Saturday April 26, at the C. R. Botafogo, he was the coxswain [patrão] on the boat Mira. His oarsmen [remadores] were Jose de Camargo Simões and Jose Carlos ds Silva (Diario da Noite 1-4-30). On August 31, he again commanded the Mira. His oarsmen were Henrique Cordeiro Oest and Emilio Gottschalk (Diario Carioca 15-8-30).

11. The club was sometimes referred to as Club (or Clube) de Regatas do Flamengo, C.R. do Flamengo, Flamengo, “Fla”, and by its nickname Rubro-Negro [Red and Black].

12. O Imparcial 17-3-37.

13. A Noite 31-3-37.

14. A Federação 29-4-37.

15. O Imparcial 1-5-37; A Noite 6-5-37.

16. Diario da Noite 9-4-37 [“Uma luta entre dois novos que casou viva sensação. Empataram Carnera e Bueno depois de apresentar grande variedade technical de recursos”].

17. O Radical 6-5-37.

18. O Imparcial 3-7-37. Ellysio Gentil de Aguiar’s opponent’s name was garbled. His first name was Luiz and he represented the L.S.M.

19. A Noite 3-9-37 [“Espero que George não se mantenha na defensiva trocando golpes commigo. Se elle fizer isso, conseguirei o meu maior anseio de lutador: vencer um Gracie”].

20. A Noite 11-9-37. The professional luta livre matches were Tommy Schaff  versus Enzo Rolle, and Antolim Rodrigo versus Hans Norbert (A Noite 11-9-37).

21. O Imparcial 4-91-37 [“Ono garantiu-nos que não haverá empate e que será um duelo até a morte”].

22. [“Poderia ter evitado a derrota em cima da ring desistindo depois da queda….Mas entre o perder lutando e o fugir covardamente, preferi o que qualquer lutador brioso preferiria: pelejar até que as minhas energies se esgostassem”].

23. A Noite 16-9-37 [“A classe de Ono patenteou-se de modo absolute reaffirmando-se suas caracteristicas de profundo conhecedor dos segredos de jiu-jitsu”].

24. A Noite 14-9-37.

25. Diario de Noticias 12-12-37. Round 1: “foi bem disputado este assalto. Ono obteve vantagem nas quedas (6 X 3) Demonstrando George efficiencia na defesa. O nipponico levou vantagem.” Round 2: “Este assalto tanscorre mais equilibrado. George reage e o combate apresenta mais animação. Ono obteve ligeira vantagem.”

26. By 1941 Rio wrestling fans people were more familiar with the Kodokan terms for the most common throws, but unfortunately by that time catch wrestling/luta livre had come to dominate the scene. Techniques generally did not have standardized names, and in any event, fans did not know them. Writers used their powers of improvisation in describing what they saw. See Glossary for examples.

27. Diario de Noticias 16-9-37.

28. A Noite 13-9-37 [“Não fóra a queda violenta que soffreu, teria resistido mais tempo. Do qualquer fórma, porem, esperava vencer”].

29. A Noite 15-9-37 [“Isto não significa que o sceptro do jiu-jitsu no Brasil tenha saido dos mão de um Brasileiro”].

30. A Noite15-9-37.

31. A Noite 16-9-37 [“Se Helio offereces combate a Ono como fez George, em menos de 20 minutos estará liquidado”].

32. A Noite 23-9-37 [“Ono não vive somente de lutas. Tem negocio em Sao Paulo, é instructor de 4th B. C., do Tieté-São Paulo, de Guarda Nocturna, e tem sua academia”].

33. Oninho’s name was also written as Nauite, Naotit, and Nauiti, Naoite, and Igoti. He was also occasionally called “Caçula Ono” [kid brother Ono]. On at least one occasion he was called Paulo.

34. O Imparcial 28-9-37.

35. A Batalha 18-9-37.

36. According to boxrec.com, Klausner’s record between January 1, 1930 and February 1 1938 was 22 wins (15 by KO), 9 losses, and 6 draws. However this does not include his fights from March 1926 to 1930. Klausner was described as the amateur champion of Estonia [campeão amador de Estonia] (O Paiz 4-7-26; Correio da Manhã 7-7-26). In 1937, he had a respectable professional record of 22 wins, 8 defeats, and 5 draws, with 15 KOs. Ervin Klausner was born March 24, 1907 in Estonia. His first appearance in Brazilian rings was Thursday March 25, 1926 when he faced another newcomer, W. Schelk of Germany, in a 10 round heavyweight fight at Theatro Republica in Rio (Correio da Manhã 23-3-26). By July 10, 1926, when he was scheduled to face the former Canadian heavyweight champion Soldier Jones at the Botafogo Football Club. Klausner had already earned a nickname; he was the “Blond Jaguar” [Onça Loura] (O Paiz 30-6-26). Soldier Jones had fought (and was soundly beaten by) Gene Tunney in a preliminary to the Dempsey versus Carpentier “Fight of the Century” on July 2, 1921 (Roberts 2003, p. 122). Soldier Jones was the trainer of Jose [o ‘Camarão’] Santa. Klausner worked as Santa’s sparring partner and also fought him on January 1, 1926, losing in the second round (Correio da Manhã 1-9-27).

37. A Noite 27-9-37; Correio da Manhã 28-9-37.

38. A Batalha 26-9-37.

39. A Batalha 30-9-37.

40. A Batalha 30-9-37.

41. A Batalha 30-9-37. The “prova de sufficiencia” between Helio Gracie and Oninho took place either September 30 or October 1, 1937. The newspaper report is not unambiguous (A Batalha 30-9-37). But given that the George Gracie versus Oninho fight was held on October 2, a more likely date for the prova would be September 30.

42. Diario de Noticias 3-10-37.

43. Diario Carioca 12-11-37 [“em varias phases da primeira luta dominou amplamente o nosso patricio, chegando a derrubal-o espectacularment cerca de 20 vezes”].

44. O Imparcial 3-1-37.

45. Diario de Noticias 3-10-37.

46. O Imparcial 16-10-37; Diario de Noticias 17-10-37.

47. A Batalha 17-10-37; Diario de Noticias.17-10-37 [“Ono em situação perigosa, applica soccos no rosto de George….George Grecie [sic] venceu Ono foi desclassificado no 6 round“].

48. Carlos Pereira’s son, Eduardo, claimed that his father had been a student of Geo Omori (Pereira 1998). Carlos never mentioned Omori at the time. It is possible that Eduardo was mistaken, or may even have hoped to suggest a non-Gracie lineage for his family (in particular, a non-Helio-Rorion lineage).

49. Diario Carioca 12-11-37 [“George Gracie leva uma enorme vantagem de peso, tem muito mais experincia de ring….o japonez, pequenino, novo ainda no ring, mas dotado de um aggressividade desconcertante”].

50. O Imparcial 13-11-37 [“O meu adversario foi beneficiado pela sorte na primeira vez, agora sera vencido Eu o liquiarei, mas, sómente depois de derrubar-o umas doze vezes, conforme ja declarei“].

51. A Batalha 14-11-37 [“Durante os 60 minutos de luta não ficou definida uma superioridade….O empate seria a decisão mais logica….A decisão for recebida com apupos do publica….A decisão for recebida com apupos do publica”].

52. A Noite 20-11-37.

53. Gazeta de Noticias 9-12-37.

54. Correio Paulistano 16-11-37. Voss had been Gastão’s student and demonstration partner since at least May 1936 (Correio de S. Paulo 14-5-36).

55. A Batalha 2-12-37.

56. Diario de Noticias 5-10-35 [“quando entro no tablado é para vencer e vencer o mais breve possivel”].

57 O Imparcial. 30-11-37.

58. Jornal do Brasil 9-12-37 [“Quer uma vitoria esmagadora, que deixe claramente demonstrada a sua superioridade sobre o campeão portugues”].

59. Diario de Noticias 12-12-37.

60. O Imparcial 12-12-37.

61. O Imparcial 12-12-37 said the referee was Armando Ingle.

62. A Batalha 15-12-37.

63. A Batalha 15-12-37; Diario de Noticias 16-12-37.

64. Diario de Noticias 17-12-37. Round 1: “O primeiro assalto trancorreu movimento e interessante. Os dois lutadores se empregaram com violenta, nãe [sic] longrando, porem decidirem a luta”]. Round 2: “O Segundo assalto é iniciade com forto offensiva de Grillo que atira Gracie fóra do ring…[Grillo foi desclassificado e George Gracie proclamado vencedor”. In the boxing match, Loffredinho defeated Pena on points.

65. Atlas made his Brazil debut on November 11, 1937 against the little known [não conhecem] but “aggressive” German wrestler Eberle Haubert. (Diario de Noticias 11-11-37). Atlas won by shoulder pin in 18 minutes (Diario de Noticias 12-1-37).

66. Atlas generally weighed around 99 kilos (Diario de Noticias 8-7-38); Yano was generally somewhere near 70 kilos.

67. A Noite 17-12-37; Correio Paulistano 22-12-37. Oswaldo either threatened to punch Atlas, or actually did punch him [“Oswaldo Gracie foi obrigado a vibrar um socco no queixo de Jim para soltar a gravata”].

68. A Batalha15-12-37.

69. O Imparcial 25-12-37.

70. Diario Carioca 23-12-37 [“Naoiti Ono pode vencer Manoel Grillo”].

71. Roberts 2010, chapters 5-6.

72. Diario Carioca 23-12-37.

73. It sometimes happened that fight results were reported in more detail just prior to a rematch (if there was one), which might be several years away. It this case, the result of Oninho versus Grillo was reported before Oninho’s match with Carlos Pereira in April 1940 (A Noite 26-4-40).

.

Chapter 18

1938

1. Diario de Noticias 15-10-37.

2. Diario Carioca 9-1-38. [Ono Quer Lutar. Disposto a enfrentar qualquer adversario].

3. Brasil Ring was organized by Bernardo Wull to promote boxing at Estadio Brasil. Its first show was held in July 17, 1937, with Brasilino versus Carboniani, and Mesquita versus Barzola, and Tigre Jack versus Gabriel Pena, plus three amateur boxing matches. By November 11, the company had included catch in its menus, with Brazilian champion Dudú versus world champion Len Hall. Brasil Ring promoted the George Gracie versus Oninho rematch two days later, on November 13, 1937.

4. O Imparcial 12-1 38 [“com kimonos, muitas vezes, os contendores agarram a roupa do adversario e ficam estudando a applição efficiente, attitude que nem todos comprehendem. Sem kimonos os lutadores terão que se empregar mais activamente, os golpes se succederão com maior frequencia e a luta será mais emocionante”].

5. O Imparcial 13-1-38.

6. A Batalha 12-1-38 [“George correrá grave risco e difficulmente evitairá uma derrota”].

7. A Batalha 14-1-38.

8. Correio da Manhã 22-1-38.

9. Jornal do Brasil 19-1-38; Gazeta de Noticias 19-1-38.

10. A Batalha 29-1-38; Jornal do Brasil 29-1-38.

11. Jornal do Brasil 12-2-38.

12. Diario da Noite 17-2-38.

13. Also spelled Setuko, Kotuko, and Kotuke, in some reports

14. Called Kinko in some reports.

15. A Noite Illustrada 22-2-3.

16. Correio Paulistano 23-2-38.

17. Correio Paulistano 4-3-38.

18. Diario de Noite 3-3-38.

19. Jornal do Brasil 4-3-38.

20. Diario de Noite 21-2-38.

21. Diario de Noite 3-3-38 [“os lutadores pisam diariamente o campo das competições sportivas“].

22. Diario de Noite 3-3-38. [“não deixou recursos financeiros”].

23. Diario de Noite 4-3-38.

24. Diario de Noite 18-3-38. The Queirolo brothers donated “conto o setenta e cinco mil reis”.

25. Correio Paulistano 1-3-38.

26. Correio Paulistano 1-5-38.

27. Correio Paulistano 5-5-38 [“Tenho lutado constantemente e até hoje não perdi uma luta siquer”].

28. Correio Paulistano 3-4-38.

29. Correio Paulistano 6-5-38 [“Atraves de minhas 60 e tantas luta nunca fui vencido. Chegou a empatar quartos vezes, mas ainda não cahi”]. On August 30, 1934, at Stadium Riachuelo in Rio, Suleiman suffered a broken rib and bruised left arm in a luta livre match with Antonio Mossoró. The report did not mention that he lost as a result, so perhaps this was one of his four draws (Diario Carioca 31-8-34).

30. Diario Carioca 27-6-34. There were several fighters named Herminio active at the time. One was a former football player who also tried his hand at luta livre.

31. Correio Paulistano 8-5-38 [“A luta final foi rapida. Ono em poucos mais de um minuto derrotou Sulleiman, applicando-Ihe quatro golpes violentos e technicos”].

32. Correio Paulistano 26-5-38.

33. Correio da Manhã 2-7-31.

34. Correio Paulistano 3-6-38.

35. Correio Paulistano 12-6-38.

36. Diario Carioca 8-5-34.

37. Diario Carioca 18-5-34.

38. Diario Carioca 1-6-34.

39. Diario Carioca 1-6-34.

40. O Paiz 12-5-34.

41. Jornal do Brasil 28-7-38.

42. Diario da Noite 28-7-38 [“As habitaes ‘palhaçadas’ de Jack Russell terão que ser abolidas na noite de hoje”].

43. Diario Carioca 2-8-38 [“ficarei de pé, ate o fim do ultimo round, se não terminar antes fazendo sentir o amargor da derrota!”].

44. A Batalha 2-8-38.

45. A Batalha 3-8-38.

46. Diario Carioca 3-8-38.

47. Diario Carioca 7-8-38.

48. A Batalha 13-8-38 [“Jack Russell não resistirá ao conhecimentos de jiu-jitsu do nosso patricio”].

49. Diario Carioca 13-8-38.

50. A Batalha 14-8-38.

51. A Batalha 24-8-38 [“Estou em condicões de vencer Campbell”].

52. A Batalha 23-8-38 [“Campbell deverá vencer George Gracie”].

53. A Batalha 23-8-38.

54. Diario Carioca 26-8-38; Diario de Noticias 26-8-38 [“apos um round monotono, no segundo, a peleja se torna mais interessante e Gracie acaba vencendo por desistencia, com um “arm-lock” in the 3rd round].

55. Diario Carioca 26-8-38.

56. A Batalha 27-8-38.

57. Construction work could be dangerous in Brazil, as a 25 year old carpenter named Antonio de Andrade discovered when he was decapitated by an elevator at a site on Rua Julio Castilho, n. 83 in Copacabana (Diario Carioca 31-8-34). Fighting, especially luta livre, was much safer.

58. Diario de Noticias 2-9-38. Jack Russell defeated Joe Campbell in the second round by desistencia. Adencoa and Cernadas drew.

59. A Noite 24-9-38.

60. A Noite 24-9-38.

61. Bullock1993, chp. 14.

62. Diario de Noticias 25-8-38 [“por grande margem de quedas apos demonstrar nitida superioridade sobre o seu contendor”]. Karol Nowina defeated Jack Russell in the third round with a shoulder pin.

63. Correio da Manha 4-10-38 [“Yano venceu novamente Jorge Gracie”].

64. Correio Paulistano 15-10-38 [“Yassuiti não leverá muita vantagem, não”].

65. Correio Paulistano 18-10-38 [“Se Peres permanecasse lutando até o ultimo assalto, devia lhe caber a Victoria”].

66. Correio Paulistano 18-10-38. Either Nizaki’s name was mis-spelled, or another fighter, Mazuke, was substituted. Either was entirely possible. Nizaki’s name was seldom spelled the same way twice, and last minute substitutions, particularly in the preliminary matches, was almost expected. Mazuke might have been Mazuko Tossio, who, like Braz Gomes, was a student of Yassuiti Ono.

67. According to Correio Paulistano 2-2-39, “Tarzan” weighed 98 kilos.

68. Correio Paulistano 27-10-38.

69. Correio da Manhã 20-10-38.

70. Correio da Manhã 23-10-38.

71.Correio Paulistano 25-10-38,

72.Correio da Manhã 1-11-38.

73. Information about the death of Dudú comes from A Noite (29-7-35); A Noite (11-11-38); Diario Carioca (5-11-38); O Imparcial (5-11-38), and www.santacasarj.org.br/#

74. O Globo Sportivo 26-11-38. [“O garoto sorri e faz um gesto de Tarzan, batendo no pieto “Ė. Tambem vou ser campeão”].

.

Chapter 19

1939

1. Correio da Manhã 27-1-39.

2. Correio Paulistano 7-2-39.

3. Correio Paulistano 3-2-39.

4. Correio Paulistano 7-2-39. George won by estrangulamento in the 10th round.

5. Correio Paulistano 8-2-39.

6. Correio Paulistano 1-4-38 Some of Ono’s students became well-known teachers, competitors or both, such as Jose Roberto Macedo Soares, Milton Ferreira, and Mazuko Tossio.

7. Correio Paulistano11-3-39. He might even have been close to George in age, although that is uncertain. Alberto Suleiman was at various times described as a student of the Gracie Academy, but it is more likely that he, like a number of other luta livre, luta romana, catch wrestlers, and weightlifters, simply “represented” the academy from time to time for publicity purposes. The labels of student and rival could change overnight as promotional needs dictated.

8. Correio Paulistano 11-3-39.

9. Correio Paulistano 10-5-39.

10. A Noite 10-6-39.

11. According to Diario de Noticias (16-6-39) and Jornal do Brasil (17-6-39), it was luta de jiu-jitsu. Correio de Manhã 20-6-39 reported it as a luta livre match, but also used the word estrangulamento to describe how Ulsemer won. “Estrangulamento”, generally, but not always, implied a gi choke.

12. Correio Paulistano 14-12-40.

13. Diario de Noticias 28-7-39. Ulsemer was described as "recente vencedor de Ono e Yano”.

14. Diario de Noticias 4-10-41 [“Ulsener conseguiu empatar com Ono, otimo proffisional nipponico, em S. Paulo”].

15. Academia Delauney was boxing gym operated by Fred Delauney. Fred Delauney was a boxer who immigrated to São Paulo from Italy in late 1921 or early 1922. His real name was Adriano Malgarini. He taught boxing for amateurs in São Paulo in 1926 at Academia Paulista de Pugilismo on avenida Rangel Pestana (O Paiz 21-10-26; O Paiz 7-11-26). George Gracie had an interest in boxing, or at least, enough to enter an amateur tournament in 1927 (although there is no indication that he participated) and knew the names of the local boxing gyms. He may have acquired some basic boxing skills from Delauney. If not, there were several other boxing gyms in São Paulo during the 1920’s, including Brasil American Boxing on rua do Seminario, directed by Kid Pratt, Academia Dubois, Academia Central de Box, and courses offered by various clubs such as the Club de Regatas Tieté and the Associação Christa de Moços, among others.

16. Correio Paulistano 12-7-39; 15-7-39.

17. A Noite 10-7-39.

18. A Noite 10-7-39 [“Oswaldo Gracie….resolvou dar por nula a partida, decretando a derrota de dois contendores, Yano por knock-out, Weber por desistencia….Pela primeira vez na historia do ring dois lutadores venceram ao mesmo tempo foram vencido um pelo outro”]. One report assumed that Yano fainted as a result of unbearable from pain [desmaiara de dor]. Judging from the description, Yano’s leglock must have been something like a heelhook.

19. Correio Paulistano 11-7-39.

20. Correio Paulistano 14-7-39 [“Consequira Oswaldo vingar a derrota do irmão George?”…Ruhmann affirma que não”].

21. A Noite 21-4-37. Oswaldo had been on a dinner date with a dancer [bailarina] when two adolescents [rapazes] made him so jealous  [exasperado de ciumes] that he lost his self-control and without so much as saying “agua vae” attacked the boys with chokes, shoulder throws, and other jiu-jitsu techniques, and finally ejected them from the establishment. After recovering their senses, the boys went to the police station and filed a complaint.

22. Correio Paulistano, 16-7-39 [“no momento que sentiu o corpo do seu opponente seguro, não titubeou em recorrer a sua musculature de athleta. A chave de rins volante alliada a su famoso gravata…este foi o primeiro e unico golpe que o vencedor de Oswaldo applicou em attitude de atacante….venceu Oswaldo Gracie no terceiro assalto por perda dos sentidos”].

23. Correio Paulistano 19-7-39. Ono’s background in Brazil was not described in detail in earlier reports, such as Correio de S. Paulo (5-1-34) and Correio Paulistano (1-4-38). He came to Brazil in 1931, spent three years in the “interior” of São Paulo, which included places like Marilia, before moving to São Paulo with a group of nine other adults, two adolescents, and two young children, including his younger brother Oninho (Naoiti Ono) who must have been about 13 years old at the time. As an immigrant from Japan, at that time, Marilia or somewhere nearby, would have been a likely first destination. The Ono brothers may have had family or friends still there.

24. Correio Paulistano 20-7-39; 22-7-39.

25. Correio Paulistano 22-7-39.

26. Correio Paulistano 22-7-39 [“Para vencer George Gracie em ‘jiu-jitsu’ é preciso que se nascesse no Japão e aprendesse o scientifico esporte nipponico, desde tenra edade, com mestres consumados…. difficilmente, como (sic) kimono, os Gracies serão abatidos….Desafiel-o para um ‘match’ luta-livre porque estou crente que o vencerei”].

27 Correio Paulistano 25-7-39.

28. Correio Paulistano 18-8-39.

29. Correio Paulistano 20-8-39.

30. Some reports referred to it as jiu-jitsu, most spelled judo as “jiudo” [“O ‘jiudo’que tamben e conhecido pelo nome de ‘jiu-jitsu’ chamou-se em tempos remotos”] (Gazeta de Noticias 1-8-39).

31. A Batalha 2-8-39 According to A Noite (2-8-39), the participants were Shojiro Higuchi, Seisei Fucikeya, and Tokenzo Terezoki.

32. Gazeta de Noticias 1-8-39.

33. A Batalha 2-8-39. [Helio Gracie…não teve duvida em classifical-os como authenticos mestres].

34. The jiu-jitsu people eventually adopted almost every other feature of Kano Jigaro’s Kodokan judo system, beginning with belts. Incidentally, as Hoare (2011) points out, the Kodokan was not the only judo organization in Japan. The decision to continue using the term “jiu-jitsu” in Brazil seems to have been influenced by marketing considerations. But by the middle 1950’s Brazilians associated judo with the throwing oriented sport, and jiu-jitsu with self-defense and ground grappling (in a kimono). In 1958 for example, Takeo Yano was in Rio teaching “Jiu-Jitsu, Judô, and Defesa Pessoal” indicating clearly that potential students at least regarded them as different (Diairo de Noticias. 15-10-58).

35. The 30 floor Martinelli Building was (and in 2014 still is) bordered by Avenida São João, Avenida São Bento, and Rua Libero Badaró. At one time it was the tallest building in South America (www.prediomartinelli.com.br).

36. Katsu (活) is defined by Kenkyusha (1958-1982) as “the art of resuscitation” and provides two examples:活を入れる“apply the [judo] art of resuscitation, and活で息を吹き返す“be brought to life by the judo art of resuscitation.” In general “katsu” referred to the Chinese concept of transferring energy (or life force), and had no more connection to jiu-jitsu than first-aid had to boxing.

37. Correio Paulistano 2-9-39.

38. Correio Paulistano 17-9-39 [“o jiu-jitsu do tablado tem a mesma efficiencia, porém, por um caminho diverso; o alumno tem que aprender os golpes e pratical-os com o seu instructor. Taes treinos de lutas corporaes devem ser systematicos e methodicos, do contrario, o alumno nada aproveita e esquece o mecanismo das ‘chaves’ e das quedas que aprendera”].

39. Correio Paulistano 2-9-39.

40. Correio Paulistano 3-9-39.

41. Correio Paulistano 13-9-39.

42. Jornal do Brasil 2-9-39. “The ad read as follows: “Precisa-se de aprendiz de monitor de jiu-jitsu (idade maximo 25 anos), peso minimos 65 kilos. Academia Gracie, a rua Marquez de Abrantes, n. 117.”

43. Tracy kenpo did the same thing during the early 1970’s. The author can recall being perplexed as to why the Tracys would recruit absolute novices to work as kenpo instructors (their ad specified “no experience” necessary”), or for that matter how a novice could teach kenpo. Out of sheer curiosity, the author, then a beginning Goju-ryu karate student went to the Tracy studio. The answer immediately became obvious. There was a line of young men a block long waiting to fill out “job” applications. Perhaps some of them ended up enrolling in kenpo lessons. Or perhaps there was fee for learning how to be an instructor. In any event, Tracy kenpo got the word out about their product to a precisely targeted demographic, at the inexpensive cost of a single help wanted ad.

44. Correio Paulistano 6-10-39. [“O jiu-jitsu começa de pé porque este é a posição do homem, mas uma queda no que dizer victoria porque no chão e que vae resolver a superioridade dos contendores com os mil recursos dos golpes e contra-golpes”].

45. Correio Paulistano 6-10-39.

46. Correio Paulistano 10-10-39.

47. Weber explained why he didn’t want to fight Ono in jiu-jitsu: “porque eu não sei lutar jiu-jitsu. Estou começando aprender o esporte japonez, mas só lutarei em publico quando estiver seguro de não fazer fiasco. Se fosse nessa modaliade de esporte eu perderia de Ono”.

48. Correio Paulistano 19-10-39.

49. Correio Paulistano 20-10-39.

50. Correio Paulistano 21-10-39.

51. Correio Paulistano 18-10-39.

52. Correio Paulistano 31-10-39.

53. No record of an Omori versus Kolt fight has been found.

54. Correio Paulistano 31-10-30.

55. Correio Paulistano 5-11-3.

56. Correio Paulistano 5-11-3.

57. Correio Paulistano 5-11-3.

58. Correio Paulistano 26-11-39.

59. See chapters 20-26.

60. Correio Paulistano 1-12-39; 3-12-39. Yer Nesaka was probably an alternative spelling of Ser Nizak (also Ser Nizaki), and Udo Dorn was probably Dudu Dorn. In the boxing matches, Jimmy Wilde and Gaucho out-pointed their respective opponents.

.

Chapter 20

1940

1. Diario da Noite 14-2-40; Diario de Noticias 16-3-40.

2. Correio Paulistano 23-2-40. The so-called “Winter War” between the USSR and Finland began on November 30 1939 and ended on March 11, 1940. The war may have seemed of remote significance at the time, but the reality was quite otherwise. According to Bullock (1991, p. 655), “Nothing did more to convince him [Adolf Hitler] in 1941 that he was justified in gambling on defeating the Russians in a single campaign than their performance against the Finns.”

3. Diario de Noticias 10-3-40.

4. O Imparcial 10-3-40.

5. Diario de Noticias 10-3-40.

6. A Noite 16-3-40.

7. Diario de Noticias 17-3-40; Diario da Noite 18-3-40.

8. O Imparcial 17-3-40.

9. Diario de Noticias 17-3-40.

10. Diario da Noite, 29-3-40 [“confesso que fiquei ‘grogg’ , por occasião de combate anterior, mas não cheguei a perder os sentidos. Absolutamente. Soffri um leve collapso de sesistencia, mas veio immediamente a reacção e dahi ter retomado posição antes que Yano o fizesse”].

11. A Noite 27-3-40.

12. A Noite 30-3-40.

13. Diario de Noticias, 27-3-40. A Noite 30-3-40.

14. A Noite 1-4-40.

15. A Noite 31-3-40.

16. Diario de Noticias 3-4-40 [“aquelle comedia tomou o aspect de tragedia, como se os pagantes presentes fossem tão tolos para accreditar nessa enscenação antisportiva e que representou um flagrante desrespeito ao publico”].

17. Diario de Noticias 3-4-40 [“O combate final, de jiu-jitsu, foi disputado por Yano e George Gracie merecendo ambos censuras pela fórma que lutaram. Fizeram um primeiro ‘round’ de ‘catch’ e, depois, mais cinco do nobre sport japonez, sem que houvesse empenho de vencer, não fazendo o minimo esforco para completar os golpes, apesar de sua combatividae.Yano e o nosso patricio subiram ao ring para empatar”…Da forma que se exhibiu George, offerecendo luta franca a um japonez que conhece o sport de seu paiz, só podia haver “marmelada” no meio”].

18. According to El Campeón “Quem assiste e conhece jiu-jitsu, sabe perfeitamente que esses valorosos e destemidos athletas nacionaes sempre lutaram na defesa, o que realmente, torna as suas lutas monotonas”] (Diario de Noticias 3-4-40).

19. A Noite 11-4-40 [“Webber e, realmente, um homem gigante mas isto não quer dizer nada….ele dormirá direitinho como qualquer crianca mimada pela sua ama com a diferença apenas de que o seu sono não será tão tranquilo”].

20. O Radical 25-2-40. Yano and Budip were both called “Demonio Oriental” in 1940 although that was probably the result of careless editting.

21. Correio Paulistano 13-4-40.

22. O Imparcial 14-4-30.

23. Diario de Noticias 14-4-20.

24. Diario de Noticias 17-4-40.

25. Diario de Noticias 28-4-40.

26. A Noite 26-4-40, Correio Paulistano 27-4-40, A Batalha 27-4-40.

27. Correio Paulistano 27-4-40. Avenida Celso Garcie runs into avenida Rangel Pestana as it approaches the center of the city near the Liberdade district. The location of the Ono Brother’s academy was described both as on Celso Garcia and Rangel Pestana, so it was probably close to the point where the two streets meet.

28. Diario Carioca 4-5-40 [“só não tendo sido vencido pela difference de peso….[and] Oninho “sem preparo technico e physico levou a peleja”].

29. Diario Carioca 4-5-40 [“já se julga um lutador de facto, tem que aprendi a lutar novamente, porque nessa peleja evidenciou desconhecimento complete de jiu-jitsu”].

30. Diario de Noticias 28-4-40 [“depois de uma exhibição fraca registrou-se um empate”].

31. George was known as the Red Cat [Gato Ruivo] and also the Blond Cat [Gato Louro].

32. Diario de Noticias 28-4-40; Diario Carioca 4-5-40.

33. Diario de Noticias 28-4-40 [“Venceu Ono no terceiro assalto com um ‘arm-lock’, applicado apos uma exhibição movimentada”].

34. O Imparcial 28-4-40 [“monotonas e desinteressantes”].

35. Diario Carioca 4-5-40 [“Um conselho vamos, porem, dar a empresa: colleque Jack Russell frente a adversaries que se prestem para a sua ‘modalidade’ de lutas e salvem os poucos lutadores honestos que ainda temos entre nós”].

36. Correio Paulistano 7-5-40; 10-5-40.

37. Correio Paulistano 24-5-40.

38. Correio Paulistano 24-5-40.

39. Correio Paulistano 28-5-40. Luis Kian may have been Brazilian of Japanese descent, or mixed. Cultural identities were variable and often depended on the needs of promoters.

40. Correio Paulistano 29-5-40.

41. Correio Paulistano 29-5-40.

42. Correio Paulistano 7-6-40 [“sentir-se ainda não refeito do combates anteriores motivo porque se encontra em Bello Horizonte”]. The last Yano fight in Bello Horizonte that we have a record of was July 10, 1939 against Fritz Weber. In the meantime, he had many fights in Rio. Clearly Yano and no doubt other fighters had matches for which, so far, no record has been found.

43. The Internacional de Lutas was created by Jose Saba and Jose Gabriel to promote boxing, luta livre, and catch matches. The plan was to use uncontracted, individual, international stars [lutadores isolados], from among those who regularly passed through Brazil (and some Brazilian wrestlers), rather than a “troupe”. Among them were Charles Ulsemer, Andres Castagno [Castanho], Angelo Orlando, Kaduck [Caduc], Dyonisio and Euclydes Hatem “Tatú. The premier program was planned for May 18 at Estadio do Pacaembu. However Pacaembu was the pride of São Paulo sports [orgulho do esport paulista] and in demand for such events (Correio Paulistano 25-4-40). Yassuiti Ono had complained that the number of suitably sized venues was insufficient in São Paulo. Promoters had to compete for space at desirable venues and had to settled for second best if they were slow off the mark, under-capitalized, or lacked certain important personal connections. Evidently Brasil Box and Internacional de Lutas found it profitable or necessary to cooperate from time to time. In response to the problem, a new stadium was inaugurated on Sunday May 26, the Estadio da Associação Athletica Light e Power. It was located on avenida Presidente Wilson (Corrieo Paulistano 24-5-40). It is unclear whether it alleviated the shortage of space for professional fights.

44. Correio Paulistano 12-6-40.

45. Correio Paulistano 14-6-40.

46. Corrieo Paulistano 16-6-40.

47. Correio Paulistano 18-6-40.

48. Correio Paulistano 19-6-40 Udu Dorn was also referred to as Udo Dorn and Dudu Dorn.

49. Correio Paulistano 21-6-40.

50. Correio Paulistano 16-6-40. Concerning advertising of patent medicines and alcohol in the Unites States, see Norris, 1990. For examples, of typical persuasive techniques, see Cialdini 2007.

51. Correio Paulistano 6-7-40.

52. Correio Paulistano 10-9-40, pp. 8-9

53. A Noite 23-7-40.

54. A Noite 24-7-40.

55. Diario de Noticias 24-7-40 [“confessa ter participado de lutas combinadas e que estas eram impostos pelos impresarios”].

56. A Noite 26-7-40.

57. A Noite 24-7-40.

58. According to George, “quase totalidade das lutas realizadas no Brasil, desde 1934, não passou de meras combinações impostas pelos empresarios….tomei parte em varios combates simulados e acabei por convencer-me de que a situação se agrava, pois as rendas de bilhetaria não compensavam os sacrificios dos lutadores. Resolvi, então, reagir contra esse stado de coisas, denunciado os ‘profiteurs’ de ringue….em 1934, com efeito, comecaram as palhaçadas desfrutaveis, com a vinda da primeiro ‘troupe’ de lutadores estrangeiros” [the Zbyzsko troupe].

59. Diario de Noticias 26-7-40 [“Helio preferiu abandonar a linda carreira que estava fazendo, a transigir com a imoralidade. Empre foi um professional correto e decente”].

60. A Noite 26-7-40 [“se os combates realizados por George Gracie foram combinadas, a combinação só poderia ter sido feita entre ele e o seu adversario”].

61. A Noite 24-7-40 [“Helio nunca lutou simulado…meu irmão Helio jamais entrou em conchavos. Sua conduta sempre foi correta, pois, quando subia ao ring, era para vencer ou ser vencido”].

62. A Noite 24-7-40.

63. A Noite 2-3-40. Tumminelli and Andrade Neves signed a contract to form the company, capitalized at 10:000$000, prazo indeterminado [without a fixed term of operation] (Correia da Manhã 6-10-1939.) However they had already produced several shows prior to this. What seems to have happened was that Gardini and Baszinski assumed responsibility for the catch, luta livre, and jiu-jitsu part of the business. However, it also appears that everyone involved wanted to avoid blame, so the actual organizational and operational structure was unclear.

64. Diario da Noite 26-7-40; A Batalha 26-7-40; O Radical 26-7-40.

65. Correio Paulistano 28-6-40. Jose Antonio Lage was a former boxer who later turned promoter and was called the “Tex Rickard Brasileiro”.

66. A Noite 30-7-40.

67. Correio Paulistano 2-10-40.

68. Diario Carioca 18-7-40; 19-7-40.

69. Correio Paulistano 28-7-40 [“não resto a menor duvida que a palavra jiu-jitsu―evocadora de um mysticismo lendario―foi relegada, no complicado idioma japoneza, por a classe de expressões arcaica”].

70. Koishihara 2009; Mandell 1984; Hoare 2009.

71. Norris 1990.

72. Correio Paulistano 10-8-40.

73. Correio Paulistano 13-8-40.

74. Correio Paulistano 7-9-10.

75. According to Correio Paulistano 10-12-40. Ono was a “faixa negra de 3.a categoria” [3-dan black belt, in Japanese,三段]. Earlier reports described him as a 5-dan.

76. Correio Paulistano 17-5-40.

77. Correio Paulistano 14-12-40.

78. Correio Paulistano 11-6-41.

79. Correio Paulistano 10-12-40; 13-12-40; 14-12-40.

80. Correio Paulistano 17-12-40.

.

Chapter 21

1941

1. The story of Carlos’ activities swindling friends and seducing young girls is told in detail by his daughter Reila Gracie (2008). As far as Carlos Gracie’s sources of income, it appears that apart from Oscar Santa Maria, there weren’t any.

2. Gracie 2008、p. 188. Most of Carlos’ girlfriends were employed as domestics in his house.

3. Gracie 2008, pp. 179-180.

4. Diario de Noticias 22-1-41 [A queixosa conta que se empregara na casa de Carlos Gracie e, mais tarde, tornando-se sua alumna de ‘jiu-jitsu’, fez com elle exhibicões publicas. Lida disse ainda que o denunciado Ihe prometteu casamento e, dizendo-se entendido em astrologia, tirou um horoscopo para concluir que ela seria sua esposa].

5. Diario de Noticias 10-7-41.

6. Diario de Noticias 4-9-41 [Carlos Gracie deve ser condenado a um ano de prisão cellular]. According to Reila Gracie, Carlos served least two months of a six month sentence (Gracie 2008, pp. 179-80).

7. Correio Paulistano 16-10-38.

8. Correio Paulistano 6-4-41 [“Secretaria da Educação e Suade Publica: Foi exonerado o sr. Gastão Gracie Junior do cargo de professor de ataque e defesa (jiu-jitsu) do departmento de educação physica”].

9. Sport Illustrado 3-4-41 no. 156. p. 11: “Yano, o jovem japonez discipulo do Conde Koma, que é mestre nas quedas, empolgou a assistencia com a sua maneira, apparentemente facil, de tombar George Gracie, seu valoroso contendor brasileiro. E se não fosse a calma e perfeita defensiva de Gracie, por certo Yano sehiria vencedor.” And “Todas estas quedas podem ser seguidas de immediato e novo ataque na lona”.

10. Correio de S. Paulo 14-4-34 [“….da vinda um luctador de jiu-jitsu, alumno do conde de Koma, se acha actualmente no Pará….esse japonez é um profundo conhecedor da lucta nipponica e que poderá fazer successo em nossos rings, contra os mais destacados elementos”].

11. Correio Paulistano 6-10-39.

12. Diario de Noticias 4-9-41.

13. The “nascimento” [birth] announcement appeared in Correio Paulistano on Saturday March 29. “Filho” means “junior”, or a son with the same first name as his father. Brazilians used both words.

14. Diario de Noticias 26-9-41.

15. Diario de Noticias 27-9-41.

16. Diario de Noticias 4-10-41.

17. O Radical 24-9-41.

18. Diario de Noticias 4-10-41.

19. Diario de Noticias 28-9-41.

20. Diario de Noticias 5-10-41.

21. Diario de Noticias 5-10-41.

22. They had been murdering East Europeans since 1933 (Snyder 2011).

23. Bullock, 1991.

24. Diario Carioca 18-11-41.

25. Vida Domestica, November 1941, p. 66-A.

26. Kohyama, 1997, p. 214. To be more precise, Kohyama says that an unnamed Brazilian magazine said that Koma said “日本の水が飲みたい.、日本に帰りたい”].

.

Chapter 22

1942-1945

1. A Noite 19-1-42.

2. Correio da Manha 20-1-42.

3. A Noite 29-1-42.

4. Esportes Illustrado 11-6-42, p. 19 by Roberval Rodrigues.

5. Esportes Illustrado 11-6-42.

6. Gracie 2008, chp. 19.

7. Gazete de Noticias 13-3-43.

8. Gazeta de Noticias 21-3-43.

9. Gazeta de Noticias 9-4-43.

10. Diario de Noticias 22-5-43; 23-5-43.

11. A Noite 28-9-43; Esportes Illustrado 11-6-42 [“Eurico Rocha entrou com uma queixa-crime contra a seu antigo pupilo”].

12. See chapter 19.

13. Diario da Noite 7-9-43 [“contraria aos interesses do verdadeiro jiu-jitsu”].

14. Diario da Noite 7-9-43 [“Não se conhece o bom professor de jiu-jitsu lutando. Até nisso Helio demonstra em publica que não é o technico que se diz; A pessoa pode ser um bom lutador, mas um mau professor…Helio não saiba as boas qualidades de um bom technico de jiu-jitsu”].

15. Diario da Noite 7-9-43. Manoel Rocha fought Carlos Pereira on October 4, 1941. Maia mentioned a re-match with Rocha, implying that they fought at least once, and possibly twice in (probably) 1943.

16. Diario da Noite 1-10-43.

17. McCann, 1995, note 3.

18. McCann, 1995.

19. A Noite 28-9-43.

20. Brazil was far from unique in this regard. The loyalties of people of enemy nations was a concern in every country on both sides of the conflict.

21. A Noite 15-10-43.

22. Diario da Noite 29-12-43; Gazeta de Noticias 30-12-43.

23. Diario Carioca 12-8-44; 29-8-44.

24. Latorre de Faria definitely studied jiu-jitsu with Jose Barbosa (A Noite 26-8-32). According to Andrade de Melo 2008, he also studied with Geo Omori.

25. Diario de Noticias 31-3-46.

26. Andrade de Melo 2008.

27. Diario de Noticias 10-11-44.

28. Correio da Manha 6-3-45.

29. Diario de Noticias 6-9-45.

30. See chapter 21.

.

Chapter 23

1946

1. Bullock 1991.

2. McCann 1995.

3. White 1942; Tsuda 2001.

4. Riechl 1995, pp. 43.

5. Rocha, 2008; Tsuda 2001.

6. See Choque Volume 2, forthcoming.

7. Jornal de Noticias, 24-7-46.

8. See Choque Volume 2, forthcoming.

9. Jornal de Noticias 24-7-46.

10. Jornal de Noticias 28-7-46.

11. Jornal de Noticias 2-8-46.

12. Mundo Esportivo 18-10-46; Jornal de Noticias 24-10-46 [“Yano perdendo por nocaute”].

13. Mundo Esportivo 18-10-46.

14. Jornal de Noticias 23-8-46.

15. Jornal de Noticias 28-8-46.

16. Jornal de Noticias 25-9-46.

17. Jornal de Noticias 3-10-46; Mundo Esportivo 11-10-46.

18. A Noite 9-10-46; 12-10-46; 14-10-46; Diario de Noticias 12-10-46; 13-10-46.

19. Jornal de Noticias 17-10-46.

20. Mundo Esportivo 18-10-46; Jornal de Noticias 23-10-46.

21. Jornal de Noticias 30-10-46.

22. A Noite 15-11-46 [“mais tarde soube-se que o heroico salvador fora o professor de cultura fisica Helio Gracie”]. The incident later became part of the “Gracie myth”. According to Pat Jordan’s 1989 Playboy article about Rorion Gracie, “Once, Helio dived into the turbulent, shark-infested Atlantic Ocean to save a man from drowning and was given his nation’s Medal of Honour for his heroism” (The medal of honor [the Honra ao Merito displayed in the Gracie Academy], was dated April 9, 1952. and was awarded by the Standard Oil Company). According to Rorion Gracie’s 2006 A História do Gracie Jiu-Jitsu, the superman [super-homem] Helio Gracie won the medal of Honor [medalha de Honra ao Mérito] by jumping into a shark-infested Atlantic Ocean to save a drowning man [pular nas águas infestadas de tubarões]. Reila Gracie (2008, p. 219-220), adds a previously unmentioned detail. After quoting an interview with Helio published in Correio de Ceará on March 27, 1947, she reveals that Carlos Gracie was also on the ship. Carlos was unable to save the man himself, because he was sea-sick, but persuaded Helio to do it by foretelling that the sharks would not attack him. The original A Noite article did not mention anything about sharks or oceanic turbulence, but perhaps jumping into the ocean to save a stranger is heroic enough by everyday standards. Research shows that most people would do nothing, even when there is no risk to themselves (let alone sharks) which is why it is newsworthy when someone does do something.

23. Jornal de Noticias 4-12-46.

24. Mundo Esportivo 20-12-46; Jornal de Noticias 19-12-46; 20-12-46.

25. Masuda 2011, p. 335.

.

Chapter 24

1947

1. Jornal de Noticias 8-1-47.

2. Correio da Manha 10-1-47.

3. Jornal de Noticias 15-1-47.

4. Jornal de Noticias 18-1-47.

5. Jornal de Noticias 22-1-47.

6. Jornal de Noticias 24-1-47.

7. Mundo Esportivo 7-2-47,

8. Mundo Esportivo 7-2-47; 21-2-47.

9. Mundo Esportivo 7-2-47: Jornal de Noticias 8-2-47.

10. Jornal de Noticias 26-2-47.

11. Mundo Esportivo 28-2-47.

12. Jornal de Noticias 5-3-47.

13. A Noite 7-3-47.

14. Jornal de Noticias 8-3-47. It is not unlikely that all of the jiu-jitsu stylists were Ono students. Giro Matsui may have been a variant spelling of Ono’s student Seizo Matsuy. Jin Assahira was probably the same as Jun Assahama.

15. Diario Carioca 2-12-47.

16. Esporte Illustrado 11-9-47.

17. Jornal de Noticias 12-3-47.

18. Mundo Esportivo 14-3-47

19. Jornal de Noticias 18-3-47.

20. Mundo Esportivo 21-3-47.

21. Jornal de Noticias, 22-3-47.

22. Jornal de Noticias 28-3-47.

23. Jornal de Noticias 1-4-47; 2-4-47.

24. Mundo Esportivo 18-4-47.

25. Jornal de Noticias 19-4-47.

26. Diario de Noticias 3-6-47.

27. Joe Louis successfully and consecutively defended his title 26 times. At the time of his challenge of Joe Louis, Helio Gracie’s career record was twelve matches of various types, winning six, losing one, and drawing five (6-1-5). Two of the matches permitted striking. Neither of the two strikers (Antonio Portugal and Dudú) was remotely of the caliber of Joe Louis. Helio might have beaten Joe Louis, but his reasons for thinking he could were entirely theoretical.

28. Bethell 2010.

29. Roberts 2003, chp. 9.

30. Jornal de Noticias 4-1-47; 31-1-47.

31. Jornal de Noticias 25-2-47.

32. If it was true that a Japanese academy certified Helio prior to June 1947, it was not reported before or since.

33. Lavoura e Comercio 30-7-43. The article said that an “amateur boxer had defeated a jiu-jitsu stylist [“um ‘boxeur’ amador norte-americano e um praticante de ‘jiu-jitsu’, luta que terminara com a vitoria do primerio”]. It could not have been referring to the Sam MacVea versus Matsuda fight, because MacVea was a professional boxer.

34. A Noite 6-6-47.

35. A Noite 19-6-47.

36. See Choque Vol. 2, forthcoming.

37. Jornal de Noticias 6-7-47; 8-7-47 Braz (also spelled Bras) was a frequent participant in the Pacaembú preliminaries. Godofredo was as well. It is not absolutely certain that the Braz (Bras) was Braz Gomes (or even Braz II). There was an amateur fighter from Portugal named João Braz (A Manhã 25-11-47; 27-11-47). The “Braz” in question may have been either one, or a third entirely different individual. Jiu-jitsu matches were identified as such, otherwise a luta livre match was assumed. On July 10, Bras faced Miranda, and Godofredo faced Kian. Godofredo confronted Miranda on January 13, 1948 (Jornal de Noticias 13-1-48).

38. A Manhã 20-11-47; 29-11-47 Correio da Manhã 22-11-47; Diario Carioca 21-11-47.

39. A Noite 20-11-47.

40. Gazeta de Noticias 27-7-48.

41. Gazeta de Noticias 31-7-48.

.

Chapter 25

1948

1. Jornal de Noticias 15-1-48. Nick Policeman was also referred to as “Nick the Policeman”. His real name was Nicholas Blazza Ellich. Adorée’s real name was Alberto Bafert (Gazeta de Noticias 31-7-48). Zbyscko’s and Strika’s names and almost everyone else’s, were also spelled in many different ways.

2. Jornal de Noticias 29-1-48; 3-1-48; 1-2-48.

3. Mundo Esportivo 25-10-46.

4. Jornal de Noticias 12-2-48.

5. Jornal do Brasil 29-1-48.

6. Diario de S. Luiz 21-2-48.

7. Diario de Noticias 24-7-34.

8. Jornal de Noticias 18-2-48.

9. Diario de Noticias 21-2-48; Jornal de Noticias 21-2-48. Rocca’s name was also written Roca and Rocha.

10. Jornal de Noticias 3-3-48). Brutus’ brother Tony also engaged in professional catch wrestling. He performed with several former heavyweight boxers, including Primo Carnera in New Jersey (O Globo Sportivo 3-9-48). Tony was well-known in Brazilian sports circles from his days as a boxer. One famous Brazilian boxer, Loffredinho, even adopted Tony’s training method of drinking beer (O Globo Sportivo 13-4-40). Tony was affectionately, or derisively, known as “Gordo Cervejeiro,” and “Barril de Chopp,” [roughly meaning “Fat Bartender” and “Beer Barrel Tony”] and other nicknames. Tony was not an artful boxer, but he could knock people out with one shot and any fighter who can do that is going to fill seats. Name-recognition in one field can sometimes be valuable in others. By 1946 Tony was working as a referee in catch wrestling matches, as did many other former boxers (O Globo Sportivo 13-12-46). As there was better pay for fighting than officiating, he also climbed between the ropes as a wrestler. Given his style of boxing and ring nicknames “The King of Fouls” [“O Rei dos Fouls”], and “Clown of Boxing” [“Palhaço do Pugilismo”] it was probably a natural transition for him. Tony continued catch wrestling until at least 1953 when he was in Brazil to face Antonio Rocca in series of matches in São Paulo (Diario Carioca 19-8-53). Catch probably paid less than boxing but in compensation he didn’t have to be punched in the face by people like Joe Louis and Max Baer. Even less painful was movie acting. Tony had a small but illustrious career in Hollywood, appearing with Marlon Brando (and two other Joe Louis KO victims, Tami Mauriello and Abe Simon), in Sindicato de Ladrões, or as it was called in North America, On the Waterfront (Cine Reporter 12-11-55). He also appeared in the musical comedy The Best Things in Life are Free (Cine Reporter 13-7-57), and the drama Wind across the Everglades (Cine Reporter 12-12-59). All three were major motion pictures and one was a certified classic. (Not bad for a man whose claims to fame were that he could throw a hard left hook and liked beer).

11. Jornal de Noticias 6-3-48.

12. Jornal de Noticias 10-3-48.

13. Jornal de Noticias 14-3-48,

14. Gazeta de Noticias 19-7-41; O Impracial 22-7-41; 24-7-41.

15. Jornal de Noticias 17-3-48.

16. In 1946, or sometime before, Ruhmann suffered a serious arm injury [“há já algum tempo, sofreu perigosa fratura num dos braços”] and was not expected to be able to recover sufficiently to fight again [“houve quem pensasse que Rumã não pudesse mais exercer sua atividades de lutador”]. But he did (Mundo Esportivo 1-11-46).

17. Jornal de Noticias 20-3-48, Concerning Adhemar de Barros, see chapter 17.

18. A Noite 7-5-48. At the time Olaguivel (as spelled Olaguibel) was 32 years old and depending on the source and time, weighed between 112 and 150 kilos. He was 129 kilos at just about the time that George signed to meet him (Diario do Paraná 21-6-47).

19. Gracie 2008, chp. 28.

20. See chapter 14.

21. Diario Carioca 25-5-48, p. 11.

22. According to Gracie (2008, chp. 28), the book was divided into five chapters, titled Conhece-te a ti mesmo [Knowing Yourself], Mente sã, [mental health], Corpo sã, [physical health], Álcool, [alcohol] and O Fumo [smoking].

23. Gracie, 2008, p. 232.

24. Diario de Noticias 3-7-48.

25. Paranã-Norte 22-7-48. The article incorrectly stated that Yano was undefeated in South America. It also mentioned that he had enjoyed great success in Curitiba among other cities. In fact, the Torneio Internacional de Lutas Livres appeared in Curitiba at Pavilhão Olimpico from June 5, 1947 (Diario do Paraná 21-6-47). Evidence is lacking for how long the company remained in Curitiba but Yano’s next appearance was in Rio February of 1948.

26. Diario de Noticias, 31-7-48.

27. Diario de Noticias 31-7-48.

28. Gazeta de Noticias 31-7-48.

29. Diario de Noticias 31-7-48.

30. Boskovic 2005.

31. DaMatta 1984, cited in Duarte 2011, p. 35 See also Holston 2007 for discussion.

32. Diario de Noticias 31-8-48. Diario Carioca 31-8-38.

33. Diario Carioca 9-9-48. Some reports said that Karadagian was from Argentina, which was not unlikely. Many immigrants to Brazil first went to Argentina or other countries (Sanchez-Albornoz 1986, p. 128).

34. Correio da Manhã 6-11-71. The Brazilian press continued to use the name Cassius Clay in addition and in preference to “Muhammad Ali” throughout the 1970’s and even beyond (Cassius Clay became Muhammad Ali after dethroning Sonny Liston fight in 1964). When Rickson Gracie, in the 1980’s, cited as an example of an excellent boxer, he mentioned “Cassius Clay”. Incidentally, it was not because he was afraid of wrestlers that Clay/Ali did respond to Karagadian’s challenge (if he noticed it at all, or took it seriously―he was after all the foremost master of attracting media attention by challenging people). He did fight a pro wrestler named Antonio Inoki (real name Inoki Kanji). Coincidentally or not, Inoki had lived in Brazil and his brother operated a karate school in Ipanema (Global-Training-Report.com/shotokan.htm).

35. Diario Carioca 14-9-28; Jornal do Brasil 14-9-48.

36. A Noite 20-9-48.

37. Diario Carioca 18-9-48.

38. Roberts 2010, p. 249.

39. Sports Illustrado 26-9-40. p. 29. In “Pugilismo: Victimas do Ring”, Alcides Peter Santos recalled some of boxers who lost their lives or otherwise suffered as a result of their ring activities. One example was the Brazilian boxer Belmiro Alves, who died sometime after his fight with Cabo Verde. However, he mentioned even more boxers who did not suffer after long careers and many who prospered. Ironically, one of those was Joe Louis, whose crushing financial problems were yet to come.

40. Diario Carioca 25-9-48.

41. Diario Carioca 25-9-48.

42. A Noite 9-1-0-48.

43. O Radical 12-7-41. Baronti made his debut on Saturday July 7, 1941, against North American Tom Hanley.

44. Diario Carioca 2-10-48.

45. A Manhã 3-10-48.

46. Diario Carioca 16-10-48.

47. Diario Nacional 12-9-28. [“o publico que frequenta a nossa casa não tem prazer em apreciar muitas vezes a mesma luta”].

48. Diario Carioca 23-10-48.

49. A Noite 25-10-48.

50. In December of 1947 George called Antonio Rocca a “fake champion and offered to fight him for free [de graça], behind closed doors [de portas fechadas], for the press (A Noite 4-12-47). He made the same offer to all other bichos papões [boogey-men, or “imaginary monsters”] who had the audacity to pretend to be authentic champions.

51. A Manhã 31-10-48. [“…tão brilhante figura fez quando da sua estréla na semana passada”].

52. A Noite 28-10-48.

53. A Manhã 31-10-48; A Noite 1-11-48.

54. A Manhã 31-10-48.

55. A Manha 5-11-48.

56. Diario Carioca 5-11-48.

57. Gazeta de Noticias 6-11-48.

58. Esporte Ilustrado 2-12-48, p. 6. [“Dá um beijinho nele, bojudo; senão tua mãe tebate [sic] por teres machucado o menino. Isso sim, não e marmelada. Ė uma luta familiar, pois esses dois baiacas são irmãos”].

59. A Noite 8-11-48.

..

Chapter 26

1949

1. A Noite 4-6-49 [“sua diffusão em nosso meio, porem, não foi metodiza, surgindo os aproveitadores que se incumbriam de desmoraliser a terrivel arma de defesa dos japoneses. Aos poucos o jiu-jitsu foi desaparecendo até chegar ao estado atual de quase esquecimento”].

2. A Noite 28-5-49; Diario da Noite 31-5-49.

3. A Noite Illustrada 12-7-49.

4. Diario Carioca 13-3-49, p. 4 [“Justamente quando os esportes do ringue tinham caido num ostracismo lamentavel reviveu a Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo e entrou com disposição para recomeçar uma luta perdida, isto é, trabalhar pelo amadorismo, quer no pugilismo, quer na luta livre”].

5. Diario Carioca 13-3-49, p. 4 [“As temporadas internacionais de ‘catch-as-catch-can’ tiveram um objetivo de parte da Federação Metropolitana de Pugilismo: angariar fundos para difundir o pugilismo amador”].

6. Diario da Noite 21-11-49.

7. Diario Carioca 22-8-58.

8. See Hoare 2011 for an excellent discussion of this aspect of judo history.

9. Older forms of expression were “valer tudo” and “valendo tudo.” What they meant concretely depended on the contract for each particular match, but they always implied some degree of striking, either genuine or simulated, in addition to grappling, usually but not always sem kimono [without kimono].

10. “….at least since the late nineteenth century physical torture [in Brazil] has been routine in interrogating non-elite prisoners…..under normal police procedures suspects were treated according to their apparent social status” (Skidmore 1988, p. 125). Most fighters would fall under the classification of “non-elite”. Later, the security agencies stopped discriminating. They tortured everyone.

.

Epilogue

1. North Americans were aware that jiu-jitsu had essentially died out, and had been revived, reformed, and renamed by Jigaro Kano (The Times Dispatch [Richmond, VA], April 2, 1905.

2. The “diploma” was actually a farewell letter [sobetsunokotoba,送別の詞] written or signed by Masunaga Yokichi, the Nagasaki prefecture chief of police [Nagasaki-ken keibuchou,長崎県警部長]. It was not a diploma of any kind, much less a jiu-jitsu diploma, and did not qualify him as a “professor”. It also was not awarded by the Japanese government. However, O’Brien really had learned jiu-jitsu for a period of about two years, between 1898 and 1900, according to the sobetsunokotoba, which was dated明治三十三年一月二十日 (January 20, 1900). To be fair to O’Brien, it was not he himself who claimed to have the diploma, but rather John F. McDonald who did. McDonald was associated with something called American College of Physical Culture and Jiu-jitsu. McDonald wrote the introduction to John J. O’Brien’s book A Complete Course of Jiu-Jitsu and Physical Culture. The sobetsunokotoba was reproduced on the title page, untranslated. Americans who were unable to read Japanese (i.e., almost everyone) undoubtedly assumed that it was what it was claimed to be, a “Jiu-Jitsu Diploma, received from the Governor of Nagasaki, Japan”. Coincidentally, American College of Physical Culture and Jiu-jitsu held the copyright to the book. There is also the possibility that O’Brien and John F. McDonald were the same individual.

3. O'Brien, J. (1902, March 10). Letter from John J. O'Brien to George B. Cortelyou. Theodore Roosevelt Papers, Manuscripts division. Library of Congress (www.theodorerooseveltcenter.org).

4. Roosevelt began his lessons sometime between March 10 and March 19, 1902. On March 20, an article appeared in The Evening World titled “How the President is taught Jiu-Jitsu” featuring John. O’Brien.

5. Yamashita was accompanied by Tsunejiro Tomita and Mitsuyo Maeda. All three had been teaching at Harvard University (The San Francisco Call, January 23, 1905, p. 6).

6. According to The Evening Star, September 16, 1904, p. 14, “The war between Japan and Russia has brought to notice what promises to be a most interesting and popular amusement all over the United States this coming winter, the wonderful art of jiu-jitsu, literally interpreted “the gentle art”, which until the present war brought it to general notice, has been jealously guarded as a national secret in Japan for more than two thousand years….before the war, by an imperial edict, the masters of jiu-jitsu were not allowed to teach it outside of Japan, and no foreigner has ever before received official instruction from one who has taken the highest degree in the science”.

7. The Evening Star, January 14, 1905, p. 8.

8. Advertisements for the Yabe School of Jiu-Jitsu, based in Rochester, New York, and articles about and interviews with Yabe were written in a prose style that was remarkably similar to that of John. F. McDonald (see note 2 above).

9. Black Belt, July, 1998, p. 60.

10. This is not a new phenomenon. See Heather 2009, and Norris 1990, for many and varied examples.

.

Appendix 1

Fighters

1. Conde Koma and his troupes sometimes appeared on stage the same day they arrived in the location. Other times they were in town for as long as a month before their stage debut. Koma and the first troupe were in São Paulo no later than Friday September 25, 1914, until at least October 20. Their precise movements are uncertain after that. They may have stayed in town or they may have ventured to nearby locations, together or separately, to perform or to attend to personal matters. They had already been in Ribeiro Preto, in São Paulo State, for at least several days by December 29, 1914. They were in Rio no later than Saturday April 3, 1915 until at least May 21. They were reported in Bello Horizonte in Minas, on June 6, and Juiz da Fóra in São Paulo State, on June 24. They were back in Rio by July 15. They left for Recife on August 3, traveling by ship, stopping off along the way, arriving on August 26. They closed out their show in Recife on September 6. They were in Belém do Pará from November 18, 1915 or earlier, until possibly as late as December 2, 1915. They were in São Luiz (in Maranhão) on December 7, and in Manaus by January 16, 1916. (According to Souza (2010, p. 58) the troupe was in Manaus on December 18, 1915.)

2. The types of fights the jiu-jitsu representatives participated in included exhibition matches, stage shows, circus acts, officially sanctioned amateur tournaments, professional matches, and preliminary amateur matches in professional shows. Some fights were straight jiu-jitsu, some were straight luta livre, some were mixed grappling styles, some were mixed grappling versus striking, and some were vale tudo (everything permitted). On a few occasions the jiu-jitsu representative confronted a representative of a second style, in a match according to rules of a third style, for example a jiu-jitsu man and a luta romana man in a boxing match, or a jiu-jitsu man and a capoeira in a catch match. Non-jiu-jitsu representatives occasionally took part in straight jiu-jitsu matches (they are listed in the “Rivals” section). Consult appropriate chapter and appendices for additional information.

3. Rivals, on any given occasion (with a few exceptions), represented either grappling (luta romana, luta livre, catch) or striking (capoeiragem, boxing), or both (vale tudo). The exceptions were those who had no training or ring experience. Refer to main text for details. Dates are years during which the individual worked/fought with a jiu-jitsu representative, not his overall career.

4. Toon was scheduled to meet George Gracie January 5, 1930.

5. Gabriel (possibly Gabriel Pena) was scheduled to meet George Gracie January 19, 1930.

6. Many fighters also refereed fights.

7. A jiu-jitsu academy was any place where people taught, learned, and trained jiu-jitsu. The difference between a club and an academy was one of degree. Clubs sometimes had highly qualified instructors, sometimes not. The primary difference was the extensiveness of the schedule as permitted by having access to a definite and suitably equipped facility for a fixed period of time. Some academies were located within sports clubs, some in military installations, some in hotels, theaters, and office buildings, some in private residences. The names below are not necessarily the official names of any club or academy. Most were simply “Academia de Jiu-Jitsu”, or in the case of clubs, were simply options in the club’s schedule of activities. In case the academy was announced as a “new school of jiu-jitsu” [nova escola de jiu-jitsu] without a name, it is listed below simply as “Escola de Jiu-Jitsu”.

.

Appendix 2

Fights

1. With a few exceptions, the matches listed were public fights with pre-set rules in front of a paying audience.Some matches were scheduled as preliminaries to main events, and the main event was reported but preliminaries were not. Demonstrations of self-defense techniques are not included. Fighters’ names are written as they were reported (so a few appear with multiple spellings of their names. In a few cases, it is not certain who the individual was. Refer to main text for detail.

2. Koma and Satake had at least one meeting prior to this, between September 25 and October 2.

3. Probably May 11.

4. Date was either May 17 or May 18.

5. One ad said Shimuzu vs. Okura, another said Shimizu vs. Conde Koma.

6. Oliveira was limited to self-defense only. (See text for discussion).

7. According to Cairus 2010, p. 34, citing O Tempo 28-12-15, a fight was scheduled for December at the Polytheama in Manaus.

8. According to A Batalha 23-3-33.

9. Both 1916 fights with Leconte, according to Cairus 2011, citing O Tempo, and Folha do Norte.

10. According to Cairus 2010, citing Folha do Norte 9-7-29;

11. According to Cairus 2010, citing Folha do Norte 12-7-20.

12. Francisco and Ritter were probably the same individual, namely Francisco Ritter.

13. This was rematch of a previous Omori vs Dudú meeting that ended in a draw after 3 hours. Other information is lacking.

14. This was a rematch of a fight that ended in a draw.

15. Possibly Eberle Haubert.

16. Possibly Antonio Maia.

17. Lutador Lusitano refers to an unspecified Portuguese fighter.

18 . Stack was probably Luiz Stock.

19. This was a return match, meaning they had met at least once previously.

20. Jin Assahira was probably Jun Assahama.

21. According to Mundo Esportivo (14-3-47), Yano fought and defeated Gattoni, some time just previous to March 12.

22. Probable date.

23. No professional jiu-jitsu fights were reported in 1949.

.

Appendix 3

Lineages

1. [“Seu estilo ao lutar era agressivo―usava chutes e soccos para lever o adversario ao solo, onde rapidamente o finalizava com uma chave ou um estrangulamento”] (Gracie 2008, p. 37).

2. According to Nunes (2011, p. 62) Yano died in Belo Horizonte sometime in the 1980’s. Regrettably the sources Nunes cites do not seem to provide the relevant information about Yano.

3. In addition to the above, Carlos Gracie claimed to have learned from Conde Koma. He claim was doubted by journalists who cared enough to have an opinion, and was denied by Koma’s student Donato Pires dos Reis. Oswaldo Gracie also claimed, although not often, to have learned directly from Conde Koma. Koma taught for many years in Belém. There is at least one photograph of him with seven students wearing modern judo gis. A fact easily forgotten is that a Conde Koma lineage was not of any particular value until Rorion Gracie made it the starting point of his story in 1988. Before that, it is likely that anyone descending from Conde Koma would have sought affiliation within the judo community.

4. Takeo Yano spent some time with Conde Koma in Belém and was described as a “discipulo” implying that he was student of sorts. Yano had already graduated at the 3-dan level (after only one year) from the Kodokan before coming to Brazil [“gradou-se, em doze mezes, com a titulo de faixa preta, 3.0 grau”] (Correio Paulistano 6-10-39).

.

Appendix 4

Glossary

1. “A few years ago luta livre became increasingly rare and the number of fans shrank. But just when it seemed that the sport was about to completely disappear, something new suddenly happened and the sport achieved a surprising level of popularity. “Catch-as-catch-can” in North America, where this report was filed, became for a time as successful at the box-office as boxing. Why? Because the fans, consciously or not, responded to the theatrical aspects of the shows more than the sports aspects.” [“A poucos annos atrás de raro em raro se realizava um espectaculo de luta livre. E era diminuta a frequencia, pois tae, encontros contavem, tambem, com um reduzido numero de aficionados. Mas de repente, quando se previa o seu complete desappraecimento, esse sport tomou um impulse desconcertante, ganhando uma surprehendente popularidade. Na America do Norte, donde procede a presente reportagem, a renda de bilheteria apurada nas exhibições de “catch-as-catch-can” igualava-se, durante algum tempo, com os espectaculos de box. E por que? Ė que a assistencia, parte conscientemente e outra não, passou a applaudir uma representação theatral, ao invés de competição sportiva.”] (O Globo Sportiva 26-8-39, p. 10).

2. Esporte Illustrado 8-12-49, p. 18; 15-12-49, pp. 17-18.

3. On Thursday April 7, 1949, the semi-finals of the Campeonato Carioca de Luta Livre Olimpica were held (seven matches), as the preliminary segment in a “mixed show” [Espectaculo Misto] at Estadio Carioca on avenida Passos that featured a catch match between Peruano and Az de Ouro, a “catch versus capoeira” match between Lobo and Garrido, and a capoeira match between Perez and Rudolph Hermanny [who later became a well-known judoka]. The capoeiristas represented different regional styles, Perez the Bahia style of mestre Bimba, Hermanny the Carioca style of Sinhôzinho (Diario Carioca 7-4-49). The Campeonato Carioca de Luta Livre Olimpica was intended as a prelude to the Campeonato Brasileiro de Luta Livre Olimpica, to take place between July and December, 1949.

4. [”…jiu-jitsu, modalidade de jogo semelhante á luta livre, cuja differençe maior está no kimono”] (A Noite 26-6-34).

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Author

Roberto Pedreira is one of the numerous pseudonyms of R. A. Pedreira. He plays guitar, diatonic and chromatic harmonica, and keyboards. He has studied with Joe Henderson and performed with John Lee Hooker, among other jazz and blues legends. He worked his way through graduate school by playing guitar and harmonica in local nightclubs, low-life dives, and kicker bars in Austin, Texas. He acquired basic boxing skills as a kid and become interested in boxing history, which eventually led him to other martial arts and ring/mat sports, particularly Muay Thai and Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu. He has trained in Brazil, Thailand, Japan, and Korea, among other countries. He has black belts in several martial arts, including Brazilian jiu-jitsu (see Jiu-jitsu in the South Zone 1997-2008 for details).

Roberto Pedreira’s writings have been published in The Journal of Social Psychology, The International Journal of Psychology, Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Asian Journal of Psychology, Journal of North East Asian Studies, Language and Communication, Visible Language, Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, Proceedings of the U.S. Naval Institute, The Austin American-Statesman, The Japan Times, The Korea Herald, Black Belt, and others.

Choque: The Untold Story of Jiu-Jitsu in Brazil Vol. 1, 1856-1949 is the second volume in a trilogy. The first was Jiu-jitsu in the South Zone 1997-2008, published in 2013. The third will be Choque: The Untold Story of Jiu-Jitsu in Brazil Vol. 2, 1950-1999, to be published in 1915.

Acknowledgments

The author thanks Yoko Kondo for help with the Japanese translations, and Derek Mayhew for preparing the graphics and designing the book’s cover. Thanks also to capitalism and amazon.com for making the project possible. It goes without saying that the resources provided by the Fundação Biblioteca Nacional were indispensable.

Illustrations

**

*

Figure 1. Luta Romana in Rio 1879.

Figure 2. Nicolau Pytlazinsky became the first world luta romana champion in 1887 when he defeated the invincible Paul Pons of France.

Figure 3. Paul Pons, luta romana champion of France.

Figure 4. Gambier, French vice-champion of luta romana.

Figure 5. Luta romana bridge.

Figure 6. Luta romana “prise de tête” (Portuguese, prisão de cabaeça).

Figure 7. Luta romana hip toss.

Figure 8. Luta romana hip lock.

Figure 9. One early avenue of transmission of jiu-jitsu into Brazil was the 1906 translation of Irving Hancocks’ book.

Figure 10. Boxing versus Jiu-Jitsu. Sam MacVea, wearing kimono top, knocks out Jiu-Jitsu representative Matsuda in 1908.

Figure 11. Sada Miyako versus Arnaldo Jose Ferreira, Rio, 1909.

Figure 12. Sada Miyako versus the man who defeated Raku in Lisbon.

Figure 13. Sada Miyako versus four men, 1909.

Figure 14. Professor of Sport Japonez, Sada Miyako versus “Rich Jorje” (Rich Jorge), Wednesday April 28, 1909.

Figure 15. English boxing in Rio, sharing the stage with luta romana, 1913. Special match between João Baldi and Ambroise le Suisse.

Figure 16. Grand tournament of jiu-jitsu with Raku, the invincible Japanese fighter who has never been defeated, Rio, 1909. (Raku didn’t arrive).

Figure 17. Conde Koma’s best Brazilian student, Jacyntho Ferro. Photograph published one year before Ferro met Conde Koma in 1915.

Figure 18. Conde KomaTroupe in São Paulo, Sunday October 11, 1914.

Figure 19. Conde Koma in Rio, 1915.

Figure 20. Conde Koma versus Lisboa tomorrow, in Rio, 1915.

Figure 21. Conde Koma teaching civil guards in Rio, 1915.

Figure 22. Conde Koma and troupe, Maranhão 1915. Luku (Raku) scheduled to face Leonel Silva tomorrow.

Figure 23. Jiu-jitsu professor Mario Aleixo and students, Rio, 1915.

Figure 24. Mario Aleixo (standing, center) and students, Rio 1916.

Figure 25. Mario Aleixo jiu-jitsu technique “tesoura” 1922.

Figure 26. Mario Aleixo demonstrating the jiu-jitsu “Bahiana”, 1922.

Figure 27. Mario Aleixo demonstrating “joelhada” (knee strike), 1922.

Figure 28. Mario Aleixo demonstrating a self-defense technique, 1922.

Figure 29. Mario Aleixo demonstrating a self-defense technique, 1922.

Figure 30. Mario Aleixo demonstrating a self-defense technique, 1922.

Figure 31. Mario Aleixo demonstrating a self-defense technique, 1922.

Figure 32. Mario Aleixo demonstrating a self-defense technique against boxing, 1922.

Figure 33. Mario Aleixo demonstrating a self-defense technique against a bear-hug, 1922.

Figure 34. Mario Aleixo, showing ground positions from his personal style of self-defense, a combination or jiu-jitsu and capoeiragem. Above trapping arm, below “high mount”.

Figure 35. Dontao Pires dos Reis (left), said to be the only Brazilian with a diploma from Conde Koma, 1930.

Figure 36. Manoel Rufino dos Santos, professor of Luta Livre. He beat Carlos Gracie in the ring and paid painfully for it.

Figure 37. Donato Pires dos Reis in his new academy of jiu-jitsu on rua Marquez Abrantes 106, in 1930, with his two “monitors”.

Figure 38. Former luta romana champion. João Baldi (left), at age 50, preparing to do battle with a representative of “jiu-jitsu”, 1931.

Figure 39. Young “Strongman” from São Paulo named Sanson (on bottom) promised to “break” jiu-jitsu representative Geo Omori in half, 1931.

Figure 40. The man with the “muscles of steel”, Roberto Ruhmann, vowed to teach Geo Omori a lesson, 1932.

Figure 41. Geo Omori, publicity photo, c. 1932.

Figure 42. Kodokan graduate Geo Omori demonstrating scientific technique on newspaper editor, c. 1932.

Figure 43. Albino da Costa “o Indigesto”, student of Geo Omori, fought boxer Tavares Crespo in 1933.

Figure 44. Jose Barbosa, jiu-jitsu professor, Rio, 1932.

Figure 45. Complete course of jiu-jitsu was 36 lessons.

Figure 46. Body-building versus jiu-jitsu. The first notable vale tudo fight in Brazil, 1933.

Figure 47. Luta Livre techniques, 1933.

Figure 48. Gracie Academy luta livre representatives (left to right) Jose Cayat, Ary Martini, Edward Stone, Francisco Lima, and Roberto Villa, 1934.

Figure 49. Kodokan graduate and exponent of “modern jiu-jitsu” Yassuiti Ono on attack (top). Old-school representative will soon be tapping to a choke, 1937.

Figure 50. Do you want to always win the lottery? Learn the secret techniques. Send for free booklet, 1933-1938.

Table of Contents

ALSO BY ROBERTO PEDREIRA

Preface

Chapter 1 1856-1899

Chapter 2 1900-1908

Chapter 3 1909

Chapter 4 1910-1913

Chapter 5 1914

Chapter 6 1915

Chapter 7 1916-1927

Chapter 8 1928

Chapter 9 1929

Chapter 10 1930

Chapter 11 1931

Chapter 12 1932

Chapter 13 1933

Chapter 14 1934

Chapter 15 1935

Chapter 16 1936

Chapter 17 1937

Chapter 18 1938

Chapter 19 1939

Chapter 20 1940

Chapter 21 1941

Chapter 22 1942-1945

Chapter 23 1946

Chapter 24 1947

Chapter 25 1948

Chapter 26 1949

Epilogue

Appendices

Chapter Notes

References

Author

Acknowledgments

Illustrations